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A rhetorical study of Eastside Christian Church and Del Amo Christian Church as a means of ascertaining what enables and/or disables a congregation

Webb, John David, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1900

Copyright ©1990 by Webb, John David. All rights reserved.

UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Aibor, MI 48106 A RHETORICAL STUDY OF EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH AS A MEANS OF ASCERTAINING

WHAT ENABLES AND/OR DISABLES A CONGREGATION

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

John David Webb, A.B., M.S., M.Div.

The Ohio State University

1990

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

J. L. Golden

J. Hikins Adviser P. Bowers fe part men t of Com m unication Copyright hy John David Webb 1990 DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to the one person who has stood beside me

throughout my entire graduate education. Without the loving support of my wife

and best friend, Judy, this work would have never gotten started. And to our

three children, Leslee, Brad, and Michal, who probably paid a high price in terms

of time so that their father could complete his dream. These four people shall

never fully know how much I appreciate them.

I also share this work to the memory of my finest mentor in both

education and ministry. My father, John M. Webb, challenged his children to

excellence in all things. He created the dream that his children would surpass his

educational achievement. Though we have achieved higher degrees, we are not yet his equals. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I express my sincere appreciation to Dr. James L. Golden, professor emeritus, for his guidance, insights, and encouragment thoroughout my studies and especially in the writing of this dissertation. He has been a good friend and a valuable ally. I also wish to thank the other members of my committee, Dr.

Paul Bowers and James Hikins, for their suggestions and assistance.

I also wish to thank the members of Martin Road Christian Church,

Eastside Christian Church, and Del Amo Christian Church for their assistance.

The Martin Road congregation gave me the freedom to pursue the degree at a critical time in their history. Eastside and Del Amo Christian Churches provided the openness needed to evaluate their records and materials to do the research.

Special thanks to my good friend, Ben Merold, and his staff for their encouragement and help. I am grateful also to Pacific Christian College and

Dean Gerald Tiffin for their willingness to provide the time for me to complete the research and writing of this dissertation.

Finally, I am deeply grateful to Kathy Ganz Teermer for her editorial advise and help. And to Julia Staton and Judy Webb for their willingness to proofread and offer writing suggestions. VITA

December 9, 1943 ...... Born - Herrin, Illinois

1966 ...... A.B., Lincoln Christian College, Lincoln, IL

1 9 7 1 ...... M.S., Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL

1973 ...... M.Div., Lincoln Christian Seminary, Lincoln, IL

1970 - 1973 ...... Associate Minister, First Christian Church, Herrin, IL

1973 - 1975 ...... Professor of Preaching, Minnesota Bible College, Rochester, MN

1975 - 1977 ...... Minister, Gallatin County Christian Church, Shawneetown, IL

1977 - 1978 ...... Minister, University Christian Church, Minneapolis, MN

1978 - 1983 ...... Consultant, USDCLprograms

1983 - 1988 ...... Minister, Martin Road Christian Church, Dublin, CH

1988 - Present...... Associate Professor of Communication, Pacific Christian College, Fullerton, CA

FIELD OF STUDY

Major Field: Communication TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF FIGURES ...... vi

CHAPTER PAGE:

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1 General Nature of the Study...... 2 Perspective of the Study ...... 5 Questions to be Addressed...... 11 Importance of Research ...... 13 Key Assumptions of the Study...... 14 Limitations of the Research ...... lb Contribution to Knowledge...... 20 Descriptions of Chapters...... 21

II. THE EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH HISTORIES ...... 23

Early American Religious History...... 24 The ...... 2K The Seconding Awakening and the Rise of Frontier Religion...... 30 Alexander Campbell and the Restoration M ovement...... 31 Divisions in the Campbell Movement ...... 34 Fullerton and Orange County G row...... th 37 Torrance and Los Angeles County G row...... th 42 The Christian Churches of Southern California 50 The Early Days of Eastside Christian Church ...... 54 The Merold Years ...... 02 A Ministry Growing Through the Commitments of People ...... 72 Communication Ministry...... 74 The Current State of ECC’s Multiple Ministries...... 76 Del Amo Christian C hurch...... 82 Summation ...... 89

III. A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO CHURCH GROWTH . . 90 The Rise of the Church Growth Movement ...... 91 The Foundations of Church Growth...... 97 The Principles of Church Growth ...... 102 Applications of Church Growth Principles...... 109 Key Principles to he Applied in the Research ...... 118 Summation ...... 146

IV. A LITERATURE REVIEW LEADING TO THE METHODOLOGY OF A COMMUNICATION STUDY OF EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH ...... 125

Perspectives of Organization Communication...... 149 Other Categorizations of Organizational Communication Studies...... 155 Bormann’s Symbolic Convergence Theory ...... 157 Criticisms of Symbolic Convergence Theory...... 170 Organizational Communication Culture Studies.... 178 The Relationship Between Symbolic Convergence Theory and Communication Culture Studies...... 189 Summation of the Research Methodology...... 195 Analysis of the Data Collected ...... 205

V. SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE AND THE COMMUNICATION SAGE OF DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH ...... 205

DACC in the 1960’s ...... 206 DACC in the 1970’s and 1980’s ...... 215 Other Components of Symbolic Convergence Theory Demonstrated ...... 255 The Organization Saga of DACC ...... 259 Summation ...... 24h

vi VI. SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE AND THE COMMUNICATION SAGA OF EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH ...... 205

ECC is Founded...... 206 ECC’s First Rhetorical Vision...... 207 The Rhetorical Visions of the Dornette Y e a r s 210 The Rhetorical Visions of the Merold Y ears...... 218 The Rhetorical Vision which is Ben Merold ...... 231 Other Components of Symbolic Convergence Theory Demonstrated...... 236 Examples of Consciousness Creating, Raising, and Sustaining...... 240 The Organizational Saga of ECC ...... 251 Summation...... 255

VII. CONCLUSIONS OF THE COMMUNICATION STUDY OF EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH ...... 257

The "Enabled" Congregation...... 258 The "Enabling" Ideal in the Causality of Growth . . . 250 The Impact of the Communication Sagas of ECC and DACC ...... 261 Similarities and Differences Between ECC and DACC ...... 286 Other Factors Impacting the Enabled and Disabled Congregations ...... 263 The Significance of Fantasy Theme Analysis in Church Growth Study...... 268 Epilogue ...... 302

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 310 LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Growth of Orange County...... 40

2. Growth of the City of Fullerton ...... 41

3. Growth of Los Angeles County ...... 44

4. Growth of the City of Torrance ...... 48

5. Sunday School Attendance of ECC...... 50

6. Worship Attendance of ECC ...... 6(1

7. Additions to ECC ...... 61

8. Giving Record of ECC ...... 65

0. Ministerial Staff of ECC ...... 68

10. Sunday School Attendance of DACC...... 84

11. Worship Attendance of DACC ...... 85

12. Overview of Communication Perspectives...... 128

13. Logo of the Ministry Connexion ...... 24d C H A PTER I

INTRODUCTION

Many churches are growing at a rapid pace. Many churches remain static.

Other churches are on the decline. Some have declined to the point of non­ existence. In the past twenty-five years, a field of study has arisen which asks the important question, "Why do some churches grow while others remain stagnant, decline and/or die?"

Research on church growth began in the late 1950’s and focused primarily on what happened in foreign missions programs, considering the growth patterns of those areas where numerical success was high. Later these principles were applied to American churches to determine if they were appropriate here. Much has been written about church growth dynamics since the earliest studies.

Christian colleges and seminaries have established "Departments of Church

Growth"; denominational groups and others have established "Institutes of

Church Growth." The dynamics of growing churches have been and will continue to be studied in years ahead as a way of fulfilling part of the church’s mission -- world evangelism.

1 2

Though many facets of growing congregations have been studied, there is no evidence that a specific study exists which looks principally at the rhetorical and communication processes of such congregations. Though the communication of ideas, programs, and endeavors are very much a part of the effort leading to growth, no specific work seeks to address the processes of communication which can be tracked by a growing body. This dissertation will do that.

I begin with the assertion that churches with a strong record of growth

(notably numerical growth) have more clearly stated objectives/purposes than those which have not grown. My proposed research on a growing congregation will study the rhetorical processes to determine what insights can be provided about the creation, identification, and communication of such objectives/purposes and their relationship to church growth.

My research differs from other studies in church growth in that it will seek to show how rhetorical processes have played a role in that growth. Further, for comparative value, a second congregation of the same denomination, in close proximity to the primary unit, and begun about one year before the focus congregation, will also be studied. Its pattern of growth paralleled the first congregation for the first few years, and then began to drop dramatically. The comparisons and contrasts should be significant.

General Nature of the Study

Church growth has been variously defined as "an expanding movement of people from all nations, languages, and classes who acclaim Jesus Christ as their 3

Lord and are living under his reign," (Shenk, 1983, p. 214) to "a truth of God which leads his church to spread his Good News, plant church after church, and increase his Body" (McGavran and Arn, 1977, p. 15). Church growth ideals and principles are not limited to a single communion; rather it is set against the backdrop of many denominations. The father of the church growth movement,

Donald McGavran, has noted:

The basic positions of church growth are profoundly biblical and theological; but are not a complete theology. Complete your theology by building these basic growth concepts as to the urgency and authority of evangelism into it. As you set forth church growth theory and theology for your congregations and your denominations use your own creedal statements, your own system. . . . The test as to whether you have done this or not is whether your congregations are stimulated to vibrant growth such as churches exemplified (M cGavran, 1980, p. 8).

From the beginning, McGavran and his followers have sought through their sociological studies to arrive at certain factors which explain the expansion of the number of believers, contrasting them with opposing factors which seem to hinder growth. Thus the ever-expanding body of literature (to be reviewed in depth in

Chapter III) on church growth attempts to offer both explanations and happenings to arrive at certain over-arching principles which will assist in the fulfillment of the goal of expansion. This dissertation will focus on two southern

California congregations that have experienced quite dissimilar paths; one has had success in terms of numerical growth while the other grew for a time but has steadily declined for the last fifteen years. Though the purpose of this study will not be to add to and/or confirm existing factors about church growth to its body 4

of knowledge, a potential side effect might lead to additions and/or

confirmations.

The primary purpose of this study considers rhetorical processes which

appear to have significance to the growth of Eastside Christian Church (ECC).

Though the rhetorical processes* through which that message moves are generally acknowledged, no study has undertaken to explain the role that the transmission of messages has played overall. The content has generally focused on the message and its effect but has overlooked the channels and movement of such messages. This seems to be a major oversight on the part of researchers geared simply to church growth. The successful transmission of a message across channels, the acceptability of that message on the part of hearers, and the willingness to take action on the factors are as critical as the factors are as critical as the message itself. In part, it appears that two congregations might have attempted to implement similar programs, while at the same time finding varying degrees of success. Though the rhetorical process is not the single ingredient which could explain the level of success, it is believed that it has a role to play. The same message of evangelism taken by persons schooled in the same techniques and theology has had differing levels of acceptance. Again, a singular explanation is not possible, but the rhetorical

* For the purposes of this research, rhetorical processes are defined as the transmission of messages through any channel, with or without intentionality which has had a persuasive impact on the recipients; it will be used interchangeably with communication process. 5 process, including the presentation of the message, appears to be an important factor in the process leading to growth.

In this paper, I will focus on the rhetorical processes of the two congregations and attempt to discover the role the rhetorical processes have played in the differing outcomes. I will not suggest that the rhetorical process is the sole cause for success or lack of success but will seek to establish its importance; at a later time, others might work from these premises to establish and disallow their reliability and validity.

The purpose of the paper may be summed up as an attempt to study a growing congregation, namely, the Eastside Christian Church, Fullerton,

California, considering the rhetorical processes of that congregation to expand our understanding of the role communication plays in the growth of a church. I will pay close attention to the already established principles of church growth. By contrast, I will also look at the Del Amo Christian Church (DACC), Torrance,

California, as an example of a similar congregation which has experienced early growth but has since declined significantly. 1 will not set out to expand the current knowledge of church growth principles nor am I striving to establish new communication theory. I shall seek to blend two major foci in the Christian world as a means of adding insight into the dynamics of both.

Perspective of the Study

Perhaps the most recognized discussion of communication perspective was done by the late B. Aubrey Fisher (1978). His work has remained the standard for many years. In defining the perspective used in this project, I believe his

methodology most closely falls within the context of what Fisher has described as the "Interpretive-Symbolic" approach, though it has shades of each of the other three - the Mechanistic, the Psychological, and the Systems-Interaction perspectives.

In their review of these perspectives, Krone, Jablin, and Putnam (1987) suggest that the interpretative-symbolic perspective is characterized by several specific components. First, the perspective most closely resembles work that arises from Mead’s symbolic interactionism "in the assumptions it makes about the self, shared meaning, and social behavior" (Jablin, et al., 1987, p. 27). Thus the locus of the communication centers on role-taking and shared meaning.

Role-taking is defined as "a reaching out to form mutual understanding through empathic bonding with others" (Krone, et al., pp 27-28). This leads to the creation of "shared meanings" as parties produce a joint interpretation of common events or activities.

Other key words used by Mead and the proponents of symbolic interaction

(cited in Krone, et al., pp 27ff.) include:

1. Nonsymbolic actions which have to do with reflex or automatic reactions

which do not require any interpretation for understanding.

2. Symbolic actions which have the need for reactions based on the

recipient’s interpretation of the meaning of the actions or words. Symbolic

actions require both action and interpretation of the action. 3. Congruence "refers to a consensus of meaning in interpreting events

rather than to accuracy in message transmission or to similarity in

conceptual filters between communicators" (Krone, et al., 1987, p. 28).

Here is the crux of the symbolic interaction approach and the heart of

shared meanings.

4. Cultural factors also play a large part. Meanings of the verbal and

nonverbal symbols are affected by cultural factors or the context out of

which they arise. According to Smircich and Calas (1987), in

organizations, culture is more what an organization is rather than

something that it has.

Finding what makes up the "sagas" of ECC and DACC, the perspective of shared meanings which have been transmitted (known in symbolic convergence theory as the "fantasy themes"), and the uncovering of all parts of the "culture" of the organizations will comprise the major portion of the research itself. As will be demonstrated more fully in Chapter IV of this paper, the discovery of the culture will also be the discovery of the "fantasy themes." Uncovering the fantasy themes should unveil the rhetorical processes by which the culture and themes have moved.

Additionally, this study expects to have more than just a communication perspective; there is a degree to which it is based in a history. Consequently, it is important to see the researcher’s own personal bias in the study of history, in this case the history of the communication processes of ECC and DACC. As a Christian looking at a Christian institution, the risk of bias is ever present and recognized. This does not mean that the material is slanted or less than honest and objective. Rather it means that my viewpoint is present. (No research is completely free of bias.)

In writing on the "Christian perspective for the teaching of history,"

Marsden (1975) has suggested certain principles which will direct much of the effort of this paper. He suggested that the Christian viewing history (and this spills over into any field of study) does so from the "selection of facts" and the

"interpretation" of those facts. He compared the work of the Christian viewing history with that of the Marxist; he noted that the Marxist is not likely to see certain facts with the same relevancy as will the Christian. Likewise the "native

Tibetan historian will talk about many facts in his ’History of the World’ course that would be omitted by a native American teaching a course with the same title" (Marsden, 1975, p. 33). To the concern of the selected facts, he concluded

To say that one’s Christian value-system makes a difference even in the facts that he chooses to talk about, is not to say that the Christian should distort history in order to exalt his tradition. Because every historian has both a point of view and a purpose, some partisan distortion is inevitable in the process of selection. Yet despite the inevitability of bias, an historian should continually compensate for such tendencies with a degree of detachment that will permit him to weigh all available evidence and to present a balanced account of what happened even if it does not readily fit his preconceptions and prejudices (Marsden, 1980, pp. 36-37).

Interpretation of the selected facts must also be considered carefully for the

Christian. Marsden suggested that one must avoid two extremes: on the one hand, some have suggested that they are uninfluenced by their Christian faith.

Marsden suggested this is impossible and impractical. The other risk he noted was one that suggested that "because we are Christian we have all the answers"

(Marsden, 1980, p. 37).

Where is the middle ground? This paper will work under the four premises suggested by the noted historian.

1. The Christian believes that there is a measure of "God’s action in

history. . . . The starting point for this argument is the general principle

that all things are under the providence of God" (Marsden, 1980, p. 38). I

will not deny that 1 accept this principle or that it will in many regards

affect the way I write about my findings. At the same time, I will attempt

to provide as balanced a treatment of the comparisons of ECC and DACC

using the same principles as if the study was of General Electric.

