DOCSLIB.ORG

Xenophobia' and Collective Mobilization in a South African Settlement: the Politics of Exclusion at the Threshold of the State

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Xenophobia' and Collective Mobilization in a South African Settlement: the Politics of Exclusion at the Threshold of the State The London School of Economics and Political Science CITIZENSHIP, 'XENOPHOBIA' AND COLLECTIVE MOBILIZATION IN A SOUTH AFRICAN SETTLEMENT: THE POLITICS OF EXCLUSION AT THE THRESHOLD OF THE STATE Tamlyn Jane Monson A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology of The London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, August 2015 Supervisor: Prof Chetan Bhatt Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree at the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). Certain findings from this study were published in the following format during the course of my studies, with authorization from the Research Degrees Unit at the London School of Economics: Monson, Tamlyn. 2015. Everyday politics and collective mobilization against foreigners in a South African shack settlement. Africa, 85(1), pp 131-153 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 103,026 words. 2 Citizenship, 'xenophobia' and collective mobilization in a South African settlement: The politics of exclusion at the threshold of the state Abstract This thesis develops a layered historical, ethnographic and theoretical analysis of ‘xenophobic' mobilisation and informal residence in South Africa. It explores the role of historically and spatially defined political identities in shaping exclusionary collective mobilization in the informal settlement, countering notions of ‘xenophobia’ as an effect of poverty, racism, elite manipulation, or psychological pathology. It argues that, in a context of stratified citizenship, ‘exclusionary’ mobilization by infra-citizens may be directed toward fuller citizenship and inclusion rather than toward the exclusion of a racial, cultural or ethnic other. Moving from the national to the local scale, and using a combination of archival data, documentary analysis, and ethnographic field research, I demonstrate how the South African squatter camp emerged as a site for the insurgent claiming of citizenship and became a place of anticipated transition to equal citizenship in the years leading up to 1994. A double- embedded case study in the settlement of Mshongo in Atteridgeville, Tshwane, depicts how, post-democracy, this site of transition transformed into a static and apparently permanent ‘threshold space’ neither inside nor outside citizenship. Here, the distinct institutional structures and repertoires of collective mobilization and violence produced by spatial and political inequalities continued to produce a threshold form of (infra-)citizenship, leading to a resurgence of the settlements' traditions of collective action. I argue that individualistic economic and political practices by non-citizen newcomers became vivid transgressions of this tradition, particularly at times of protest where the salience of collective labour and priorities was magnified. Theoretically, the thesis provides an account of local belonging as built on anteriority and political involvement, challenging dominant readings of autochthony. In addition, it explores the relationship between ‘threshold space’ and exclusion so as to illuminate tensions between inclusion and exclusion; agency and ‘bare life’; citizens’ and human rights. 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Chetan Bhatt, for the lively interest he has always shown in my work, and for his generosity and encouragement throughout the course of my PhD research. I am very grateful to residents of Jeffsville and Brazzaville who trusted me with their stories, and particularly to the key informants who gave many hours of their time to this project. I would like to thank several people who assisted me in various ways. In Jeffsville: Jeff Ramohlale, Isaac Thipe, Ernest Tshavuyo, Godfrey Mashigo and Sammy Botolo. In Brazzaville and Vergenoeg: Stevens Mohlala, Nicolas Kekana, Morithi Phasha, Mike Chauke and Phoshi Theledi. To my translator, Nhlanhla Letswalo (and Rahab, who introduced me to him), I also extend an enormous thank you. To my parents, who took on childcare responsibilities during my periods of intensive work in South Africa in 2012 and 2014, and to my husband and daughter who have endured my absences and the changing seasons of a long and isolating research process, thank you all. Finally, this thesis would not have been possible without the generous financial support of an LSE PhD Scholarship, which paid my fees and maintenance, and additional funding from the Agence Nationale de la Recherche, France, which funded my fieldwork as a participant in the XenAfPol research network on the Politics of Xenophobic Mobilization in Africa. 