2. The Christian view of man as "the crown of creation and the self-

deceiver" (Marsden, 1980, p. 40) will also affect the interpretation of

selected facts. Like any view of history, there is a view of man involved.

The Christian writer acknowledges his view that man is capable of both

good and evil and that the achievement of the highest good can lead to the

deceptive of pride. His views are not unlike others, however, who have

their own prejudices and preoccupations when writing.

3. The third perspective from which I will report has to do with "human

motivation" (M arsden, 1980). W ith M arsden, it is agreed that "what really

caused men to act the way they did .. . was . . . ideology, economic 10

interests, social pressures, class conflict, identity crises, unconscious

psychological forces, etc" (Marsden, 1980, p. 45). The major difference in

looking at such causal motivations between the Christian and the non-

Christian is that the Christian responds not only to the general motivation

experienced by all writers, but also to the grace of God at work in spite of

the motivations of man in general. "Man’s natural motivations, the

Christian knows from Scripture, are not generally benevolent or selfless.

Rather, men since the Fall characteristically have been driven by sinful

self-interest" (Marsden, 1980, pp. 46-47).

4. Finally, Marsden suggested that the Christian must be aware of his

"moral judgments and value judgments" as well. But this again is not

different from that of the risk of any researcher. The willingness to see

that such factors play a part in our evaluation and interpretations will

assist in bringing about a balanced position.

Essentially, then, the same principles that apply to every day life apply to our study and teaching of history. . . . Inevitably we must evaluate their [men’s] ideals and actions in terms of the revealed standards for man’s proper relationship to God. Yet we must also consider them in terms of our proper relationship to our fellow men - as those who may differ from us yet have a great deal to say to us - as those who but for the grace of God are no different from ourselves - and those who we must attempt to understand and love. With this perspective on others, we should also be gaining added perspective on ourselves. We should begin to be able to view our own accomplishments and follies in a perspective that will help destroy the illusion that we stand in the center of the universe (Marsden, 1980, p 49).

My research project will attempt to stay within such guidelines while acknowledging that such prejudices can and will be seen. It shall not attempt to 11 hide the fundamental beliefs of the writer or the churches he is studying. But it shall attempt to present a fair and balanced perspective of Christian happenings.

The balance will be particularly maintained, it is hoped, by comparisons with other studies using the same methodologies and similar guidelines for evaluation in non-religious settings and researchers whose biases appear to lean in another direction. Ultimately, the research can provide data beneficial to both

Communication and Church Growth scholars alike. Such will not be a simple task.

Questions to be Addressed

The primary question in this research endeavor will be, "What can be learned about the process of church growth from the perspective of a rhetorical study?" Of the many theories that could be suggested for such a study, the one chosen is Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory and its methodology, fantasy theme analysis. Through the study of a congregation in light of fantasy theme analysis, a rhetorical explanation of church growth might be advanced and be potentially useful as a teaching tool for other congregations seeking growth.

Several subordinate questions leading to the answer to this primary question must be addressed. The following questions are written in such a way as to present the overall question in a variety of formats which must be studied under their component parts consistent with the Bormann model.

1. What purpose(s), objective(s), vision(s), etc., have been established

within the congregations which appear to have contributed to their growth? 12

Are they synonymous with the "fantasy theme" concept of Bormann, and if so, how and why? How does all of this relate to the "organization culture" which has been propagated at ECC and DACC?

2. What rhetorical explanation from Bormann’s idea of consciousness creating, raising, and sustaining can be applied to the symbol systems produced in the congregations? How did the congregations arrive at their fantasy theme(s)? What were the rhetorical processes followed? How was the leadership involved? What were the roles of the various levels of communications? How were the congregations involved? How did the vision chain out through the congregations and communities?

3. What are the component parts of the fantasy theme(s) of ECC and

DACC? Do they fit within the context of fantasy types and/or rhetorical visions? If there are various fantasy themes and rhetorical visions, are there organizational sagas and communication cultures which link them together? Have the fantasies changed significantly during the course of the growth or decline cycles? Are there stages (plateaus) of growth which can be ascertained and explained by the creation of new rhetorical visions?

4. In addition to attendance figures which suggest the obvious numerical growth, are there other measures which support the factor of growth or decline within the congregations?

5. What ideas which shall be found will be translatable to other congregations as a teaching methodology? Can the implications from rhetorical analyses leading to symbolic convergence be a persuasive tool in 13

teaching other congregations? What distinguishes an enabled from a

disabled congregation? How? Why?

In summary, it appears that the questions focus on whether or not a

rhetorical vision was created, how it was created, chained out, and sustained, and

how an understanding of this analysts can benefit other congregations.

Importance of Research

In the mind of the researcher, this project has two possible contributions to make: the first is to the field of rhetoric, and the second, to the church.

First, concerning the field of rhetoric, it is believed that the general theory of symbolic convergence has provided significant information in the study of rhetoric for several years. Only in recent years has the study moved into the area of "organizational communication" as a methodology. Most studies in the past two decades have been historical. More recently, research using fantasy theme analysis has attempted to explain how organizations are created and sustained.

All types of fantasy theme research have been questioned by its detractors

(especially, Mohrmann, 1982). Critics notwithstanding, fantasy theme analysis appears to be a valuable and valid way of studying rhetorical processes in an organization. Thus it shall be applied to the churches as another setting where plausible explanations can be made through the use of the method. It is assumed that the study of a volunteer organization’s growth can be understood and enlightened by the use of the general theory of symbolic convergence and the methodology of fantasy theme analysis. 14

Second, concerning the church, it is believed that the current study will

provide new insight into our understanding of and ability to teach principles

already developed about church growth. Though the studies of church growth

have strong validity and positive impact, the rhetorical processes have never been studied and applied to pedagogy. Though others have looked at the growth of the media church through the use of fantasy theme analysis, no studies have been found which look at local congregations where the nitty-gritty daily work of

the church is accomplished with little fanfare or notoriety. It is hoped that fantasy theme analysis and a study of consciousness creating, raising, and sustaining will show us more about why churches with defined purpose(s) are growing. But more importantly, it is hoped that this study will help produce information that wilt assist other congregations struggling to fulfill the primary mission of the church - evangelism.

Kev Assumptions of the Study

Based on the completed readings and related factors, there are several key assumptions underlying this study. They are divisible into three separate groupings: first, assumptions about the principles of church growth; second, assumptions about the culture in organizational communication studies; and third, assumptions about Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis methodology.

The basic assumption in church growth suggests that growing churches build around a specific theme or identity which makes them unique and appealing to a population. This sounds a great deal like an "organizational culture" geared to and anticipating growth. The major assumption is highlighted by several

supporting factors which will characterize this culture. McGavran and Arn have

summarized these into 'Ten Steps for Church Growth" (1977). Their assumptions

included:

1. Churches grow as they respect Biblical principles.

2. Churches grow as they yield themselves to God’s unswerving purpose.

3. Churches grow as priorities are given to effective evangelism.

4. Churches grow as they rightly discern the body.

5. Churches grow as they find new groups and ways to disciple.

6. Churches grow as they reproduce themselves through planned

parenthood.

7. Churches grow as they restructure for growth.

8. Churches grow as they discern the community.

9. Churches grow as they risk for growth.

In addition to these "shared meanings" giving the locus for the organization, other writers make similar, yet expanded assumptions. Yoder

(1983) suggested that churches grow based on their understanding and use of social issues in the community. Padilla (1983) maintained that churches grow as they develop into homogeneous units and bodies in a community. Schaller (1981) developed the theme that older churches grow as they move from a passive to an active state of mind. This especially seems to focus on the creation of a new culture within an existing organization which moves it from "death to life." But perhaps the most powerful assumption that is not even well verbalized but 16

constantly made in the books on church growth is that a normal, healthy

congregation will grow. Though we may find certain methods and plans which

have helped in given situations and which may even be generalized over time, this basic assumption is paramount to the studies. Churches can and should grow.

The second set of assumptions grows from the literature of organizational communication in general and the study of organizational cultures in particular.

These studies will be seen in the light of the methodology of this research,

Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory. This basic assumption corresponds closely with that of the church growth studies; namely, that organizations which have successfully progressed in their growth have a "saga" by which they are

"enabled." Packanowsky (1988) suggests that this saga or "culture" is that which

"empowers" the organization in its advancement.

The concept of organizational culture, fully developed in Chapter IV, has been variously defined and explained. In one of the most comprehensive articles focusing on culture, Smircich and Calas (1987) have traced the theory’s history and its lack of single definition. They noted that there are several types of cultural studies. For this research, the approach will be what they term a

"modernist" study which focuses on the movement of messages often from the top down. In volunteer organizations like ECC and DACC, decisions are generally made by the staff and a few elected volunteers. Though concerned about the culture of the congregation, often the decisions are made and then programmed to the people, but always with the congregation’s best interests in mind. 17

Bormann and his students have focused on certain key assumptions about

organizational studies. These will be the primary assumptions of this paper.

These include:

1. Group fantasies being shared and leading to symbolic

convergence is the most clear indicator of organizational culture.

2. Symbolic convergence generally focuses around a dramatizing message

contained in such rhetorical processes as a pun, a figure of speech, a fable,

an anecdote, an allegory, or some type of narrative.

3. Rhetorical fantasies may include, but are not limited to, the various real

or imaginative scripts or characters "that have happened or are envisioned

in the future" (Bormann, 1988, p. 88).

4. Group fantasies come about as a result of persons sharing the

dramatizing message throughout the organization.

5. The dramatizing message which is chained out among the members of

the group contains the heart of the "fantasy theme" being analyzed.

6. Within any organization there is the possibility of many different fantasy

themes - all of which are most likely a part of the overall "organizational

saga" (Bormann, 1983c, 1988).

7. An effective organizational saga contains a symbol system which will

enable or empower an organization (congregation).

In his review of Packanowsky, Bormann (1988) drew a close tie with the former’s work at Gore with the various dissertations he has directed at the 18

University of Minnesota. All build, as will this research, around the general assumptions found above.

In terms of my research, the overall "sagas" of ECC and DACC will be studied. Despite the criticisms of Smircich and Calas (1987), this study will require something of a top down structure. It will not overlook the general impression of even the dissidents within the congregation, but it is assumed that the dissidents do not remain. In a volunteer organization which is headed by a strong leadership charged with the creation of programs, the study will resemble the style of Packanowsky (1982 & 1988). It will focus on the images which have been generated at the top and which have probably moved down to the rank and file of the volunteers who comprise the working people of the organization.

Though the top leadership is both professional (fulltime) and volunteer (part time), it is that leadership which has set the overall tone of the growth of ECC.

Coupled with the general assumptions stated about church growth in the above sections, I assume that this congregation will follow similar patterns. My primary assumptions are that growth can and should happen, that growth can be linked with such causation as the presentation of an "organizational saga" accepted by the general membership, and that the combination of these two ideas should be key to an understanding of the enabling of ECC. I will attempt to discover if the opposite, the disabling effects, are true at DACC.

I will work under the premise that these assumptions may be, in fact, false or not strong enough to verify with a degree of certainty. If any assumption shall be attempted to be shown as provable, it will be that congregational growth 19

cannot take place apart from good rhetorical and communication processes. It

appears safe to make such an assumption based on the literature both from the

church growth and organizational materials reviewed. How that communication

is generated, the contents and effectiveness of its message, the channels through

which it moves, and other communication and organization patterns will be the

focus of the current research.

Limitations of the Research

Though many various means of approaching a church growth study have

been used, I will seek to limit my research and discussion to the communication

processes which will help explain the growth. Though I will not ignore certain

sociological and demographic issues which have contributed to the pattern of

growth, I will focus primarily on the development of the "organization saga," the

"rhetorical visions," and "fantasy themes" which produced the symbolic

convergence of the two congregations. This overarching image will be the

primary step in my research process. From that step, I will attempt to show how

the congregations and/or their leadership have moved, deliberately and

accidentally, to communicate that message to its constituency and prospective constituency. Though I cannot ignore other factors from both the communication

and church growth fields as related, I will attempt to find what part each has

played in the development of the substantial ministry of ECC and the decline of

DACC. Finally, I shall make observations which might be applicable to other congregations and establish some broad principles which would assist others who 20 might research similar situations to see how communication plays an important part in the growth, or lack of growth, within churches.

Contribution to Knowledge

This research project will attempt to make at least two contributions to knowledge. In the area of rhetoric, I will attempt to show that the creation of a positive message presented in an alluring fashion can effectively produce growth in a volunteer-based organization, while also showing that the opposite effect takes place where the message is not clear and/or positive and is not communicated effectively. I believe that my research will be a useful tool to gain understanding of the volunteer organization in the same manner that it has with the business organization. It is not enough to say that the "grace of God” is effective in one place and not in another or that a certain kind of theology lends itself to growth in one location and not another. People are rhetorical beings affected significantly by the building and presentation of a message. Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis has been useful for studies of organizations. It will be followed with minor modification in this study as well.

For the church, it is hoped that this research will test the concept of church growth further and will assist persons specializing in the field of church growth to a deeper understanding of how congregational images are created, sustained, and used to produce an enabled congregation. While much of the literature discusses the need to arrive at a positive self image and reveres their outcomes, no known literature has attempted to discover their origins and the 21 means by which they are communicated. This paper shall attempt to look at the creation and dissemination of the positive self concept as a means of further explaining the process of church growth.

Though the limitation of studying two congregations will not allow for broad generalizations to the church or any other organization, it is hoped that it will provide an initial stepping stone for further study. Research which might follow this project could look at the growth and the lack of growth in other congregations using the methodologies and findings to develop further church growth/communication principles. This study, it is hoped, will provide at least a partial methodology and instrumentation by which other studies can be undertaken.

Descriptions of Chapters

Chapter I - Introduction. This chapter stated the general nature of the study, its nature and purpose, the questions to be addressed, key assumptions, limitations, and the amicipated contribution to knowledge.

Chapter II - History of the Eastside and Del Amo Christian Churches.

This chapter will focus on the congregations being studied; it will place the congregations in their denominational structure and community. It will consider the development of their overall organization structures and how those structures have been shaped by their staffs. 22

Chapter III - A brief history of the church growth movement. This chapter will cover the development of the church growth movement and will provide a literature review leading to the basic assumptions established for this study.

Chapter IV - Fantasy theme analysis. This chapter will review the development of Bormann’s theory and its coming of age within the broader scope of organizational communication culture studies. The literature review of this section will also contain the methodological patterns which are used in the study, taken primarily from Bormann, but modified by others relative to the study of organizations and churches.

Chapters V & VI - Research findings. These chapters will focus on the fantasy themes, visions, saga, and symbol systems which have been created at

ECC and DACC. They will also demonstrate the rhetorical patterns which have been utilized to present such visions through the congregations.

Chapter VII - Analysis of research results. This chapter will examine the material found in the research about ECC and DACC. It will analyze data from the standpoint of why the research was helpful and discuss implications as to what has happened, and why other studies of this type should or should not be undertaken. Finally, a summary of the findings will be attempted with some generalizations being drawn. The epilogue will present final observations and suggestions for further research which would be beneficial to our understanding of rhetorical processes producing church growth. CHAPTER II

THE EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH HISTORIES

The beginnings of the Del Amo Christian Church (DACC) and Eastside

Christian Church (ECC) have many similarities though they are highly dissimilar in outcome. DACC is located in the city of Torrance, Los Angeles County,

California, while ECC is located about thirty miles east in Fullerton, Orange

County, California. As a community, Torrance is newer but developed to its current size more quickly than Fullerton. It was in the 1950’s and 1960’s that much church "planting" was taking place throughout rapidly developing southern

California. DACC and ECC were a part of that explosion. Their roots in the

"Restoration Movement" are identical. DACC's history is tied to the growth of the greater Los Angeles area and the movement of people southward, as the neighborhoods in south Los Angeles changed from white to Black and Hispanic.

ECC grew out of a theological dispute with the Disciples of Christ and was founded in an area where the population was exploding.

Although the histories of DACC and ECC began about the same time, there is much more to their creation. People who united to form ECC and

DACC came from other groups bearing the name "Christian Church," also known

23 24

as the "Church of Christ" and the "Disciples of Christ." The brotherhood had

been in southern California and the Los Angeles/Orange County areas for many years. To appreciate fully the creation and development of these specific congregations, it is necessary to look back across a broader picture of religious history. As the history unfolds, it will include the birth of the "Restoration

Movement" from which the Christian Church grew, then to the growth of that denomination in Los Angeles and Orange Counties, and will finally turn to the specific stories of these congregations.

Early American Religious History

The early history of America is closely tied to its religious heritage.

America’s early days were well identified with the Puritans, the Church of

England, and the cause of religious freedom. Among many, the writings of Perry

Miller (1953, 1954, 1963a, 1963b), Marty (1970), Tuveson (1968), and Hatch

(1977) have chronicled that early link in great detail. Miller’s writings focused on the Puritans, the Protestant group whose mythology was so interwoven into the legends which are Americana. Others were more general. These intertwined legends converged on religious freedoms for which the Pilgrims lived and died.

Settlers in New England left their native land to escape religious persecution, yet quickly demonstrated the same intolerance of others. Their government, though not controlled by clergy, was centered in religious patterns.

The Puritans, remembered for their extreme piety and staunch beliefs, often sought to legislate piety. They possessed a strong work ethic which helped pull 25

them through rough times. Further, they were committed to excellence in

education. In the Puritan heart, the mythology of the "Manifest Destiny" of

America as God's chosen land was born. Though the phrase "Manifest Destiny"

would not become a part of American vocabulary for two more centuries, the

concept of God’s special leading of this new land was vital in the early history.

God had sent them to create His kingdom on earth (Miller, 1939).

Puritans were not alone in their religious zeal and their desire to create a

religious state in the new land. By 1639, Roger Williams and the Baptists

accepted the same spirit. Though part of the early Puritan settlement, his

disagreement over a religiously controlled civil order precipitated his

. Williams, forced to leave, established Providence, the name

suggesting his devotion to the concept that God was leading.

Other settlers possessed similar religious foundations. William Penn and

the Quakers have traditionally been known as the founders of Philadelphia - from

the Greek word for "brotherly love" - and hence the motto, "The City of Brotherly

Love." They desired to create the perfect community. Moravians established

their Christian-oriented villages in both Pennsylvania and North Carolina and

began a mission program to the Indians. Amish, Mennonites, and Dutch

Reformed believers settled west of Philadelphia. In the New York area, the

German Reformed Church was the earliest religious power. (The most notable

Reformed Church in America has long been in New York City, its pulpit occupied by Norman Vincent Peale for nearly half a century.) Catholics in the original colonies settled mostly in Maryland. Nearly all of these groups had a 26 sense that God was using them for the specific purpose of establishing His kingdom through their work.

One of the most influential of all religious communions in American history was the aristocratic families who settled in Virginia. They established traditional churches after the order of the Church of England and remained tied to the mother church and the crown. In the late 1600’s and early 1700’s, James

Blair was appointed "Commissioner" of Virginia. After the establishment of

William and Mary College in Williamsburg, he was made its first president. The earliest leaders of the Republic held membership with the Church of England.

George Washington was a Vestryman in the Anglican Church. Records show that their attendance in church seemed relatively sparse and their Deistic theology was somewhat less than orthodox and pious - when compared to the Puritans,

Baptists, and other Protestants of their day (Robertson, 1986; Noll, et al., 1983).

In spite of this less orthodox theology, the concept of America as the nation that

God would bless above all others was very much a part of their cultural patterns as well.

Part of early American history less tied to Colonial history and the idea of

"Manifest Destiny" centered on the Catholic missions being established during this same period of time. Catholic explorers and missionaries wended their ways up the Mississippi River and established footholds in what would become Illinois,

Minnesota, and Wisconsin. Remnants of these early settlements can be found along the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers. The French Catholic influence is still seen in names like St. Louis, St. Paul, Marquette, and in the French Catholic 27 heritage that continues at the southern end of the Mississippi River in Louisiana and other states. Another group of Catholic missionaries crossed over from

Mexico into the region that would become Arizona, New Mexico, and California, as far north as San Francisco. Though important in the development of the land, these missionary outposts did not play a major role in the development of civil heritage and did not bring the spirit of "Manifest Destiny" to the new world as did those groups dominating the eastern seaboard.

Although statistics for Catholic missions are largely unavailable, records indicate that by 1750 the ratio of churches to population was low. In New

England, population was set at about 350,000 while the number of churches was about 576; this means one congregation for every 606 persons. In the Middle colonies the ratio was one congregation for every 467 persons (275,000:590), and in the south there was one congregation for every 1046 (310,000:296) (Noll, et al., 1983). Official membership in congregations was low; it is set at about 3% during the earliest days, but slowly rose to about 15% by the early 1700’s.

Attendance was believed to be much higher than membership since membership was kept low by strict admission requirements. The largest group was the Puritans, also known as Congregationalists, followed closely by the

Anglicans. These two groups enjoyed growth but saw a steady decline in overall percentage of congregations and membership during the time of the Great

Awakening. Decline escalated after the Revolutionary War, the massive immigration of the early 1800’s, and the western expansion. Early, however, the

Puritans and the Anglicans were dominant, although in two separate areas of the 28 colonies. Few historians contest the influence of religion in the early colonial period. Throughout these early days, the mythology of America as a religious haven founded on godly principles flourished.

The Great Awakening

As happens when any group is extremely zealous in one generation, succeeding generations have declining enthusiasm. So it was with the Puritans and other settling groups. Religious historians suggested that the revival known as "The Great Awakening" came because the natural zeal that marked the creators of this nation had subsided. Having survived and prospered in the new land, zeal abated as descendants settled into a more prosperous life. Though educational centers for training a clergy were being established in the early

1700’s, notably Yale, Harvard, and William and Mary, the intensity had peaked with the founding fathers. But not all had lost the fervor.

In New York and New Jersey, populated by the Dutch Reformed Church, their leading clergyman, Theodore J. Frelinghuyser, attempted to spur his people to deeper faith. Another clergyman, Gilbert Tennant, a Presbyterian, saw this enthusiasm and joined in the effort to make religion a more central focus.

Though deeply steeped in the Calvinistic theology that salvation was strictly God’s direct intervention into the life of a person, they preached that people should still seek conversion. Tennant influenced a younger clergyman generally ranked as the most creative theologian of American history, Jonathan Edwards. Edwards’ preaching became a part of American legend; his sermon "Sinners In the Hands 29 of an Angry God" is considered an American classic. Edwards' control of language and his persuasive style hardly fit the staid Calvinistic tradition of preaching marked by highly polished reasoning and argumentation lasting for up to three hours. His emotional verve often drove his listeners to spasms of emotion considered unacceptable by many leaders of the Congregationalists. But a new fire was being kindled.

If Edwards was the theologian of the period, the most influential preacher was a British import, . A disciple of John and ,

Anglican preachers who remained with their mother church but nevertheless became founders of the Methodist Church, Whitefield had a profound influence on the colonies. Beginning his second American preaching tour in the South,

Whitefield traveled up the eastern seaboard in 1739 and 1740. He left people seeking conversion and God; Ben Franklin was impressed by his efforts in

Philadelphia and records in his journals that Whitefield was a most powerful and influential speaker. It is estimated that as many as 500,000 persons were converted during the Whitefield preaching tour (Noll, et al., 1983). Whitefield’s theology did not reflect the myth of Manifest Destiny. His preaching and fervor did bridge, however, the gap between the Enlightenment and frontier preachers.

Noll and his fellow writers suggested four causes and four effects of the revival. The causes included - in addition to the work of the Holy Spirit - a serious outbreak of diphtheria bringing a need for special help, serious economic woes among the masses of people, a decline in religious fervor that was due to rekindle at some point, and a shift from rural to urban life with the possibility of 30 preaching to large numbers of people in cities at one time. They noted that the effects included, in addition to nearly half million Whitefield converts, a resurgence in (even though Whitefield was Anglican, he was influenced by Calvinistic thinking), a greater concern for higher education, and the establishment of more churches and colleges. During this time the College of

New Jersey (Princeton), the College of Rhode Island (Brown), Queen’s College

(Rutgers), and Dartmouth came into existence. All had a major goal of training new clergymen. The spirit of the Great Awakening carried through the

Revolutionary War but diminished as it had after the early colonies were established. The saga of America as savior continued but with less zeal and aggressiveness.

The Second Awakening and the Rise of Frontier Religion

If part of the cause of the Great Awakening was the movement from rural to urban America, a cause of the second Awakening was the converse - the movement from urban to rural life. This movement came on the wave of western expansion. With the Louisiana Purchase and the growth of new land beyond the mountains, a new type of religion flourished. Perhaps the most popular expression was the large open air meeting which became the hub of the "western" religious experience. Whether called "camp meetings," or "brush harbor revivals," they greatly influenced frontier religion. The theology was a modified Calvinism, but new denominations across the frontier bore the names Methodists,

Presbyterians, Baptists, and Disciples. 31

Among the colonial states, clerical powers in the cities tended towards a

more structured and formal religious experience. The "enthusiasm" of the

revivalist, whether in the first or second awakening, was dismissed as misguided.

The presence of a largely uneducated but powerful clergy perplexed such

powerful leaders as Charles Chauncey, a Boston Congregationalist, and Timothy

Dwight, grandson of Jonathan Edwards. Chauncey was a contemporary of

Whitefield and Edwards while Dwight was a contemporary of the frontier

preachers.

During this period the spirit of "Manifest Destiny" reached its peak. It gained its power from the theory known as "Post-," an American phenomenon. The Biblical foundation of the millennium was that Revelation 20 taught a "1000 year reign of Christ" on earth. The early church fathers, like

Augustine, taught "Pre-millennialism," suggesting that the 1000 year reign would occur after the return of Jesus and the judgment; it would be a time of peace and prosperity on earth for believers. Up until the 18th century, this was the standard teaching of the church even though not unanimously accepted.

With the idea of Manifest Destiny, new theology emerged declaring there would be a 1000-year period of peace and prosperity on earth prior to the return of Jesus. This theory of the Millennium was developed most precisely by Samuel

Hopkins. His work, A Treatise of the Millennium (cited in Tuveson, 1968), wove the American dream of prosperity and good will into the web of the Millennial reign of Christ. He wrote that this would be an age of benevolence - man’s highest virtue, holiness, and a "piety to God" (Hopkins, 1793, cited in Tuveson, 32

1968). The period would be marked by other characteristics as well; most notably the absence of war. A full blown theology is not possible in this short description, but the idea must be established.

This new millennial saga became a part of the frontier religion. The millennial drove the manifest destiny doctrine of the frontier religions. On

Independence Day, 1809, Joel Barlow delivered a prophetic message that would inspire and motivate others. He said,

The form of government we have chosen, the geographical position we occupy, as relative to the most turbulent powers of Europe, whose political maxims are widely different from ours; the vast extent of continent that is or must be comprised within our limits, containing not less than sixteen hundred million of acres, and susceptible of a population of two hundred millions of human beings; our habits of industry and people, instead of violence and war. . .. all these are circumstances which render our situation as novel as it is important (Barlow, 1809, cited in Tuveson, 1968, p. 124).

He concluded, "There has been no nation, either ancient or modern, that could have presented human nature in the same character as ours does" (Barlow, 1809, cited in Tuveson, 1968, p. 125). Though the phrase manifest destiny was not coined until 1845, the spirit of the age was carried by the frontier preachers proclaiming the post-millennial arrival of the Kingdom of God through America.

Alexander Campbell and the Restoration Movement

Eastside and Del Amo Christian Churches grew out of the frontier religious order known as the restoration movement. The flagship of this movement was Alexander Campbell’s Millennial Harbinger (Campbell, 1828-

1866), a monthly newspaper built on the popular post-millennial theology. 33

Campbell's addition to the frontier religion saga suggested that the post-millennial kingdom would see the union of all Christians by a return to the "ancient order of things." Campbell’s theology was built on his use of the Lockean philosophy which suggested that if all rational people looked at the same material, i. e., the

Bible, all would reach the same conclusions. Consequently, he taught that the

Millennium would come about because all religious groups would pick up the

Bible and find a theology identical to his. Marty summarized:

A fourth school of interpreters of the command of Christ contributed to the evangelical synthesis by accenting simplicity. Baird believed that American Protestants were tending toward "the simplest and most scriptural " with their "glad tidings to all men." No one better formulated this concept of simplicity than did Alexander Campbell and his fellow Disciples of Christ or members of the Churches of Christ. Formed out of a number of schismatic groups after 1809, these primitive movements wanted to contribute to the American concept of community. They rejected complexity and religious development. Men would find God and be found in him if they could overlap nineteen centuries of the Fallen Church and restore first-generation biblical Christianity. "Where the Scriptures speak, we speak; where the Scriptures are silent, we are silent." Historian David W. Noble has spoken of the custodians of America’s past as Jeremiads, constantly calling people back to the innocent and the primeval. They were "historians of history." In the same mood, these Christians were "traditionalists against traditions." While they consolidated the biblistic principle into what eventually became a denomination, the concept of innocence and simplicity went with most revivalism and (Marty, 1970, pp 86-87).

Bormann noted that the Campbell movement spread throughout the South and Northeast, notably Virginia, West Virginia, Vermont, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and

Kentucky. He said, ’The Christians (Campbellites) promulgated their doctrine with the same basic rhetoric as the Baptists and the Methodists. . . ." (Bormann,

1985, p. 103), noting that they emerged from the same in Cane 34

Ridge, Kentucky, as those denominations. Though the twists of theology were somewhat different, Bormann believed that the fantasy of manifest destiny and its attending rhetoric were nearly identical. Bormann (1985a) described this as the

"Ungenteel Spirit."

Leaders within the Campbellian tradition have prepared histories of the

"Restoration Movement." Like their counterparts (see Bormann, 1985a), they selected the Cane Ridge Revival as the beginning point of the Disciples’ history.

They also noted that Campbell was the primary spokesman of his period (See

Garrison and DeGroot, 1948; Murch, 1962; Dowling, 1964; Garrett, 1981). But whereas other histories spend most of their time within the eighteenth century, these writers present a more comprehensive picture. To see past the Campbell period, it is necessary to look at their findings.

Divisions in the Campbell Movement

Unfortunately, Campbell’s saga of the manifest destiny, which had been distinctly marked by its plea for unity within the post-millennial church was marred by many divisions. To understand the establishment of ECC and DACC, it is necessary to look briefly at the schisms which darkened Campbell’s vision.

Even during Campbell’s lifetime, breaks were beginning. Although the slavery issue which divided nearly every major denomination never created division, a serious break took place shortly after the Civil War. It focused on

"missionary societies" promoting world missions. Campbell, who served as the society’s secretary, believed that societies would be beneficial; others did not. So 35 intense was the struggle that, after his death, opponents of societies claimed that

Campbell rejected societies but went along to keep peace. The root of the question, like nearly all conflicts which would split the Campbell movement, focused on Biblical interpretation and primarily around the meaning attached to the slogan noted above: "Where the Scriptures speak, we speak; where the

Scriptures are silent, we are silent."

Though the factions quarreled over the mission society issue, the first major division centered on the use of instruments in worship. One group using the above mentioned slogan contended that since the New Testament never mentioned the use of instruments in worship, it was wrong (sin) to use them.

The other side pointed out that the did mention their use and that since there was nothing said (silence) in the New Testament, they could be permitted. By 1906, this split was so well defined that the Yearbook of

Denominations was listing "Church of Christ" - those using no instruments, and

"Christians" - those using instruments - as two distinct communions. Debates and division had taken place for nearly fifty years, and still continue, but this is considered the final separation date.

Within twenty-five years, a second division had taken place, focusing again on interpretation and specifically on the policy of "open membership" in congregations (open membership churches allowed persons to enter fellowship without being immersed, while closed congregations required that all members be immersed). This division has been dated as 1925 with the establishment of the

North American Christian Convention (Murch, 1959). The battle over 36

interpretation, liberalism versus conservatism, continued on even though little

remained for discussion. Those espousing the open policy formed into a

denominational structure talcing the name "Disciples of Christ;" those who opted

for the more conservative position contend that they are a fellowship and not a

denomination and are generally called either "Christian Church" or "Church of

Christ." The choice of names generally follows the pattern in a certain state or

region of the country. It is often difficult to distinguish between the instrumental

and non-instrumental "churches of Christ" since they share the same name.

Christian Churches are distinguishable among the knowledgeable because they

use the name "Christian Church - Disciples of Christ."

The development of at least three distinct divisions in the general

historical movement is much more complex than is noted herein. Two important factors should be highlighted. First, the post-millennial saga of Campbell and the early leaders of the restoration movement have been discarded; though there is

no one "official" view, the predominant view among both the non-instrumental

Church of Christ and non-"Disciple of Christ" Christian Churches and

instrumental Churches of Christ, is the most ancient and traditional view of pre- millennialism held by most evangelical denominations today.