4 Table of Contents List of Figures 7 List of Tables 8 Abbreviations 9 Introduction 10 Chapter 1: 'Xenophobic' violence and informal settlement in South Africa 16 1.1. Grappling with the unthinkable: A critical review of knowledge production 16 1.2. Towards a deeper perspective 28 1.3. A new lens: the politics of informal settlements 32 1.4. Conclusion 38 Chapter 2: The politics of the squatter camp: concepts and methods 40 2.1. Designing research at the intersection of history, geography and politics 42 2.2. Time, scale and material practices in squatter politics: selecting methods 50 2.3. Researching an 'outside': seeking and analysing divergent constructs 54 2.4. Risk and ethics 62 2.5. Conclusion 66 Chapter 3: Spatial strategies of rule and the 'question of citizenship' in South Africa 68 3.1. Citizenship, stratification and the boundaries of political membership 70 3.2. Engineering citizenship through place: the challenge of the city in South Africa 74 3.3. Spatial strategies of rule: producing political identity through exception, containment and excess 77 3.4. Cycles of containment and excess 84 3.5. The township as a foothold for interstitial politics 91 3.6. Conclusion 96 Chapter 4: Squatter placemaking and the state: from repressive to inclusive exceptionalism? 97 4.1. Squatter placemaking: a counterpolitical topography 100 4.2. Ordering urbanization: from influx control to squatter control 105 4.3. Transition through exception: squatter law in the Transvaal 113 4.4. Inclusion after exclusion: challenges to transition? 121 4.5. Conclusion 123 Chapter 5: Squatter politics in Mshongo: insurgency, anticipation and political identity 125 5.1. Making space in Atteridgeville: space and politics in transition 125 5.2. Producing ‘the island’: violence, community and the founding of a ‘disorderly’ place 135 5.3. Anticipation and insurgency west of Jeffsville: squatter politics after democracy 151 5.4. The waiting list for citizenship: a hierarchy of entitlement in transition 157 5 5.5. Conclusion 166 Chapter 6: Suspended Transition: (Infra)Citizenship on a Permanent Threshold 168 6.1. Suspended on the threshold of citizenship 169 6.2. Between legality and illegality 171 6.3. Formal political rights on the threshold 187 6.4. On the threshold of the state’s care 195 6.5. Continuing infra-citizenship in the threshold space 200 6.6. Conclusion 203 Chapter 7: The Context and Logic of ‘Xenophobic’ Mobilization 205 7.1. Attacks on foreigners in March 2008 206 7.2. Time, population change and the rise of established/newcomer stratification 214 7.3. Meaningful membership in a multi-scalar world: the national and the global in the parochial 228 7.4. Conclusion 237 8. Conclusion: Reflecting on Exclusion at the Threshold of Citizenship 240 8.1. Rereading ‘xenophobic’ mobilization 244 8.2. Crossing broader conceptual thresholds 246 8.3. Roads not yet travelled 253 Bibliography 254 Appendix 1: Archives Consulted 278 Appendix 2: Summary of Primary Fieldwork 279 Appendix 3: Summary of Secondary Dataset 281 Appendix 4: Summary of Key Themes in News Sources Consulted 282 Appendix 5: Interview Guide 283 Appendix 6: Consent Form 285 6 List of Figures Figure 1: Map of ‘xenophobic’ incidents in Gauteng Province .................................................................. 17 Figure 2: The constituent settlements of Mshongo in Atteridgeville, Tshwane ........................................ 48 Figure 3: Images from Jeffsville .................................................................................................................. 49 Figure 4: Images from Brazzaville............................................................................................................... 49 Figure 5: Mixed methods mapped onto time, scale and distance from respondent ................................. 59 Figure 6: Present-day Atteridgeville in the province of Gauteng, South Africa ....................................... 126 Figure 7: Atteridgeville in the Transvaal province, in relation to the province's 'homelands' ................. 128 Figure 8: Sites of land invasion in Atteridgeville ...................................................................................... 138 Figure 9: Shack marking in Mshongo ....................................................................................................... 176 Figure 10: Tenure insecure brick dwellings in Mshongo .........................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building
    Both Edges of the Margin: Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building Taunya Lovell Bankst Asians often take the middle position between White privilege and Black subordination and therefore participate in what Professor Banks calls "simultaneous racism," where one racially subordinatedgroup subordi- nates another. She observes that the experience of Asian Indian immi- grants in Mira Nair's film parallels a much earlier Chinese immigrant experience in Mississippi, indicatinga pattern of how the dominantpower uses law to enforce insularityamong and thereby control different groups in a pluralistic society. However, Banks argues that the mere existence of such legal constraintsdoes not excuse the behavior of White appeasement or group insularityamong both Asians and Blacks. Instead,she makes an appealfor engaging in the difficult task of coalition-buildingon political, economic, socialand personallevels among minority groups. "When races come together, as in the present age, it should not be merely the gathering of a crowd; there must be a bond of relation, or they will collide...." -Rabindranath Tagore1 "When spiders unite, they can tie up a lion." -Ethiopian proverb I. INTRODUCTION In the 1870s, White land owners recruited poor laborers from Sze Yap or the Four Counties districts in China to work on plantations in the Mis- sissippi Delta, marking the formal entry of Asians2 into Mississippi's black © 1998 Asian Law Journal, Inc. I Jacob A. France Professor of Equality Jurisprudence, University of Maryland School of Law. The author thanks Muriel Morisey, Maxwell Chibundu, and Frank Wu for their suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this Article. 