Second, the issue of how Scripture should be interpreted remained a strong point of contention. Those who view themselves as conservative reject the position of those whose views differ. For the most part, the groups are all conservative, but levels of literalness of interpretation confound and divide those who once pleaded for unity based on the code "Where the Scriptures speak, we 37 speak, . . Campbell’s mythology of unity remains, but the reality of the myth is now only a shadow of the early dream.

Fullerton and Orange County Growth

As noted early in this chapter, the history of southern California dates back to the earliest days of the United States. (This history was summarized from Hallum-Gibson, 1986, Pflisyer, 1976, Pleasants, 1931, Ramsey and Morgan,

1933, Schulte, 1979, and Sims, 1986.) Although it is not linked to the history taking place in the creation of the Thirteen Colonies and of the United States government, its development would soon link it to the Union. The early history of the southern California territory began with the Spaniards’ migration through

Mexico. As the Spanish government rewarded its soldiers for their efforts in

Mexico, they were given land on which to develop their ranchos. Many of these ranchos stretched into southern California. By the middle of the nineteenth century, records show that several large ranchos covered the territory that has become Orange County (Pleasants, 1931).

With respect to religion, the territory was largely Catholic at this time.

The many missions established served both the Native American and Spanish populations. Missions such as the historic San Juan Capistrano remain to this day. Protestant groups arrived in large numbers during the gold rush and after the completion of the railroad in the late 1800’s. The Campbellites were among the many Protestant groups that quickly took hold in the new found land of sunshine and rich agriculture. 38

Originally Orange County was part of Los Angeles County, which covered

more than 2000 square miles. As the development of the region continued in the

mid and late 1800’s, the population at the southern part of the large county felt

the need to separate. In 1888, a group of businessmen lobbied the State

Legislature and were granted permission to separate from their northern

neighbors. Orange County, with its county seat in Santa Ana, became a separate

entity covering nearly 800 square miles.

From the earliest days of the ranchos, the agricultural productivity of the

region was clearly seen. Though best known for the fruit for which it was named,

its earliest and best products included nuts, vegetables, and berries. The largest

growers were the Irvines and the Chapmans. The Irvine Ranch, still a vital

industry today, was located at the southern point of the county; Chapman located

in Fullerton at the northern border. Fullerton was incorporated in 1888 through

the efforts of several business people, including Chapman, as the Sante Fe

railroad reached its borders. Suddenly it was connected to the outside world.

Chapman (Pflisyer, 1976) was an intelligent businessman credited with creating the Valencia orange. By the early 1900’s, his Valencia orange business was shipping fruit across the United States. Orange groves were replacing nut crops, and although other fruits and vegetables would continue to bring prosperity

to the region, the orange gave it its lifeblood in the early twentieth century.

A second discovery in the Orange County and Fullerton area infused new

life into the . In the late 1910’s and early 1920’s, oil was discovered. A new boom caused population to skyrocket in Orange County from just under 39

20,000 in 1900 to over 60,000 in 1920 and on to 130,000 in 1930. The oil industry is still a key to the prosperity of Orange County, even though orange groves have given way to housing developments and other non-agriculture products.

A third growth spurt came after the end of WWII. During the war, many military bases were created in Orange County. GI’s stationed here found the climate to their liking and after the war, many young men married and brought their families to the land of sunshine. From a population of 150,000 in the late

1940’s, Orange County exploded to 704,000 in 1960. Fullerton’s growth pattern followed at the same rate, jumping from 14,000 in 1950 to 56,000 in 1960.

Communities which did not exist before 1950 blossomed in Orange County as the housing industry quickly became the most vital business in the county (See

Figures 1 and 2).

During this same period of time, the aviation industry made its move to

California and became a major employer. From the 1950’s on, aerospace would be the number one employer. Gone now were many orange groves, rapidly replaced by tract housing and large industrial plants. Oranges would become a minor part of the industrial output of the county by the late sixties. Names like

Hughes Aviation, Northrup Aviation, North American Aviation (now Rockwell

International), and McDonnell-Douglas would be found on the majority of paychecks in the Fullerton area. Orange County in the 1980’s and 1990’s will continue to find aerospace its number one employer. Development continues to explode in many areas, but Fullerton’s population has slowed considerably as the land has been saturated with industry and housing. Population Growth of Orange County

2.0E+06

1.5E+06

1.0E+06

5.0E+05

0.0E+00 1900 1910 1920 1930 19401950 1960 1970 1980

Figure 1: Growth of Orange County Population Growth of the City of Fullerton

100000

80000

60000

40000

20000

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980

Figure 2: Growth of the City of Fullerton 42

Torrance and Los Angeles County Growth

When Los Angeles and Orange Counties became independent of one

another in the late 1880’s, Torrance was simply the name of a successful

businessman in the Pasadena area. (This set of data was drawn from Henstell,

1980, Torrance Board of Education, 1964, Ziegler, 1974, Shanahan and Elliott,

1984, Johnson, 1968, Robinson, 1959, and Rolle, 1981.) Los Angeles County’s

size and population were quite similar to Orange County. It was also largely an

agricultural area. The thing for which it would become most famous, the

entertainment industry, was still unknown.

One of the major distinctions between Orange and Los Angeles counties in

the late 1800’s and early 1900’s was the resort atmosphere that was already

becoming a part of Los Angeles County. Though not nearly as large as the

agricultural industry, Los Angeles County boasted several mountain and ocean

front resort areas. One of the most prominent of these was owned in part by J.

S. Torrance, for whom the city being studied would later be named. Located in

the mountains north of the city of Los Angeles, the resort was a favorite refuge

for both the rich and middle class people in the area. It was accessed by another

of the Torrance investments, the Pacific Electric Railway Company. Another of

the large resorts was located in Redondo Beach, just a few hundred feet from the

limited shoreline which would be included in the city of Torrance.

The growth of Los Angeles County closely parallels that of Orange County

(see Figure 3). Because the two counties were originally one, the Los Angeles area was largely ranchos given to retiring Spanish soldiers. In the southern area 43 of Los Angeles County, that portion which would include the city of Torrance, it was the Dominguez family that was given 75,000 acres. The family controlled most of the land for nearly 100 years before losing 32,000 acres to the Sepulveda family and other smaller sections to other settlers. Control was lost because one family simply could not manage and maintain such a vast area. It was on the

Dominguez property just east of present Torrance that oil was discovered in the

1920’s, increasing their already vast wealth. The major booms in population paralleled the development described in Orange County. In the late 1800’s, the transcontinental railroad brought the first major influx of easterners to the Los

Angeles basin. Among that number was the Torrance family. In the 1920’s, the discovery of oil brought many more people to southern California. Like those in

Orange County, the settlers of this period came with great hopes of striking it rich but settled for more ordinary jobs in the oil fields. Even more than Orange

County, Los Angeles County was enriched both numerically and financially by the aerospace industry in the late 1950’s and early 1960’s. The boom of the entertainment industry in Los Angeles County affected Orange County only slightly. Hollywood, a section of Los Angeles, has brought a large influx of people and dollars to Los Angeles County since the early 1920’s. Even as larger industries have come to the county, few have had the impact of the motion picture and television community. The population growth of Los Angeles County is similar to that of Orange County although Los Angeles County has more than twice the number of people (See Figures 1 and 3). Population Growth of Los Angeles County

8.0E+06

6.0E+06

4.0E+06

2.0E+06

0.0E+00 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980

Figure 3: Growth of Los Angeles County 45

The city of Torrance was the dream of New York born and Yale graduate

J. S. Torrance, a wealthy businessman who had settled and prospered in the

Pasadena area of Los Angeles County. At the time of his dream, the area that would become the city of Torrance consisted of cattle, horse, and sheep ranches; some fruit, nut, and vegetable crops were also grown. Located about twenty miles south of the city of Los Angeles - whose population at the time was still less than 100,000 people - the idea of making these ranches and farms an

"industrial city" seemed a bit unusual. There was some transportation available near the area as the Pacific Electric Railway went from Los Angeles to Long

Beach, but little else seemed to attract people to the area.

In 1912, Torrance determined to establish the city. His first project was the Union Tool Company, a division of Union Oil Company. At the end of 1912, the population of the town of Torrance had reached just over 300 people, mostly housed in company owned dwellings and working at the Union plant. Within the next few months, several other companies began. The coming of the Pacific

Electric Railway Car Building Shop brought both more industry and the railroad line to the area by 1918. With the addition of another metal products plant, a tire manufacturer, an auto truck plant, and a shoe factory, the town billed itself as a "Modern Industrial City." By 1921, the population had increased to over 1,000 people and Torrance was officially incorporated as a city.

Torrance was one of the communities which prospered greatly during the oil boom of the 1920’s. Oil was discovered near the developing area of downtown Torrance, and the industrial growth dreamed of by Torrance came 46

quickly. By 1925, oil was the largest industry. In 1928, the General Petroleum

Company had completed the first of several refineries in Torrance. Still

operational today, it is known as the Mobil Oil Refinery. The population grew

rapidly between 1920 and 1930 although agriculture was still a major industry as

well. However, this portion of the economy was largely managed by Japanese

Americans. By 1930, the first major land development began. Known as the

Hollywood Riviera, this development was designed for nearly a thousand homes

and included the plush Riviera Beach Club on the ocean front which would be

included in the boundaries of Torrance. Though it was set back by the great depression of the 1930’s and the war of the 1940’s, it established the ground work for the building boom that would take place in the 1950’s and 1960’s. By 1940,

Torrance was a city of 11,000 people.

The population of Torrance doubled in the next decade (see Figure 4).

However, the major growth came between 1950 and 1960. At the conclusion of

WWI, the area just north of Torrance was built up as the farm lands were subdivided and filled with small houses for the expanding population of the city of Los Angeles. At the conclusion of WWII, this area was generally well saturated and the population was forced to move south. Additionally, the population of Los Angeles was becoming more Black and Hispanic, and the movement known as "white flight" drove many white families away from this new population.

The coming of the aerospace and auto industries and the continuing boom of the oil industry brought greater prosperity and the potential of moving away 47

from the smaller, less desirable housing in south Los Angeles. Between 1950 and

1960, the population of Torrance increased 500% to nearly 100,000. By 1965, it

had increased to 131,00 before peaking at 135,00 in 1970. By 1980, the

population had decreased to about 130,000 and has stabilized at that point (See

Figure 4). There is little room for expansion in Torrance. Because the area has

become one of the highest priced Los Angeles County communities, families with

children are not settling in Torrance as they did in the 1950’s and 1960’s. In the

past ten years, the population and economy have both made a dramatic switch.

Though the oil industry is still a vital part of Torrance, the heavy industry of the early days has been replaced by several Japanese companies; Honda, Nissan, and

Toyota have all chosen Torrance for their American headquarters. Many other

Japanese companies have done the same.

The population of Torrance, which has always been primarily white, has seen a shift from about 1% Oriental to about 15% Oriental in the past decade.

West High School, located just three blocks from the DACC property, has been selected by the Japanese community as the best high school for its youth.

Consequently, the area surrounding the DACC property is increasingly dominated by Japanese. The majority of housing sales in the last five years has seen new owners with Oriental surnames. DACC members, like their neighbors, often sell to an Oriental family.

Los Angeles and Orange Counties are becoming increasingly multicultural.

Nearly 40% of the population of Los Angeles County speaks Spanish. Only

Mexico City has a higher percentage of Hispanic population than Los Angeles. Population Growth of the City of Torrance

150000

100000

50000

1900 19101920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980

Figure 4: Growth of the City of Torrance 49

In total, there are now 134 known languages and dialects spoken in the region.

The largest populations of Japanese, Chinese, Samoans, Cambodians,

Vietnamese,and many other countries outside their own borders are located in the greater Los Angeles/Orange County areas. Like other congregations, DACC has opened its doors to ethnic Christian groups who prefer to maintain their worship in the culture and language of their native lands.

Torrance, like all of Los Angeles County, is changing. Though it is still mostly a white community, the changing population has had a great impact on the city. Many younger families are moving into Orange and Riverside Counties to the east. They are leaving because they cannot afford to move out of their apartments and purchase homes in the neighborhood. It is not uncommon to find families that have moved out commuting 50 - 100 miles daily to work in and around Torrance. One van of employees commutes more than 90 miles each way every day from Palm Springs to the Torrance Hughes Aviation plant. Retirees have been able to sell the homes they purchased for about $30,000 in the 1960’s for amounts ranging up to $750,000 and move to other parts of the country where they purchase cheaper homes and live their retirements in comfort. (These figures were taken from analysis of the Torrance Area Chamber of Commerce.)

For the churches, the population change has decreased the pool of eligible members who are looking for their particular type of culture and religion. As we move to the history of the Christian Churches, we will see how these changes have affected both the positive and negative growth of DACC and ECC. 50

The Christian Churches of Southern California

As noted earlier in this chapter, the settlement of California was begun by

Catholic missionaries of Spanish and Mexican origins. Consequently, the history of the region has overtones focused on that religious orientation. Many communities still in existence in the area have noted missions; perhaps best known is San Juan Capistrano. Settlement of the land was often associated with the of native Americans. The priests of the Franciscan order began services in the San Francisco Bay area of California as early as June, 1579.

The Protestant movement came several centuries later. The most significant influx of Protestant churches, and specifically with the people of the

Campbellian movement, was precipitated by the Gold Rush of 1849. Among the

"Forty-niners" from the midwest were many Disciples. Though the gold rush was characterized by roughness and gunslingers, religion was not uncommon.

Disciples’ historian Cole offered this quote found in an old store rules book:

Store must not be opened on the Sabbath unless necessary, and then only for a few minutes. The employee who goes to dances and other places of amusement will give his employer reason to be suspicious of his integrity. Each employee must pay not less that $5 per year to the church and must attend Sunday School regularly. Men employees can get one evening a week off for courting, two if they go to regular prayer meeting (Cole, 1959, p. 31).

T. Dwight Hunt began the first protestant church in the Bay area in about 1848.

By the end of 1849, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Congregationalist, and

Episcopal ministers had begun working in the area (Cole, 1959).

The Disciples’ efforts were begun in 1849 by Paris, Missouri native,

Thomas Thompson. Cole reported that Thompson arrived in Placer County in 51

September, 1849, preaching his first sermon a few weeks later, "In 1851 he moved his family to what is now Santa Clara, and within a few months succeeded in starting the first Christian Church in California at Stockton. . . (Cole, 1959, p. 33). By 1860, there were 27 Christian Churches in California boasting a membership in excess of 1000. As was happening elsewhere in the country, controversies over the use of musical instruments, missions societies, and any cooperative efforts were part of the Disciples’ history in California.

Though the Gold Rush affected northern California, the coming of

Protestant religion, specifically the Campbellites to southern California, blossomed with the completion of the intercontinental railroad in 1869. By the

1870’s, southern California had been discovered as a haven of sunshine, recreation, and of immense opportunity for agriculture. By 1880, the population of Los Angeles grew to more than 200,000, and the separation of Los Angeles county and its southern neighbors, known as Orange County, was nearly completed. 1988 marks the centennial year of both Orange County and the city of Fullerton, the location of the Eastside Christian Church.

Cole provided the basic history of the Disciples’s work in the Los

Angeles/Orange County region. He believed that the oldest continuous congregation in the area was in Downey, about ten miles west of Fullerton.

Though the congregation at San Bernardino began a few months earlier than

Downey, it did not maintain itself consistently, going out of existence for several months before beginning again and maintaining continuous progress. 52

The congregation at Fullerton, known as First Christian Church, was begun in 1905. Led by wealthy orange producer Charles E. Chapman, this congregation grew rapidly and became a center of influence. Chapman was the most powerful lay leader in southern California and served as president of the Disciples’ convention for nearly twenty-five years. The Disciples’ college in Orange is called

Chapman College in honor of the man who kept it alive for many years through his generous gifts. As the earliest split was taking place between the liberal and conservative wings of the church, the Fullerton congregation remained tied to this group who became the "Christian Church - Disciples of Christ.” A "Christian

Church - Disciples of Christ" opened its doors in Torrance in 1923; it continues to meet in its original structure.

The history of First Christian Church (Fullerton) reflected the general trends taking place throughout the churches of southern California. As noted above, the first major shakeup centered on the issue of instrumental music. By the time First Christian Church was begun, the issue had so divided the Campbell movement that the matter was settled. The second major split would be finalized twenty years later when a group of Disciples led by men like George Taubman, minister of First Christian Church in Long Beach, another Orange County congregation, left the International Convention of the Disciples of Christ to begin the new "North American Christian Convention" in 1925 (Murch, 1957).

Problems had begun much earlier however. Cole (1959) reported that the

Disciples/Independent split in southern California was coming to a head as early as 1923. For many years, the Long Beach congregation had offered the use of 53 their magnificent facilities for the California convention of the Disciples. But by

1923, Taubman, one of the conservative ministers, opposed the dealings of the

Disciple’s United Christian Missionary Society. The UCMS, as it was commonly called, had entered into agreements with other denominations whereby mission territory was divided and each communion would present its particular theology as equally valid for the conversion of the non-Christian natives. Taubman and his followers saw this as the major stumbling block leading other Disciples into the

"Modernists" school of interpretation since they held to a tightly structured method of conversion presented by their branch of the Disciples and not at all consistent with the rest of the denominational world. In 1923, Taubman and the elders of First Christian, Long Beach, demanded that all speakers and topics be approved by them before granting permission for the convention to be held in their building. The idea was rejected by the convention planners and the final separation came closer. Congregations from around the country were withdrawing from the Disciple’s annual Yearbook of Churches in protest of this movement towards libera I ness.

This second divisive period in the Disciple’s history climaxed in the 1950’s and 1960’s; though it began during the twenties, it came to another day of decision. During the late fifties and into the sixties, the Disciples were moving to establish ties with other mainline denominations desiring church union under the banner of the "Council on Church Union" (Garrett, 1983). To do this, the national leadership of the Disciples of Christ decided to become a full fledged denomination; this was interpreted by many as a final blow for the Campbell 54 position which had opposed any denominational structure as divisive.

Documentation drawn from the journals of the Disciples -- The Christian - and the independents - The Christian Standard -- during this time verified the conflict. Convention programs and addresses reflected that the conflagration continued on from within and without. Though many desired to stay within the movement and stop the creation of the denomination and the joining of the

Council on Church Union, many chose to leave. Such was the case at First

Christian; about fifty members withdrew and became the nucleus for Eastside

Christian Church, an independent group.*

The Early Days of Eastside Christian Church

In March, 1962, the small group of dissatisfied members of First Christian

Church withdrew and began meeting for Bible studies and to discuss alternatives to First Christian. Reaching the decision that they must begin a new congregation, they contacted Ralph Dornette, then Director of the Southern

California Evangelizing Association (SCEA) -- a work of the independent

Christian Churches - to meet with and preach for them. Throughout the spring of that year, they met for study and worship on Wednesday evenings in private

* In addition to many articles in the Christian and the Christian Standard, the split was confirmed by various groups such as the "Committee for the Preservation of the Brotherhood," the "Central Committee of the Commission on Brotherhood Restructure by members of the Atlanta Declarations Committee," publications from independent Christian Church seminaries responding to changes taking place, as well as the official documents of the Disciples of Christ, like A provisional design for the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ!. 55

homes and on Sunday afternoons in the building of the First Christian Church in

Anaheim, the suburb immediately south of Fullerton. It was determined that a congregation to be named "Eastside Christian Church" would be established to maintain the conservative positions held by these families. Surveys of the area were completed, training of Sunday School teachers was given, a warehouse facility was rented and refurbished as a meeting place, and on May 6, 1962, the congregation held its first official worship service. Ninety-seven persons were present that first Sunday. Dornette preached the first sermon. The church immediately began to publish a newsletter. In August, the congregation extended

Dornette a call to come as minister. He resigned his work with SCEA and in

November, 1962, became their first minister. He would remain in that position until 1968.

The Dornette Years

Ralph M. Dornette was a minister committed to establishing new churches

(Dornette interview, 1988; additionally, historical notes were drawn from the

Eastside Evangel, minutes of official church meetings and annual reports, and interviews with Boon, Geringer, Cloer, and Linda Merold ). Following his 1948 graduation from The Cincinnati Bible Seminary, he was involved in a traveling evangelistic ministry while continuing his graduate education. He served churches in Oklahoma before coming to California. During his tenure as Executive

Director of SCEA, he was involved in the beginnings of nearly twenty congregations in the greater Los Angeles area. This time period, 1959 - 1962, also marked a tremendous increase in the population of southern California as 56 the aviation business boomed in the area. Communities were springing up almost overnight. The area immediately south of the sleepy little town of Fullerton grew immensely with the coming of Disneyland. Fullerton was changing from a small village amid orange groves into a city of several thousand people. Other communities served by Eastside - Brea, Placentia, and Yorba Linda - experienced the same growth. Other churches in the Fullerton area were experiencing the same type of growth; First Evangelical Free Church and Rose Drive Friends

Church have continued to be the other large and fast growing congregations within the area.

In his six-year ministry, Dornette led the congregation in its search for property and completion of the first permanent structure. Since the new group was granted a two-year variance on the rented warehouse - a space that was limiting and uncomfortable at best - the need to build quickly was mandatory.

Property was already becoming a premium. Little property could be located and what could be found in a vacant condition was not for sale. But after much searching and what Dornette described as a two-hour prayer meeting on a

Wednesday night, a nine and a half acre tract of land was found at State College and Yorba Linda Boulevards on the east side of Fullerton. The location would make the congregation strategically located near Freeway 57 and across Yorba

Linda Blvd. from the new campus of California State University - Fullerton

(CSUF). Though the Fullerton area already had a strong junior college, now known as Fullerton Community College, the state had chosen a site on the east side of Fullerton for a major University. CSUF had begun in 1959 but was still 57

small and struggling when ECC moved to its permanent location. By late 1963,

the congregation moved into a bond program and purchased the land.

Dornette’s ministry was marked by a strong evangelistic outreach.

Visitations into the community began immediately. Monday evenings found as

many as thirty people visiting and new members were welcomed into the congregation on a regular basis. Goals were established and promoted regularly.

The first campaign took place in August, 1962, as a "Christmas in August” day with an attendance of 172 exceeding all goals and previous attendance efforts. A popular means of increasing attendance at the time was the Sunday School contest. ECC involved itself in a contest with the older North Bellflower congregation in early 1963; it was one of the few attendance contests held with other congregations in the area that ECC lost. During the summers of 1963 -

1968, the congregation participated in attendance contests sponsored by one of the denomination’s newsletters, The Lookout. As well as being involved in national contests, they also engaged in attendance contests concurrently with other local churches. Each summer saw attendance rise perceptibly. It seemed as if the congregation was constantly involved in a competitive efforts to increase Sunday

School attendance both internally and externally. Dornette also led in the establishment of the "College of the Bible" for Sunday school to promote growth.

Dornette’s preaching focused on "winning the lost." His sermons, manifested an evangelistic spirit, led to a "decision time" when persons were invited either to join membership or accept salvation in Jesus. By November,

1962, 172 persons were listed as Charter members. In just fifteen months, 58

attendance increased by nearly 100% over that first Sunday. By 1964, it became

necessary for the congregation to conduct two worship services in the warehouse

to accommodate the people attending; attendance increased 25% immediately

and additional space was rented. Dornette was joined on staff by Steve Hancock,

a Pacific Christian College student, called to serve as part-time Youth Director in

May, 1964. In September, a full-time secretary was hired. On September 3, a

new record Sunday school attendance was reached; the total of 248 helped ECC

win The Lookout attendance contest.

1965 was the year of the building campaign. It appears that most of the

effort expended by the congregation was invested in the building project. Many

problems with contractors, finances, and weather occupied much time and energy

of Dornette and the lay leadership. The price of land was already escalating when the congregation started its search for property in 1963. When land was

finally found, the price was $160,000 for 9 1/2 acres of undeveloped land; the congregation had only $5000 set aside for the purchase. After much hard work, the leadership secured the total dollars needed to purchase the land. In late

1963, the congregation began selling bonds to finance the land and buildings.

When the buildings were completed in 1965, the total debt of the congregation exceeded $400,000, an average of over $20,000 per adult member.

Steady progress was maintained for another year, but by 1967, the earlier success diminished. Attendance during 1967 and 1968 - the final years of

Dornette’s ministry - declined. The number of new persons received into membership dropped (See Figures 5. 6. & 7). Dornette felt that a faction in the Bible School Average Attendance

growth in attendance

Y Axis:average attendance

1000

500

1062 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986

X Axis:Consecutive years Figure 5: Sunday School Attendance of ECC Worship Attendance Averages 1962-1986

Growth in attendance

V Axis:number in attendance 2100 2000 1900 1800 1700 1600 1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 100

1968 1971 1974 . 1977 1980 19831962 19861965

X Axts:years

Figure 6: Worship Attendance of ECC ADDITIONS

BAPTISMS TRANSFERS

NUMBER OF NUMBER OF TRANSFERS 300 300 280 280 2 60 260 240 240 220 220 200 200 180 180 160 160 140 140 120 120 100 100

1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985

CONSECUTIVE YEARS

Figure 7: Additions to ECC 62

congregation was out to destroy his ministry (Interviews, 1989), and that although

he had the support of the leadership and the confidence of the majority of the

membership, the factious spirit was constantly disrupting the good spirit and

growth of the congregation. In the fall of 1968, Dornette announced that he was

returning to his previous position as Director of the SCEA.

The Merold Years

By the end of 1968, the Elders announced that Ben Merold, minister of

the Sullivan, Indiana, Christian Church, would become the new minister of ECC sometime early in 1969. Attendance continued its decline in the interim between

Dornette and Merold. Attendance that had peaked at over 300 dropped to below

200 during this period.

AJShort Biography of Ben Merold

Ben Merold was born on July 29, 1926, in Macon County, Illinois. After

high school, he attended Johnson Bible College, Knoxville, Tennessee, where he

met and married his wife Pat. The Merolds had three sons (only two are living), two foster daughters, and several grandchildren. Merold began preaching as a student at Johnson Bible College. In the early 1950’s, Merold left that college to begin a student preaching ministry in Assumption, Illinois, and continued his education at Lincoln, Illinois, Bible Institute (now Lincoln Christian College).

His first full-time ministry of five years was in Villa Grove, Illinois; during these ministries Merold’s reputation as an "evangelist" grew and the number of revival meetings he was preaching expanded with his popularity. 63

After Villa Grove, Merold was called to First Christian Church, Sullivan,

Indiana, a thirteen year-ministry marked by growth and progress in that small community. He continued to travel and preach. In 1969, Merold began the ministry that has continued for over twenty years.

Though Merold holds no advanced degrees, he serves as an adjunct professor for three colleges. He regularly teaches at Pacific Christian College,

Fullerton, California; Cincinnati, Ohio, Bible Seminary; and Kentucky Christian

College, Grayson, Kentucky. He is a regular contributor to the denominational magazines, The Christian Standard and The Lookout. He is currently heard on a

Fullerton radio station in a one minute series entitled "Right to the Point." He has produced a series of teaching videos for use in local congregations entitled

"Principles of Church Growth." He is a past President of the North American

Christian Convention, the denomination’s annual convention and serves on the board of directors at Pacific Christian College and the Continuation Committee of the North American Christian Convention. He regularly speaks at state conventions, retreats, revivals, and presents seminars on Leadership and Church

Growth. He conducts preaching tours for the missions sponsored by ECC throughout the world. He has been awarded honorary Doctor of Divinity degrees by both Los Angeles Seminary and Pacific Christian College.

Merold Comes to Eastside Christian Church

The arrival of Merold sparked ECC. Things began to move immediately with the excitement that accompanies a new minister. Attendance at the first services led by Merold took a significant jump. It continued to climb at a strong 64

rate for about eight years before any slight moderation was seen. Attendance in

1969 increased to an average of 354 in worship; by the end of 1970, that number

grew to 441. Giving increased from an average of $1460 a week in 1969 to $1900 weekly in 1970 (See Figure 8).

The growth of ECC can also be tracked by the addition of staff. It is a generally accepted principle of church management that a single staff member should be responsible (or added) for every 200 members. When Merold arrived, the full time staff included a Youth Minister and a secretary. In October, 1970, an Associate Minister, George Potter, was called for the first time. The ECC

Youth Minister, Dwight Harding, suffered a heart attack in 1970 and was replaced by Les Christie, who continues to serve in that capacity. In July, 1973,

Doug McAllister became Minister of Christian Education. In early 1975, Edna

Cushing joined the staff as Director of Eastside Christian Day Care. Since that time, the preschool program has expanded and now offers a program for

Kindergarten to Jr. High School under the name Eastside Christian School.

Nearly half of ECCs staff serve in the school. Additionally, ECC created the

Helping Hands School under the direction of Jessie Ohm as a service to handicapped children. As the music program expanded, ECC called Tim

Neuenschwander as Music Minister in June, 1975. By the end of 1975, the paid staff had grown significantly; attendance for 1975 averaged nearly 1000; and resident membership rose to about 1350. Though there were change overs in staff, there was no reduction in positions. Departures, which have been rare, meant that replacements were sought. In 1978, more staff members were added: ANNUAL RECEIPTS FOR EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

2.0E+06

1.5E+06

1.0E+06

5.0E+05

0.0E+00 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 19801982 1984 1986 CONSECUTIVE YEARS

Figure 8: Giving Record of ECC 66

Lester Ragland became the Minister of Stewardship and Discipleship; David

Schoen was called as Christian Education Director with responsibility for the

school programs; Roger Worsham accepted the new position of Associate Youth

Minister, working directly under Christie rather than Merold. In the 80’s,

positions were filled in the areas of media and publications, College Campus

Minister, Missions Minister, Business Administrator, support and custodial staff.

Today, there are ninety-four paid staff members (See Figure 9 for ministerial staff

roster), and the volunteer ministry exceeds 400 workers. Additionally, several

hundred more persons sing in choirs or play musical instruments, participate in

sports activities, or serve in various other non-paid capacities.

The increase in the number of persons attending ECC and the growing staff created a need to expand. While the congregation met in rented space on

East Ash, it became necessary to double the number of services in that facility.

However, with the completion of the Yorba Linda building, the congregation returned to a single worship and Sunday school format. Not long after the arrival of Merold, expansions in buildings and services were necessitated.

By August, 1969, it was deemed mandatory to air condition the sanctuary because the increasing number of attenders produced more body heat. By

January, 1970, two worship services were reinstituted. On Easter, worship attendance reached 768 in a building designed to hold about 400. In July, 1970, plans were underway to add new property and construct an office and Sunday school area next to the existing building; however, the expansion and additional parking area were not completed until 1973. The program continued to expand 67 with the addition of new services around Christmas and Easter time. On Easter,

1972, attendance climbed to 896. The Sunday evening attendance exceeded 400.

The high school youth group alone averaged more than 150.

By 1974, the building was taxed to capacity. The worship area was overcrowded in both services and on Sunday evening. By February, attendance was regularly running 800 in worship. On special days, it surpassed 1000. To utilize the space more fully, a third worship hour was begun. This early service

(8:30 a.m.) met in the chapel; it was less formal and designed for persons getting off work in the morning hours or needing to begin work before other services were finished.

With this additional service, average attendance surpassed 1000. To accommodate the evening program in the space available, some youth programs were changed to run concurrently with the adult evening worship. By mid-1976, plans for the new sanctuary and other expansions were introduced. Starting with the overall theme, "We’ve come this far by faith," the congregation approved the spending of $1,200,000 for the new auditorium. Bonds sold quickly and ground was broken in August, 1977. The annual pledge month of November created a budget of $530,000 for 1978; 1978 was called "The year of sacrifice with a vision for the future" (Evangel. January 12, 1978). The building effort continued well into 1978. In addition to the $1.2 million approved, special drives sought to raise another $450,000 to complete the interior of the building. On October 1, 1978, the first services were held in the new auditorium. The congregation reduced the 68

Title Position Created Current Staff

M inister May, 1962 Ben Merold

Youth Minister October, 1967 Les Christie

Associate Minister December, 1970 Murray Hollis

Christian Education M inister August, 1972 Ralph Robson

Missions Minister 1978 Sheldon Welch

Music Minister July, 1978 Ted Nichols

Minister of Stewardship/Seniors April, 1978 Lester Ragland

Associate Youth M inister September, 1978 Roger Worsham

Business Manager September, 1979 Sterling Fox

Hispanic Minister September, 1979 Israel Martinez

Media Minister 1980 David Benedict

Associate Youth M inister January, 1980 Arty V anG eloof

Minister to College Campuses September, 1982 Roger Worsham

Associate Minister- Christian Eduction/ School Principal September, 1978 David Schoen

Associate Minister- Christian Education/ Assistant School Principal April, 1984 Robert Lozano

Figure 9: Ministerial Staff of ECC Figure 9 (continued)

Associate Music M inister January, 1985 Dana Morris

Associate Minister- Christian Education/ Counseling Septem ber, 1985 Gary Lankford

Discipleship M inister November, 1985 Greg Tucker

Facilities Manager Unknown Jim Knight

Associate Minister- Christian Education/ Nursery September, 1988 Margaret Dix 70 number of services back to two, but by December, the morning chapel service was reinstated. Though small in number, it had become a vital part of the ECC ministry. Attendance for 1978 averaged 1223 with 1508 resident members. This growth was not without struggle, however; the November 29, 1978 issue of the

Evangel had this notation:

In one 14-month period, we lost over 400 members who moved. Most of these moves were related to the closing of the B-I Project and other related industries. The astonishing fact? - our 1977 attendance showed a growth in spite of a great loss of membership.