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable.
    [Show full text]
  • Complementary International Standards First Session Geneva, 11-22 February 2008
    UNITED NATIONS A General Assembly Distr. GENERAL A/HRC/AC.1/1/CRP.4 18 February 2008 Original: ENGLISH ONLY HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Ad Hoc Committee on the Elaboration of Complementary International Standards First session Geneva, 11-22 February 2008 COMPLEMENTARY INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS COMPILATION OF CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY BY THE FIVE EXPERTS ON THE CONTENT AND SCOPE OF SUBSTANTIVE GAPS IN THE EXISTING INTERNATIONAL INSTRUMENTS TO COMBAT RACISM RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, XENOPHOBIA AND RELATED INTOLERANCE A/HRC/AC.1/1/CRP.4 Page 2 I. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ON THE CONTENT AND SCOPE OF SUBSTANTIVE GAPS ON COMPLEMENTARY INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS WITH REGARD TO POSITIVE OBLIGATIONS OF STATES PARTIES Assessment and recommendations 1. The role of human rights education 29. The DDPA underlines the importance of human rights education as a key to changing attitudes and behaviour and to promoting tolerance and respect for diversity in societies1 and, therefore as crucial in the struggle against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.2 The importance of human rights education is also underlined in several other human rights documents. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action assert that “human rights education, training and public information are essential for the promotion and achievement of stable and harmonious relations among communities and for fostering mutual understanding, tolerance and peace.”3 The World Programme for Human Rights Education identifies the promotion of understanding, tolerance, gender equality and friendship among all nations, indigenous peoples and racial, national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups as one of the constitutive elements of human rights education that aims at building a universal culture of human rights.4 The 2005 World Summit Outcome calls for the implementation of the World Programme for Human Rights Education and encourages all States to develop initiatives in this regard.5 30.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sociology of Ethnic Conflicts: Comparative International Perspectives
    Annual Review of Sociology Annual 1994 v20 p49(31) Page 1 The sociology of ethnic conflicts: comparative international perspectives. by Robin M. Williams Jr. Oppositions and deadly conflicts among ethnic collectivities are important around the world. Ethnies (our term for ethnic groups) also strongly affect interstate relations. Both interethnic and ethnic-state conflicts tend to be severe, protracted, and intractable. At the extremes, the stakes are total: survival versus genocide. Competition and rivalry for individualized economic and political goods are important, but the most intense conflicts are to be expected when the stakes are collective goods, including categorical claims to prestige and political authority. States are major actors in creating, accentuating, or diminishing ethnic identities. States are both arenas of rivalry and conflict and resources for ethnic mobilization and counter-mobilization. Because both ethnies and states are diverse, careful specification is required for fruitful analysis. The same dictum applies for the diverse types of oppositions and of conflicts. Ethnic conflicts arise from complex combinations of ethnic strength, class, inequality, political opportunity, mobilization resources, interdependence, and international interventions. Frequent but nonviolent protests, for example, are most likely by organized collectivities with substantial resources, operating in relatively open political systems. International aid to parties in domestic conflicts appears to prolong and intensify ethnic struggles. Research in this field contends with many difficulties, and one-sided theories do not fare well. Yet abundant descriptive materials are available, statistical techniques are improving, conceptual clarification continues, and substantive knowledge does accumulate. Accordingly, there is hope for better understanding of some of the most destructive and tragic conflicts of our times.