All parts of the program continued to expand. By October of 1980, a third worship service was created; again the Chapel program was temporarily shelved but was later restarted at 7:30 a. m. With the addition of "University Praise" in

1985 - a program designed for college young people and using a totally different format for worship - there were five morning worship times and three Sunday school hours. A sixth service, the California Contemporary Casual Service - began in February, 1989. Attendance now averages between 2200 - 2400 in worship and 1400 - 1600 in Sunday school. The building, however, is greatly overtaxed. In spite of converting the open patio area of the facility into more classroom space in 1987, the congregation has little room to increase its attendance at traditional worship hours. Today, the 9:30 a. m. worship hour is often carried by closed circuit television into an overflow area to handle the number who attend that largest worship time.

Other Congregations Started by_JECC

One more important part of the growth of ECC focuses on three congregations started by ECC. After many years of seeking to begin a new 71 congregation, ECC sponsored a work twenty miles east in rapidly growing Chino.

This ministry, begun in 1978, increased rapidly before leveling off at the current

300 - 400 members and attenders. A second work was begun closer to the

Fullerton area; in 1985, ECC mothered the Community Christian Church in the

Yorba Linda/East Anaheim area of Orange County. This congregation is five miles from the ECC property. Currently, it averages about 200 persons for

Worship. The third congregation begun in 1978 is considered a mission project among the Hispanic people in the Santa Ana area, about ten miles south of ECC.

It currently serves about 100 Spanish speaking families. When the combined worshippers in all congregations with roots in ECC are tabulated, the average attendance on a Sunday exceeds 3500.

Missions/Evangelism and Stewardship

Perhaps the most important work of ECC has been in the area of

Stewardship and Missions/Evangelism. When Merold arrived in 1969, the congregation was over $400,000 in debt and provided limited support to missions with about 10% of the budget set aside for this outreach effort. Though growth was not immediate, the effort expanded until a Minister of Missions was called and missions giving was wedded with regular "Victory Sunday" commitments in the November stewardship campaign. Today more than $750,000, nearly thirty percent of the general funds, is given to missions. In 1975, the "Evangel" began promoting missions/evangelism heavily under the leadership of Sheldon Welch, an Elder who now serves as Minister of Missions. 72

The stewardship efforts of the ECC culminated in 1985 with a major effort

to eliminate the debt of the church. Called "Positive Past - Fantastic Future," this program was designed to give ECC a multi-year program to eliminate all debt

and complete two additional structures. The campaign coincided with the Silver

Anniversary of the congregation; after a year of preparation, S4.5 million was pledged in November, 1986. Work to enclose the patio area between the two major structures began immediately. The second building, a family life center, is still in the planning stages. The limitations of the real property have kept the congregation from moving ahead on this project. Current stewardship campaigns focus on the general funds of the congregation while a "Keeping Eastside in the

Pink" campaign covers debt reduction and an accumulation of funds for the family life center.

A Ministry Growing Through the Commitments of People

Throughout Merold’s years with ECC, he has encouraged people to conceptualize ministries at which they would like to work. The number of programs and efforts which have arisen from this focus are too expansive and diversified to trace. Many began with help from ECC but are now independent and self-supporting. Others continue to receive direction and support from ECC.

Three examples will demonstrate what has happened.

Several years ago, a young minister dreamed of beginning a ministry in

Chili. He brought the vision to ECC and was added to the ECC staff as he finalized his plans to leave for South America. Today he carries on a highly 73

successful ministry in that country. ECC continues to support the ministry and

reports that in one year, 18,000 people were converted to Christ as a result of this effort.

Another young couple committed themselves to assist pregnant young women who might consider abortions as an option. Opposed as they were to the current practice of free abortion, they determined to set up a counseling center to assist young, pregnant women. Office space was found on the campus of Pacific

Christian College and the ministry began. Today, assistance has been given to hundreds of young single women who have struggled with pregnancy and motherhood.

In one of the first of these continuing ministries, another member of the congregation felt convicted to reach out to families with physically and emotionally handicapped children. For nearly fifteen years, the "Helping Hands" school has continually served this special population and their families. Through its programs, families have been able to lead more normal lives and have watched their handicapped children mature.

Ministries have been initiated world wide. In addition to the work in

Chili, the congregation is the sole support of a Seminary in the Philippines and many other efforts around the globe. They continue to assist with relief and support projects to the local community. A young man committed to using media as a tool for evangelism was given support and encouragement to produce several motion pictures. The deacon’s board of the congregation, under the guidance of

Associate Minister Murray Hollis, has begun a "helping ministry" to alleviate the 74

physical and property needs of senior citizens in the congregation and community.

They provide services such as painting and plumbing that would otherwise cause a

financial burden on persons living on fixed incomes and unable to resolve the

problem themselves. The youth and college age young people regularly travel

into the poorer areas of Orange and Los Angeles counties and Mexico to work

on building and teaching projects. These multiple efforts have been a part of the growth pattern of ECC Many of these efforts were created because the lay

leadership gives Merold a substantial discretionary fund for such efforts as they are proposed. A philosophy that suggests that people should be encouraged to undertake and be supported in efforts for which they are highly motivated appears to be another key to the substantial growth of ECC.

Communication Ministry

This study of ECC would be incomplete without looking at its communication history. Although the rhetorical aspects of the communication will be covered in chapter six, it is interesting to know how various media have been used.

The print media of ECC goes back to its early days with publication of

The Eastside Evangel (Hereafter referred to as the EvangeO. This regular church newsletter has been published almost every week since the congregation first began meeting in 1962. The format has been modified occasionally, but it has been the most consistent link for sharing information with the membership.

The Evangel has been categorized from the beginning. Feature sections include 75

Christian Education and youth, a Pastor’s column, facts and figures, upcoming events, and general news of the congregation including illness, marriages, births, deaths, etc. The final step was the addition of Kim Osness as Print Minister; her responsibilities include the publication of the newsletter, the regular Sunday bulletin, and a variety of other materials.

But ECC has not limited itself to the print medium. During the early history of ECC, Dornette began a regular radio program on a local station.

Although relatively short lived, the program did show the willingness of the congregation to use mass media. Merold’s ministry has also used media well. In the mid-70’s and early 80’s, Minister of Media John Schmidt produced several films, including three fifty-minute films which received national viewing. ECC was prominently displayed in each film and members of the congregation regularly helped in their productions. ECC has used multi-media displays as a regular part of their worship experience. Today, a Media Minister supervises such things as the closed circuit television transmission of the second morning worship into a second part of the building, the production of Merold’s regular radio spot, and the expanded use of media effectiveness in the congregation and the community. The congregation has regularly used the local news services as a means of community awareness. It has been featured on several public service presentations as a vital part of the Fullerton and Orange County community.

Both Merold and his wife have expanded their own ministries with audio and video teaching tapes. These tapings have generally been done through a denominational ministry in Joplin, Missouri. Though there is no evidence that a 76

full media ministry of the magnitude of Orange County neighbors like television’s

Robert Schuller or radio’s Charles Swindoll has been undertaken, ECC has used media regularly in the local area.

The Current State of ECC’s Multiple Ministries

ECC has attempted to keep pace with its growing membership with expanding programs or ministries. Since the mid-1970’s the congregation had built around the theme "A Busy Church . . . Always Serving." A brief summary of the various activities of ECC during 1987 demonstrates the efforts to match people with program interests.

Special programs featuring outstanding music are scheduled on Sunday evenings throughout the year. Such well known artists as Michelle Pillar have sung. Merold has a strong love for Gospel music and many quartets sing regularly while other musical programs feature members. The choirs of the congregation sing regularly and the church annually presents several musical productions. With the creation of the Department of Fine Arts, the music and drama program has trained many persons who share regularly. Current ministers

Tim Neuenschwander and Murray Hollis are nationally known musicians; other members of the congregation have careers in the arts and provide a base for the work done.

In addition to using the many movies and other audio and video media as part of the on-going program of the church, ECC has supported the production of several Christian movies by Media Minister John Schmidt. In 1987, the motion 77

picture, 'The Wait of the World," produced by Schmidt and using many people

from ECC, was premiered.

Several key events take place each year. In the early spring, what was first

known as the "Big Day" seeks to bring in many new people. It has generally been

a tremendous success with the use of children's activities like slumber parties, bus

trips, picnics, and visits to McDonald’s being used to encourage the youth to

come and bring their friends. Spring is also the time of the annual "Revival"

meeting. Popular speakers and singers are used for this meeting; the 1987 revival

featured Wayne Smith and the Vintage Gospel Lads quartet. These special

programs are always preceded by a period of special prayer and fasting when

members are encouraged to prepare themselves with these traditional Christian disciplines. In 1987, three days of non-stop prayer took place prior to the revival.

Summer time features family picnics and get togethers. These are often

held by smaller units of the church, like choirs or Sunday school classes. In

August, a special "Cowboy Camp Meeting" include a "western" service, a Chuck

Wagon dinner of hot dogs, beans, and apple pie, and guest preacher from the

hills of Oklahoma. November is the annual Stewardship dinner and commitment time, taking pledges as the base for the following year’s budget. Because of the size of the group attending, the congregation has held the dinner away from the building. Merold gears his preaching to this effort. Significant Christian days of

the year, especially, Easter, Thanksgiving, and Christmas are marked by special services. 78

For college age people, there are many programs. As mentioned, the

"University Praise" worship time on Sunday morning is geared to their tastes.

Additionally, there are regular activities for them, including traditional outings such as picnics, recreational events, and the like. Highlights include missions projects to such places as Mexico, generally to help the poor and often including the collection and distribution of food at such places as the Tijuana dump.

Youth activities are as varied as those of the adults. High School activities include choirs and other music groups like the adult programs; trips are planned and special weeks at the local summer camp sponsored by the church are held.

There are regular Bible studies. The young people visit other young people in the area. Friday nights are often used for special events; activities after football and basketball games are held and other congregations are invited to attend.

The congregation is involved in many different sporting activities. There are bowling teams, softball teams, volleyball leagues, golf outings, etc., scheduled throughout the years. Groups often attend such sporting events as Dodgers and

Angels baseball games or football and basketball games featuring the many college and professional teams which play in the greater Los Angeles area.

Places like Disneyland and Knott's Berry Farm, both less than twenty minutes from ECC, are utilized for outings.

The "Second H alf group is also very popular as the senior citizens of ECC continue to engage in many activities. Like the younger members, these persons have their own special needs filled by the efforts of the congregation. 79

It is obvious that no one person can attend all of the events and activities of a congregation like ECC. The design suggests that activities and the church work well together. Like other successful congregations, programs are based on the idea that the church can be the social as well as the spiritual center for the family. Families are often separated by age groups, but are also encouraged to participate in activities together. Special programs are used regularly but do not overrun the regular efforts of ECC. Bible studies both at the church and in homes take place on a daily basis. Both full-time staff and volunteers make visits to members, visitors and others in need of help. The broad picture of

"evangelizing" the nations is emphasized as Merold or other staff members visit the missionaries supported by the congregation around the world for evaluation and encouragement.

Though the congregation no longer regularly uses the theme "A Busy

Church . . . Always Serving," as their motto, the emphasis on activity and service has not diminished. Ministries to every age group from senior citizens to newborns continue at an expanding pace. The facilities of ECC are taxed to capacity throughout the year as the congregation expands its numbers and efforts.

The 1987 schedule is typical of that which has taken place over the past years and the events for 1988 and 1989 seem to have followed accordingly.

In 1978, John Schmidt, Minister of Media and a student at Fuller

Theological Seminary prepared an analysis of ECC for a class in Church Growth

(Schmidt, 1978). His task was to trace the direction of ECC and to project its growth and needs for the next five years. After his review of data, Schmidt projected that ECC would reach a membership of 2300-2400 by 1983 and have an

average attendance of about 2000. His projections were quite accurate. By 1983,

ECC’s attendance had reached an average just under 2000. Since 1983, however,

the attendance has not increased at the same rate. New members continually

join at the rate of the 1970’s and early 1980*s, averaging over 400 per year.

Though the current attendance is now at about 2400 for the five morning worship

services, that rate of growth projected by Schmidt has not held through the past

five years. Though the historical portion is not concerned about reasons for

growth, one of the most obvious reasons for the slow down is the limitation of

space and time for programs during the worship periods of the congregation. The

most popular service, the middle morning service draws some 1300 - 1400 and

often overflows into the multi-purpose room. The University Praise time and the

sixth service being added fill this same time frame to utilize the space better.

The congregational leadership struggles with the space problem continually.

In its first twenty-seven years of existence, ECC has grown from a small

congregation in a rented warehouse to a congregation that ranks as one of the

three largest of our denomination. Few churches of any denomination have grown with such rapidity or created such a diversified program. Its early theme

of "A Busy Church . . . Always Serving" gave it a drive. Though the slogan has

been changed in the past few years, the idea remains true.

The congregation is more than a large conglomeration of people, however.

It is an assembly of many small groups of people combined into a larger single effort by the place, budget, and staff which support it. The greatest detriment to 81

continuing growth appears to be the limited space to expand facilities and

parking. But relocation costs would be staggering. Though the congregation has

a total investment of less than $10,000,000, to rebuild with comparable facilities

and increase to a building size that would comfortably support the current

membership and projected growth possibilities for the future would be

impractical. In the area, land alone, (if available), would cost about $1,000,000

per acre. Buildings would have a replacement cost of $15,000,000 - 20,000,000.

Little land adjacent to the property is available. Currently, ECC has no plans for

moving from its location but is negotiating for property owned by a college

fraternity on the southwest corner of its present location. This additional land

would provide adequate space for the Family Life Center being planned.

ECC has successfully built and maintained a comprehensive local program;

overseen the creation of at least three congregations; financially supported the

building of many mission congregations throughout the world; and ministered to

thousands of people in the Orange County. It has served hundreds of college students from California State University - Fullerton, Fullerton Community

College, Pacific Christian College, and other institutions of higher education; has helped many families in need, including refugee families of Oriental descent; reached out to people whose lives have been devastated by disease, handicaps, unwanted pregnancies, poverty; and has continued to evangelize the area with an active ministry of visitation. From a small group of 100 in 1962, to a membership of over 4500 in 1988, ECC has become a predominant force in its community and denomination. 82

Del Amo Christian Church

In 1959, a small number of people began meeting in homes in the newly developing western part of Torrance (Information on the beginnings of DACC were drawn from the Del Amo Christian Church Evangel, board minutes, and interviews with present and past members). The location was near the proposed site of West High School. Numbering about six families and twenty people, they gathered in one another’s home for several weeks as they sought a temporary meeting place in the area. Many of these people had moved into the Torrance area as they advanced in their work and to escape the less desirable areas in south Los Angeles, Hawthorn, Lennox, and other southern suburbs. The migration of the people also meant that whole congregations were moving as well. One of the most powerful Los Angeles Christian Churches between 1920 -

1940 was the Figueroa Avenue congregation. With the movement south, the

Figueroa congregation moved a few miles further south to become the Crenshaw

Christian Church. The Figueroa site was sold to a black congregation; that congregation is still the most powerful black Christian Church in Los Angeles.

As the movement continued south, the Crenshaw congregation also closed and the building sold to another black congregation. The ministry of national television Black evangelist Fred Price is now conducted in what was originally the

Crenshaw Christian Church building. One of the few congregations still ministering in this area is the Inglewood Christian Church. Its membership has dropped from a high of more than 1000 to its present level of less than 200.

Persons who had been members of these congregations moved to newer 83 congregations, including DACC. Several current families at DACC have ties to these congregations. The Florence Avenue Christian Church (FACC), another

Los Angeles church, became the primary feeder of DACC. Although the members of FACC did not begin the Torrance congregation, they became involved in it almost immediately through a merger.

In 1959, the small group meeting in the newly constructed homes in west

Torrance numbered about twenty. Less than a year later FACC shut its doors and merged with this small nucleus to increase its strength. Shortly after this merger, the congregation was able to rent space in a Seventh Day Adventist building. Within a year, the group purchased their current property at the corner of Emerald and Victor. By mid-1962, the stable on the purchased property had been razed and the first place of worship was occupied.

Les Ashford, who had been minister of FACC, became the congregation’s first full-time minister. In the nine years he led the congregation, it grew at a rate of about 10% per year (See Figures 10 and 11). That growth made possible the addition of an educational wing. The church expanded from the original twenty people, to about eighty with the merger, and averaged over 170 in worship by 1968. The congregation seemed destined to become a powerful force among

Christian Churches in the Los Angeles area and a strong congregation in the

South Bay area. However, Ashford’s marriage disintegrated; he resigned the ministry in the spring of 1969. Attendance dropped below 140 (on average) during his final months. Sunday School Attendance Del Amo Christian Church

Numbers in attendance 200

150

100

50

1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988

Figure 10: Sunday School Attendance of DACC worship Attendance Del Amo Christian Church

Numbers in attendance 180

160

140

120

100

80

60 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988

Figure 11: Worship Attendance of DACC 86

Magnuson Comes to DACC

The ministry of Charles Magnuson began in September, 1969. Magnuson had been the Youth Minister of the 1000 plus First Christian Church, Long

Beach, CA, and Garden Grove Christian Church. Magnuson was a midwestern born and trained minister. He graduated from Lincoln (Illinois) Bible College.

Married and the father of three sons, he was in his mid-thirties when he arrived at DACC. The Magnusons were outstanding musicians and had traveled in singing groups in their college days and early ministries.

The early success of Magnuson’s ministry revolved around a strong music and youth program. Sue Magnuson voluntarily led the choir program before becoming the paid director of music in 1973. Building on a multiple choir program, Magnuson’s first years saw the congregation climb out of the 140 range of 1969 and moved up to the 190 - 200 range by 1975. As the growth continued, discussions about a new sanctuary and possible "family life center" were started in

1972. The plans for the building stalled because of financial reasons, and were set aside in 1974. In 1976, an addition was added to the sanctuary increasing its seating space to about 260 people. Dual services were implemented, and a secretary and part-time youth minister were added to the staff.

By 1976, things were turning sour. Though research has revealed several different accounts of the problem, the middle ground suggests two basic conflicts.

One conflict appeared to pit the younger, more progressive members of the congregation led by Magnuson who were pushing the plans for the family life center and the addition of new, innovative programs, against the older, more 87

conservative members who had come from the other congregations who could see

no merit to such an ambitious plan.

The second conflict appeared to focus more personally on Magnuson and

his wife. There appeared to be concern about Magnuson’s pulpit and

administrative abilities and the aggressiveness of his wife. Though the personal

recollections of individuals who have shared their stories do not provide a totally

accurate time frame, Magnuson was asked to resign his ministry on several

occasions in 1975 and 1976. Not only did Magnuson refuse to resign, but

threatened to sue the leaders and congregation if they removed him. By 1977,

several key families had pulled out. The dream of the family life center and the

new sanctuary had died, and the period of decline began. As can be seen in

Figures 10 and 11, the decline progressed unabated for Magnuson’s last thirteen

years. When he departed in late 1988, the congregation had decreased by over

50% and the average attendance was under 75. New memberships decreased

from an average of more than fifty a year in the early seventies to about ten

annually during his last seven years. Few new programs took hold. Only the

implementation of two small groups within the congregation seemed to provide

much spark. The one for younger couples has now folded due to the loss of

these families.

Many within the congregation seem content to talk about the "good old

days" and the need for a new leader to take them back to the better times.

Common myths talk about the days of having the auditorium - which seats about

260 - filled. There is talk about rebuilding outstanding youth programs, the great 88

choirs, and other pet programs. Others wrestle with the idea of leaving for

larger, more active and positive congregations. On most Sundays, the average

age of the congregation is near fifty years old, and more than 70% of the

attenders are over sixty years old. Most of the younger families are second

generation members who have remained out of loyalty to the only congregation

with which they have worshipped although they are greatly concerned that there

is little attraction for families with young children. Under the leadership of an

interim minister, attendance has declined another 20%, while only three new

members have been brought in. Two of the three have been over sixty years old

and retired; one of these two was a charter member returning after many years.

The congregation continues its search for a new minister and had hoped to have

him on the field before the 1989 school year began. Most candidates have turned

them down.

DACC has remained in a declining posture for nearly fifteen years. With

the exception of those mentioned above, there have been few new programs in

the past fifteen years. What few proposed programs have been attempted have

failed because of a lack of support. There is no evidence of any extended vision since the conflict began. The dollars given to missions were increased for a time but have since fallen back to the earlier level of 10% of general funds. There is currently no debt on their property. Though the average offerings have

increased slightly over the past few years, the additional giving has not kept pace with inflation. Their current budget of nearly $100,000 is supplemented by renting the building to a Chinese congregation, monies from the sale of another 89 property, and royalties from Union Oil. However, at the midway point in their current fiscal year, they are 510,000 under budget; this has not been a major problem since they have not paid their interim minister a salary nearly as large as the budgeted amount. The decreasing numbers are starting to affect the budget adversely. The loss of one member in the spring of 1989 will result in 20% reduction in contributions. The congregation is involved in a building refurbishing program. No decision has been reached on how much can be spent since there is resistance to borrowing money for any purpose.

Unlike ECC, DACC is not a growing congregation.

Sum m ation

As I have shown, ECC and DACC had many things in common. Their early backgrounds were similar although the directions of their ministries have taken totally differing routes in the last fifteen years. Whereas these years have brought expansion and prosperity for ECC, DACC has declined. When Merold and Magnuson arrived in 1969, the congregations were similar in size. Though both made strides in the first five years of ministries, DACC stopped growing and began its decline as ECC was moving ahead with great success. Why the differences? I will attempt to answer these questions in my continuing research and reported in Chapters V and VI. CHAPTER III

A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO CHURCH GROWTH

Church growth is that discipline which investigates the nature, expansion, planting, multiplication, function, and health of Christian churches as they relate to the effective implementation of God’s commission to "make disciples of all people" (Mt. 28:18-20). Students of church growth strive to integrate the eternal theological principles of God’s word concerning the expansion of the church with the best insights of contemporary social and behavioral sciences, employing as the initial frame of reference the foundational work done by Donald McGavran ('The Constitution of the North American Society for Church Growth," as quoted by Wagner, 1987, p. 84).

The rise of the "Church Growth Movement" has generally been associated with Donald McGavran, for many years a missionary of the Christian Church

(Disciples of Christ) in India. McGavran has written of his discovery of the principles of church growth in many places. His discoveries led initially to a change in the way that his Indian missions work was carried out and later to the creation of the Church Growth Institute, now called the Fuller Seminary School of World Mission. Its most important counterpart, the Center for World Mission, is located across the street frpm the Fuller Campus in Pasadena, California.

Today, many major denominational seminaries and Christian colleges have added church growth courses to their curriculum and have established departments of

90 91

church growth within their denominational structures. Consultant services

designed to assist churches in their growth have proliferated in the past two

decades. Church growth has become a major theme in the church; this is evident

both in the number of books and articles supporting church growth concepts and

the criticism questioning its validity.

In this chapter I will present a brief history of the church growth

movement. The following areas will be covered: the rise of the church growth

movement, the principles of church growth, and the application of the principles

in various areas. Finally, I will relate key church growth principles to the

research being conducted at ECC and DACC using Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis.

The Rise of the Church Growth Movement

After ten years on the mission field in India, Donald McGavran decided

that the almost non-existent expansion of the Christian enterprise must be

examined carefully to determine why its progress had stalled. His first observations focused on the inability of missionaries in his and other denominations to make inroads into East Indian culture. After more than fifty years of labor by Disciples of Christ missionaries in India, only 2000 converts had

been made (McGavran and Hunter, 1980). This observation made McGavran ask, "Why?" McGavran noted that missionaries seemed excessively concerned about conversion and social justice. He observed,

. . . that where the Christian mission went, it influenced social structure and changed some of them in the direction of justice and mercy. So the assumption evolved that social action and the 92

changing of social structures were basic functions of the Christian mission. Even evangelism become more and more "renewal," an effort to make existing Christians better Christians (McGavran and Hunter, 1980, p. 15).

McGavran was not satisfied with a theory that suggested that a mission’s work should be concerned about upgrading the social order and physical comfort of the convert. He believed it needed to be translated into church related activities. His first observation drew attention to the lack of focus on the primary purpose of missions, converting unchristian persons, at the expense of attempting to improve the lot of the physical and social lives of the unconverted.

Further, McGavran observed that one of the great difficulties faced by new converts came with the separation from their Hindu heritage. Conversion to

Christianity meant isolation and rejection by one’s family and social structure. In

Understanding Church Growth. McGavran (1980) told of one convert’s long struggle and persecution by his fellow tribesmen, and his inability to convert other members of his family. McGavran found this to be typical. From these two observations, he concluded that people "like to become Christians without crossing racial, linguistic or class barriers" and that "the great obstacles to conversion are social, not theological" (McGavran, 1980 pp. 233-234). The discovery of this key idea, first called the "people movement" and then the

"homogenous unit" principle, was the turning point in the mission work led by

M cGavran.

The revelation of the principle, however, was not delineated in book fashion for many years. Although McGavran wrote to his friends about these discoveries, a limited amount of material was published in early years. His 93 findings made little impact until compiled in three major works written over the next decade and a half. The Bridges of God was published in 1955; How

Churches Grow was produced in 1960; the "bible" of church growth,

Understanding Church Growth, was published first in 1970, and revised in 1980.

It is still the primer for students of church growth.

Though the two earlier works were widely read, they still produced no perceptible changes in the course of mission work in McGavran’s denomination.

They did serve, however, as the springboard for the missiologist’s being sent to four other mission stations to study his "homogenous unit principle." McGavran had stated that "the removal of distractive, divisive, sinful gods and spirits and ideas from the corporage life of the people and putting Christ at the centre on the Throne" (1980) was a primary aim. This continuing emphasis on the word

"corporate" would finally fall on receptive ears. No longer would the emphasis be focused on individual converts, but the transformation of entire cultures and/or subcultures.

The second major shift focused on the distinction between the concepts of

"discipling" and "perfecting" the converts. For the first time, someone was talking about two separate stages in the establishment of the Christian civilization

(McGavran, 1955). Tippett (1973) considered the discovery of these emphases as two of the three major contributions in the work of McGavran.

From Mission Field to Missions* Scholar

McGavran retired from mission work at the age of sixty-eight. But the end of one career was the beginning of another. In 1961, he was asked to begin the 94

Institute of Church Growth at Northwest Christian College, Eugene, Oregon; this was later moved to Pasadena, California, where"... I became the Founding

Dean of the Fuller Theological Seminary School of Church Growth" (McGavran and Hunter, 1980, p. 18). With the aid of the students and faculty, the principles of church growth and the practical experiences of his research in the late 50’s were formulated into Understanding Church Growth. The publication of this book and the appeal of Fuller’s research efforts attracted persons from many foreign countries; for years, however, the school applied the developing principles only to non-American situations. The creation of church growth principles were only tested in other countries and cultures.

Adding lessons taken from the social sciences, researchers focused on cultural studies like India’s caste system and land owners/laborers in Central and

South America. Attempts to find whole groups who might be "ripe" for the

Christian message were undertaken using the best social science methods.

Gradually computers were added to forecast areas where church growth would be potentially strong. Factors such as natural disasters, cultures or sub-cultures undergoing radical changes, or places which were showing a certain willingness to convert in mass numbers became the focus of both evangelism and research. The principles being developed were tested and shown to have high probability factors. Still no one addressed the question of whether or not these principles were applicable in the American church. 95

Church Growth and the American Church

What began as an approach to reach such culturally diverse groups as the castes of India and the bush people of Africa began to work its way into the

American church. The principles of church growth focused on the need to reach into specific communities of people and not individuals as had always been attempted. American churches were generally believed to be more heterogeneous; the melting pot image of all people becoming one in this land seemed inappropriate to many of the principles being established for foreign missions. Though no reference was found in any readings to this date, Niebuhr in

The Social Structure of Denominations (1929) and Packard in The Status Seeker

(1961) clearly showed the social strata ofthe denominations. Tracing the various

"classes" of people through their denominations was not far removed from the basic "homogenous unit" principle of McGavran.

In September, 1971, Peter Wagner established the first class on church growth for American ministers. (Wagner, who joined the Fuller faculty in 1967, had served as a missionary in South America for nearly fifteen years.) Twenty- five pastors and lay leaders attended the first class. The door opened to a full blown seminary degree program teaching basic church growth principles for

American churches. Fuller expanded their seminary program and faculty to involve American pastors as well as missions specialists. The Doctor of Ministry program was created. Wagner and others wrote prolifically; tapes and motion pictures were produced and distributed. Winfield Arn resigned as Secretary for

Christian Education in the Evangelical Covenant Church to establish the Institute 96 for American Church Growth, out of which came the position of church growth consultant. The Institute began publishing the magazine Church Growth:

America-

The church growth movement found tinder lying ready to hand across North America. Pastors were tired of static churches and welcomed light on growth. They wanted to see new churches planted and old churches reaching out. . . . The Reformed Church of America, the Southern Baptists, Annual Meetings of the Society of Friends, Free Methodists, Espicopalians, and United Methodists, all became deeply involved in church growth (McGavran and H unter, 1980, pp. 21-22).

Other church growth journals followed and already established journals such as Christianity Today and its quarterly publication Leadership devoted special issues to the subject. Denominational papers from the above mentioned groups devoted entire issues and special columns to the discipline. Presently several seminaries from a variety of denominations have established departments of church growth and church growth specialties in their offerings. McGavran was correct when he noted that the great influx of immigrants to America has forced the American church to expand further their outreach toward entire cultures, thus making the principles used on mission fields vital here.

Wagner (1984) noted that a new breed of Christian vocations has arisen out of the church growth movement. Primary among these vocations is the church growth consultant. John Wimber resigned as pastor of the Yorba Linda

(CA) Friends Church to establish the Charles E. Fuller Institute of Evangelism and Church Growth in Pasadena. After two years, he had developed the institute into a national force, but left to establish the Vineyard Christian Fellowship of

Anaheim (Ca). He has led this fellowship from a small group to a current 97 membership exceeding 5000 as well as establishing a "chain" of Vineyard

Fellowships in the Los Angeles and Orange County areas of southern California.

Carl George succeeded Wimber and currently leads a training program for church growth consultants. Wagner summarized the movement like this:

I see a new day dawning for the American church. Tremendous human and spiritual powers, now locked into restrictive patterns and outmoded methodologies, will soon be released for the accelerated spread of the Kingdom of God on our continent. If so, all those who love the Lord and are willing to serve Him are in for exciting times (Wagner, 1984, p. 20).

From embryonic stages in the mid-fifties, the church growth movement has impacted a great number of local congregations and national denominations with its findings. All of this is in addition to the continuing work and research being done internationally by Fuller Theological Seminary. Though finally retired and blind, the ninety-year old McGavran still provides inspiration and counsel to those who follow him.

The Foundations of Church Growth

Though critics have generally attempted to attack the church growth movement on the basis of a lack of Biblical foundations (Schenk, 1973), those associated with the field defend their position as strongly grounded in the Bible.

Church growth proponents suggest that critics have forced them to re-examine constantly their theological positions and that they have provided adequate doctrinal statements. From the earliest writings there have been attempts to provide a solid theological foundation. 98

Theological Assumptions of Church Growth Proponents

To create and maintain credibility among persons to whom they were

attempting to appeal, church growth advocates had to provide a strong theological

foundation. This was especially true among the conservative constituents being

reached. The problem remained, however, that some twists of theology appealed to some communions while others would reject positions which were not consistent with their theology. Calvinists expected language consistent with their positions while Armenians preferred a different language pattern and rejected what might be considered Calvinistic leanings. Since the church growth movement did not arise from a singular theological position, theological statements have been a constant battlefield. The seeking of the lowest common denominator for has caused problems.

It was not surprising to discover that the theology in church growth writings has not tended towards a particular doctrinal position. In his section on

"theological considerations," McGavran focused on the "complex faithfulness which is church growth" (McGavran, 1980, p 18). Key issues considered the need and methodology for church growth. McGavran did not support a particular

"plan of salvation," but discussed the broad sweep of the need to reach the "lost."

He claimed as his basic theology, "Church growth is faithfulness."

Whereas some (Norris, 1983, and Padilla, 1983) would have preferred to see McGavran and his students to be more theologically and even Biblically oriented, they seemed more concerned with his modification of missions theology.