    [Show full text]
  • ECRI Annual Report 2019
    Photos: Shutterstock @ECRI_CoE www.coe.int/ecri Strasbourg, March 2020 Preface ............................................................................5 Main trends ......................................................................7 ECRI's activities in 2019 ................................................ 16 1. Country-by-country approach .............................. 16 2. Work on general themes ..................................... 18 3. Relations with civil society .................................. 18 4. ECRI’s 25th Anniversary High-level Conference . 20 5. Cooperation with equality bodies to combat racism and racial discrimination ............................................ 22 6. Other activities .................................................... 22 7. Communication strategy ..................................... 23 Co-operation with relevant bodies of the Council of Europe and other international organisations ................ 25 Appendix I – Membership of ECRI ................................. 31 Appendix II – Secretariat of ECRI .................................. 39 Appendix III - Meetings held by ECRI in 2019 .............. 41 Appendix IV - List of publications ................................... 43 3 Preface The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) is a mechanism which was established by the first Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Council of Europe member states. The decision to establish ECRI is contained in the Vienna Declaration adopted by the first Summit on 9 October 1993. On
    [Show full text]
  • UN Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech
    UNITED NATIONS STRATEGY AND PLAN OF ACTION ON HATE SPEECH Foreword Around the world, we are seeing a disturbing groundswell of xenophobia, racism and intolerance – including rising anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred and persecution of Christians. Social media and other forms of communication are being exploited as platforms for bigotry. Neo-Nazi and white supremacy movements are on the march. Public discourse is being weaponized for political gain with incendiary rhetoric that stigmatizes and dehumanizes minorities, migrants, refugees, women and any so-called “other”. This is not an isolated phenomenon or the loud voices of a few people on the fringe of society. Hate is moving into the mainstream – in liberal democracies and authoritarian systems alike. And with each broken norm, the pillars of our common humanity are weakened. Hate speech is a menace to democratic values, social stability and peace. As a matter of principle, the United Nations must confront hate speech at every turn. Silence can signal indifference to bigotry and intolerance, even as a situation escalates and the vulnerable become victims. Tackling hate speech is also crucial to deepen progress across the United Nations agenda by helping to prevent armed conflict, atrocity crimes and terrorism, end violence against women and other serious violations of human rights, and promote peaceful, inclusive and just societies. Addressing hate speech does not mean limiting or prohibiting freedom of speech. It means keeping hate speech from escalating into something more dangerous, particularly incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence, which is prohibited under international law. The United Nations has a long history of mobilizing the world against hatred of all kinds through wide-ranging action to defend human rights and advance the rule of law.
    [Show full text]
  • 3 B a Lanre-Abass and M Oguh-Xenophobia and Its
    Vol. 5 No. 1 January – June, 2016 XENOPHOBIA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL ORDER IN AFRICA DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v5i1.3 Bolatito A. LANRE-ABASS, Ph.D and Matthew E. OGUH, MA Department of Philosophy, University of Ibadan Abstract Xenophobia, a form of discrimination practiced in countries, particularly in South Africa, is one of the major challenges confronting the modern day society. This paper examines xenophobia as a menace showing at the same time that this discriminatory practice bifurcates societies by creating a dichotomy amidst the various occupants of the society, thereby giving room for “otherness” rather than “orderliness”. The paper also highlights the philosophical implications of this societal bifurcation, particularly to the human community. Seeking a plausible way of addressing this challenge, the paper concludes by emphasizing the relevance of the value of tolerance in curbing xenophobia. Keywords : Xenophobia, Social discrimination, Tolerance, order and other, Africa. Introduction A basic plague that befalls some contemporary African societies is the monster called Xenophobia, which has as its features, discrimination and segregation and killing of non- members. As a result of this practice, any affected human society attempt to cut off setting portion of occupants for preserving them as the “other”. Thus, “otherness” rather than orderliness becomes a factor in some societies today. Most disheartening is the fact that it now seems immaterial whether these societies belong to the developed or third world countries as could be seen in the case of countries such as South African and Greece. In some African societies however, there abound fragments of the act of discrimination in almost all human societies within Africa, even though the gravity of its perpetuation varies from one country to another (MCKINLEY, ROBBINSON, and SOMAVIA 2001, 2-4).
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Islamism a New Phase Or Ideological
    Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? 2 Post - Islamism The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/12/6029) 324.2182 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman Post Islamism: A New Phase or Ideological Delusions?/ Mohammad Sulima- nAbuRumman; translated by William Joseph Ward. – Amman: Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung, 2018 (232) p. Deposit No.: 2018/12/6029 Descriptors: /Religious Parties//Political Parties// Arab Countries/ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺘﻮ￯ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﻪ ﻭﻻ ﹼﻳﻌﱪ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻨﻒ ﻋﻦ رأﻱ داﺋﺮة اﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﻭ أﻱ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮ￯. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman11194 Jordan Email:[email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for Sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: Industry Arabic Cover design: Yousef Saraireh Lay-out: Eman Khattab Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-91-0 Foreword 3 Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? Editor: Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 4 Post - Islamism Foreword 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 7 Introduction 9 Chapter 1 — Post-Islamism: Problems of the Term and Concept 21 Study 1: From Islamism to Post-Islamism: An Examination of Concepts and Theses, Hassan Abu Hanieh 23 Study 2: “Post-Islamism”: Lessons from Arab Revolutions, Luz Gómez 57 Study 3: The Failure of Political Islam: Ideological Delusions and Socio- logical Realities, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Policy of Multicultural Education in Russia: Focus on Personal Priorities
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL & SCIENCE EDUCATION 2016, VOL. 11, NO. 18, 12613-12628 OPEN ACCESS THE POLICY OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN RUSSIA: FOCUS ON PERSONAL PRIORITIES a a Natalya Yuryevna Sinyagina , Tatiana Yuryevna Rayfschnayder , a Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, RUSSIA, ABSTRACT The article contains the results of the study of the current state of multicultural education in Russia. The history of studying the problem of multicultural education has been analyzed; an overview of scientific concepts and research of Russian scientists in the sphere of international relations, including those conducted under defended theses, and the description of technologies of multicultural education in Russia (review of experience, programs, curricula and their effectiveness) have been provided. The ways of the development of multicultural education in Russia have been described. Formulation of the problem of the development of multicultural education in the Russian Federation is currently associated with a progressive trend of the inter- ethnic and social differentiation, intolerance and intransigence, which are manifested both in individual behavior (adherence to prejudices, avoiding contacts with the "others", proneness to conflict) and in group actions (interpersonal aggression, discrimination on any grounds, ethnic conflicts, etc.). A negative attitude towards people with certain diseases, disabilities, HIV-infected people, etc., is another problem at the moment. This situation also
    [Show full text]
  • The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016
    Mjelde, H. 2020. The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 10(3), pp. 1–14. DOI: https://doi.org/10.33134/njmr.355 RESEARCH The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016 Hilmar Mjelde University of Bergen, Bergen, NO [email protected] This article analyzes through qualitative content analysis what role the populist radical right parties have had in Scandinavian immigration debate in the press from 1970 to 2016. The press may highlight other dimensions of these parties’ relation- ship with the immigration issue than party programs and statements. I identify six distinct roles the parties have performed in the debate: the radical traditionalist, the deviant, the extremist, the powerful (against the little guy), the persecuted, and the policy innovator. Showing that the populist radical right parties are not just exchanging the same set of familiar arguments with their political opponents over and over again, this analysis adds to our understanding of how these parties debate immigration and the kinds of criticism they draw, and it shows that the immigration issue can actually lead to highly unfavorable media coverage that goes beyond their policy radicalism, which I suggest could hurt their electoral prospects. Keywords: Immigration debate; Populist radical right parties; Anti-immigration parties; Immigration press debate; Scandinavian immigration Introduction Existing research shows that opposition to immigration is a defining attribute of populist radical right parties—according to Ivarsflaten (2007), it is the only common denominator of those that are electorally successful and the primary reason voters support them (Arzheimer 2018).
    [Show full text]
  • Origins and Development of Legal Racial Exclusion In
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles American Ethnocracy: Origins and Development of Legal Racial Exclusion in Comparative Perspective, 1600s to 1900s A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology by Wesley Hiers 2013 © Copyright by Wesley Hiers 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION American Ethnocracy: Origins and Development of Legal Racial Exclusion in Comparative Perspective, 1600s to 1900s by Wesley Hiers Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Andreas Wimmer, Chair This dissertation directs sociology’s political-institutional turn to the puzzle of legal racial exclusion (LRE)—a social phenomenon wherein states classify their populations by race and assign unequal rights to dominants and subordinates on this basis. Spanning from colonial times to the civil rights era, this dissertation offers a long-run perspective on how political institutions—modes of imperial rule, party systems and coalitions, and legislative arrangements—have shaped the emergence, endurance, and demise of LRE. Chapter one uses a macro-comparative analysis to explain why LRE emerged in some former European settlement colonies but not others. The basic argument links the emergence of LRE in the independence era to colonial legacies of settler self-rule: where European settlers established autonomous, representative governments during the colonial period, LRE later developed. Focusing on the United States, the next three chapters then examine the political ii institutions and alliances that sustained LRE until the 1960s. Compared to other cases of LRE, the United States is the only one where LRE became an object of significant political contestation several decades before this exclusion was actually overcome.
    [Show full text]
  • Acholi Clan, Ethnic, and National Identities in Post- Conflict Northern Uganda: a Case Study in Koch Goma Sub-County, Nwoya District David L
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Fall 2011 Acholi Clan, Ethnic, and National Identities in Post- Conflict Northern Uganda: A Case Study in Koch Goma Sub-County, Nwoya District David L. Davenport SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Davenport, David L., "Acholi Clan, Ethnic, and National Identities in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda: A Case Study in Koch Goma Sub-County, Nwoya District" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1206. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1206 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ISP RESEARCH PAPER Acholi Clan, Ethnic, and National Identities in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda: A Case Study in Koch Goma Sub-County, Nwoya District David L. Davenport School for International Training Uganda: Post-Conflict Transformation Submi tted on December 11, 2011 In Fulfillment of Independent Study Project Advisors: William Komakech, Academic Director, SIT Michael Tebere, Advisor to Gulu District RDC Jan French, Prof. Anthropology, University of Richmond Abstract In the following essay, the researcher will explore the clan, ethnic, and national identities of the Acholi people in the context of post-conflict northern Uganda.
    [Show full text]