This shift changed the focus from "seeking" converts to one that suggested they 99

must be "found." After years of research, McGavran (1980) concluded that most

missionaries felt responsible for presenting a message in the hope that some

would believe. He suggested: "It is not enough to search for lost sheep. The

Master Shepherd . . . wants his sheep found" (McGavran, 1980, p. 34). A

theology of responsibility was a clear departure from what McGavran found in

the work in India and beyond. McGavran supported this from the practical

experience either researched or witnessed in such diverse places as the Panama

Canal, Africa, India, and Latin America. He showed that no one single approach

accomplished the task of finding the sheep. His discussions covered approaches

ranging from the "school approach" - the use of school settings as the center for evangelism - to traditional preaching as the appropriate means of reaching the lost. The approach had to be tailored to the society and culture. McGavran was deeply concerned about faithfulness to the Bible (in his own interpretation) but pragmatic in his methodological approaches. The emphasis was on conversion,

not presentation.

A third theological point made by McGavran focused on "the will of God."

Tightly connected to the concept noted above, the theology of harvest focused on not only winning people to the Christian faith but also making them a vital part of the church. McGavran stated, "we may define mission narrowly as an enterprise devoted to proclaiming the Good News. . . . and to persuading men to become His disciples and dependable members of His Church" (McGavran, 1955, p. 171). 100

A major distinction between past and present theology centered in the

aftermath of the conversion experience. Previous emphasis led to social action,

such as the development of better lifestyles, improved living conditions, more

favorable governmental programs, etc. McGavran concerned himself with the

creation and building of church organizations. As early as The Bridges of God

(1955), McGavran centered on two distinct activities: "winning" the lost and

"discipling" the lost. He emphasized both leading the unbeliever into a saving faith in Jesus Christ as Lord and "maturing" the convert in his/her faith.

"Distinguishing between these two stages is essential for those who lead people to

become Christians. The second stage overlaps the first, but it cannot precede it without destroying it" (McGavran, 1955, p. 16). McGavran’s theology of church

growth maintained that God’s will required converts to leave their pagan gods

and cultures and find a new "corporate life" in the church. However, it was clear

that although many agreed with this principle in theory, they questioned the position taken by McGavran (Schenk, 1983).

To bolster the theological stance of the church growth movement, writers continued to address the theology issue. At about the same time McGavran was writing Understanding Church Growth, co-worker A. R. Tippett published Church

Growth and the Word of God (1970). Originally presented as a series of devotional studies in other journals, the compiled materials attempted to link church growth principles to Biblical theology. The text liberally sprinkled Bible quotations with church growth arguments suggesting that they were consistent with the history of the early church. Primarily studied was the book of Acts, 101 which presents the spread of the Gospel in the first century. Since one of the earliest and most persistent continuing problems alleged an overblown emphasis on numbers, Tippett (1970) emphasized the numerical increases found in the book of Acts. He pointed out that the number of converts made on a particular occasion and/or the total number of believers were listed in at least six places in the book of Acts. Further, he attempted to show that church growth people have taken seriously the command to "perfect the believers" by on-going teaching.

Church growth proponents and their critics have not come to agreement.

Wagner, heir to the leadership of the movement after McGavran’s retirement, suggested that the criticism of the movement was generated in part by those less successful in efforts. He maintained that advocates of church growth theology have continually produced results. He suggested that church growth theology remained Biblically pure and that the success of church growth advocates demonstrated the validity of the theology. Opponents like Shenk (1983) and Van

Engen (1981) continued to question the reliability of the teaching, suggesting that church growth people had indeed sold out to numbers. Van Engen (1981) suggested that too often the movement seems to use texts simply to shore up church growth theory. But proponents like Zunkle (1987) countered that a high level of traditional theology had been applied to church growth principles.

Each denomination or congregation must become aware of what is basic, what the most important elements of the faith are as it understands its faith. Growth comes as Lutherans are the best Lutherans they know how to be, and as Methodists or Presbyterians or UCCs are the best Methodists or Presbyterians or UCCs they know how to be. Growth comes not as Disciples or Baptists or Mennonites dilute what they have, as they seek the lowest common denominator with the community around them. Christ is not lifted up when that 102

happens. God’s kingdom of love and truth is not advanced in any way when bodies are simply run through the door. . . . Once we know that, we will share. And we will share with a passion what has been strangely lacking among so many fine, dedicated Christians in the decades just past (Zunkle, 1987, p. 79).

Zunkle appeared to capture what church growth leaders attempted to say: church growth findings and teachings were theologically based and appropriate. They do not, however, attempt to bridge what was uniquely a part of a particular denomination. They believed that each should apply its particular theology of conversion and church building to produce a greater harvest within its denomination.

The Principles of Church Growth

If church growth was not overwhelming in its development of a certain theology held by a particular denomination, it did strongly hold to principles

(based in their opinion in a primary theology) which could overlap into a majority of communions committed to growth. The following review of principles begins with the early work of McGavran and proceeds chronologically through selected writings of his followers.

The McGavran Base

The first and the most often debated McGavran principle of church growth read: "Men like to become Christians without crossing racial, linguistic, or class barriers." He added, "human beings do build barriers around their own societies.

. . . Mankind is a mosaic and each piece has a separate life of its own which seems strange and often unlovely to men and women of other pieces" (McGavran, 103

1980, p. 35). Consequently, McGavran suggested that if church growth was going to take place, potential candidates would generally come from the same ethnic group. As early as in his Bridges to God. McGavran espoused this principle; it remains one of the (if not the) foundational stones on which church growth philosophy is built. It has been dubbed the "homogenous unit principle"

(McGavran, 1955, p. 34).

McGavran’s second principle suggested that "the church in every land ought to be a Church of that land and culture. . ." (McGavran, 1980, p. 42). He noted that missionaries of most denominations tended to do two things: first, they converted the natives to the Christian faith, and, second, they supplemented doctrine with their own culture, McGavran’s "indigenous church" principle maintained that missionaries should retain the first idea while allowing the native culture to shape new churches. Further, foreign missionaries should provide basic instruction in evangelism but should allow the indigenous populations to modify and build evangelistic programs consistent with their culture. McGavran pointed out that the "school approach" used so effectively in Africa would be ineffective where children could not make decisions about religion without the consent of their parents. Indigenous churches grow when they find the appropriate means of teaching nationals.

A third principle was called the "bridges principle." It was premised around how people associated primarily within their own strata or class of people.

Consequently, when a missionary was attempting to build a congregation, s/he 104 should encourage persons to share within their own family and social class. He said,

Every nation is made up of various layers or strata of society. In many nations each stratum is clearly separated from every other. The individuals in each stratum marry chiefly, if not solely, with each other. Their intimate life is therefore limited to their own society, that is, to their own people. They may work with others, buy from and sell to individuals of other societies; but their intimate life is wrapped up with the individuals of their own people. . . . When (these) start becoming Christian, this touches their very lives (M cGavran, 1955, p. 12).

Others expanded this and called it the "web" principle. Hunter added, "People are more receptive when they are approached by authentic Christians from within their own social network" (Hunter, 1979, p. 126).

The fourth and fifth principles were closely aligned and require little explanation. McGavran proposed that a growing church "set goals" and "make bold plans" (McGavran, 1980, p. 37). These were to be done with much thought and effort.

Building on the McGavran Principles

Throughout the following years of research, others defined additional church growth principles. Some simply advanced or modified the McGavran principles, while others appeared to be new and/or additional findings. The following principles have been accepted in church growth circles with varying degrees of conclusiveness. They are presented in chronological order.

In 1971, Wendell Belew published these principles in Churches and How

They G row .

1. Growing churches have a stated definitive purpose. 105

2. They are marked by authoritative professional and lay leadership.

3. They have developed a church growth strategy

4. They have generated an understanding of the community,

5. They have involved lay people.

Harold Fickett (1972) proposed these principles.

1. The growing congregation is Christ centered.

2. It is Biblically based.

3. It is evangelistic in intent.

4. It is composed of a regenerated membership.

5. It has confidence in its leadership.

6. The stewardship program is founded in Scriptural principles.

7. The congregation has an adequate professional staff.

8. The motivation for work is faith.

9. Services provided are diversified.

10. The church has a balance in its emphases.

In Your Church Has Real Possibilities, national televangelist Robert Schuller

(1975) suggested:

1. The building must be accessible to people.

2. The church must provide surplus parking.

3. There must be a vast inventory of offerings.

4. The congregation must provide people services to its community.

5. The church must remain highly visible.

6. The philosophy must focus on "possibility thinking." 106

7. The church must have a good cash flow.

Lyle Schaller (1975) added:

1. The church must have good preaching.

2. There must be an emphasis on evangelism.

3. There must be changing fellowship circles.

4. There must be opportunities to make commitments.

5. The congregation must be willing to import leaders.

6. There must be ministries in which members can specialize.

7. The minister of the congregation must like people.

Leroy Lawson and Tetsunao Yamamori (1975) suggested:

1. The congregation must have positive beliefs.

2. The Christians must want the congregation to grow.

3. The Christians must expect the congregation to grow.

4. Dynamic Christians must lead the congregation.

5. Members must win their own families.

6. The Holy Spirit must empower the congregation.

7. M em bers win their own kind.

8. New members are carefully taught the Bible.

9. New members must be put to work immediately.

10. Churches must be willing to accept changes.

11. The church must belong to the people (they must sense their

ownership).

12. Members must ask God for church growth. 107

C. Peter Wagner (1976) took a different slant.

1. Growing churches allow the pastor to lead.

2. The people of the church work.

3. The church recognizes the characteristics of its size and structure.

4. The church builds on the principle of the homogeneous units.

5. The congregation tries different methods for growth.

6. The church has well established priorities.

Foster Shannon (1977) suggested:

1. The congregation must have a desire to grow.

2. The pastor must be committed to growth.

3. Growing congregations are marked by lengthy pastorates.

4. The growing congregation teaches new membership classes.

5. The congregation has programs to reach the

unchurched.

Ron Jenson and Jim Stevens (1981) wrote fifteen principles,

1. Prayer; ask and expect God to do the miraculous

2. Worship: experience meaningful corporate celebration

3. Purpose: unite around common objectives

4. Diagnosis: analyze the local church and community

5. Priorities: emphasize major activities and values

6. Planning: project ways to achieve objectives

7. Programming: build ministries which move toward

objectives 108

8. Climate: radiate love, service, witness, and expectancy

9. Leadership: motivate and guide towards objectives

10. Laity: utilize the strengths of individuals

11. Absorption: establish a strong sense of belonging

12. Small groups: develop deep interpersonal relationships.

13. Discipleship: promote commitment and spiritual multiplication

14. Training: equip with knowledge, skills, and character

15. Evangelism: present the gospel effectively

The principles of church growth arose out of the experiential circumstances

in which many of the writers were involved. McGavran first wrote of his

principles after years of first unsuccessful and then successful missionary

endeavors. His first findings were then checked by field research in other parts of the world. He found that his principles stood up in other cultures and circumstances. Only then did he write his first findings (1955) and later the basic work, Understanding Church Growth (1970, revised in 1980). The principles were later tested by comparison and on site analysis through the Institute of

Church Growth. Though current writings still deal with world missions and church growth, the bulk of the literature in the last decade and a half has focused on church growth among American churches. Here the emphasis has not been so much on additional research and principle establishment but on the application of the principles in varying circumstances. 109

Applications of Church Growth Principles

Applications of church growth principles have been quite diverse. As

principles of church growth have been applied and utilized in the past years, few

writers have attempted to find new principles. This portion of the paper focuses

upon how these principles have been utilized by proponents of church growth

theology. Reeves and Jenson (1984) have established some initial guidelines

which serve as a reasonable beginning point for this discussion. Under the

heading of "A tentative taxonomy of church types" (Reeves and Jensen, 1984,p.

96), they divided materials by (1) developmental/historical applications, (2)

contextual applications, and (3) institutional typologies. These serve as a

foundation for this review of the application of church growth principles. Other

applications will also be considered.

Developmental/Historical Applications

Application of church growth principles under the developmental/historical

heading looked at the approaches of early McGavran writings.

McGavran’s Understanding Church Growth (1980) provided several examples of ways the "homogeneous principle" of church growth was consistent with the works taking place in India, Africa, and Central America. Historically, he traced how application of this principle generally led to an almost immediate and rapid advancement of mission work among the cultures being evangelized. Other early works followed a similar pattern as principles were applied. Less productive situations generally were distinguished by their lack of application of appropriate principles or inability of the missionary to read the appropriate signs for readiness 110 on the part of those who were possible recipients of the message of Jesus Christ.

The risk of this observation, however, was that it appeared to be a self-fulfilling prophecy or an "after the fact" observation. This risk is constantly present in qualitative research methodologies. Unless predisposed to be as objective as possible in one’s efforts, research and observation can be made to say what the author wishes. Thus if a congregation has failed it is easy to suggest that it failed to follow certain patterns which are growth producing. Conversely, if a congregation is successful and has not been aware of key church growth principles, the observer might find those principles used, though perhaps unwittingly or unintentionally.

Many writers have applied the principles in terms of the historical development of a local congregation. Schaller (1885) and Wagner (1987), as well as Reeves and Jensen (1984), noted how churches seem to follow specific patterns in their lives and growth. Reeves and Jenson summarized the findings of many of the church growth experts and identified the chronology of a congregation by suggesting the following stages:

1, The infant church was newly born and developing. It often moved quickly and grew because of the enthusiasm of the membership; often they were created in new neighborhoods, new communities, or at the direction of the hierarchy which believed a specific area was ripe for cultivation. Young congregations were generally led by younger, dynamic leaders who paid a high price in terms of time and effort to establish the work. I l l

2. Childhood churches were identified as three to twelve years old. These

were days of experimentation, building development, and establishing of a strong

identity within the congregation and their potential outreach areas.

3. Adolescent churches have been in existence from twelve to twenty years.

Traditions were usually well established and a sense of "our church" had

developed among the church founders. New people were often viewed as

intruders. Pastoral leadership had probably changed but the lay leadership was

often a remnant of the early day. Schaller (1981) described this as the group

most likely to become the "passive congregation."

4. Young adult churches are churches which have been in existence from

twenty to forty years. They usually have reached a plateau numerically and never

move past it. These years were often the period of decline. Pastoral turnover

had become a problem; aging founders sometimes were departing for many

reasons, including death, but had not trained replacements; the surrounding

community had changed drastically; and few provisions had been made to adapt

programs and plans to fit the needs of the community. As with the adolescent

church, older members often drove many miles to return to their old

neighborhood to worship, while younger families had moved to newer and more

promising congregations.

5. The middle-age congregation, age forty to sixty years, was normally on

the decline. Many of these congregations were rural and had seen a majority of the younger population leave for more urban settings with more job opportunities. The population of the newer urban churches was filled with these 112 newly transplanted families. The average age of the membership usually surpassed fifty years and there was no influx of younger people to maintain the congregation.

6. The historic church usually existed for more than two full generations.

It was often a landmark of the community and a representative body for the community’s leadership. Though generally well endowed by bequests, it had stagnated in terms of growth and programming. It lived in the past recalling more glorious days.

Applications of church growth principles were made using these stages of development. Schaller devoted sections in several books to the various stages of congregations (Schaller, 1978, 1980, 1981). Other scholars such as Wagner

(1979), Arn (1979), and Gibbs (1984) considered congregations which had reached various plateaus to show how they had successfully moved out of a particular stage. At other times, these same writers tracked the history of a congregation to show how principles of church growth kept them vibrant (or vice versa) through the various stages. Studies of the Garden Grove (California)

Community Church, known as Robert Schuller’s Crystal Cathedral, First Baptist

Church, Hammond, Indiana, First Baptist Church, Dallas, Texas, and Thomas

Road Baptist Church, Lynchburg, Virginia, were used as models of congregations that have continued to progress through the various chronological periods described. Vaughan (1984) and Towns, Vaughan, and Seifert (1981) presented case studies of these and other congregations which had grown successfully through the stages of church life. Like the life cycle materials used in the study 113

of child and adult physical and emotional development, these studies were highly

generalized, but helpful in seeing how the principles have been consistently

applicable.

Geographical Applications

A second typology of church growth studies focused on geographical

considerations. Such studies looked at congregations from various regions of the

country: New England churches, Mid-Atlantic congregations, Midwestern

congregations, Southern churches, West Coast churches, etc. Many were done

according to specific denominational structures which predominated one section of the country. Research covered the Southern Baptist Churches in the southern

region of the U. S., or the Methodists, Lutherans, Catholics, and Baptists in the

Midwest. Studies considered sociological distinction such as factory workers in

New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New York (Hartman, 1976, McBeth, 1968, and

Mylander, 1975), or farmers in the midwest, or white collar workers in the Los

Angeles basin. Though these types of studies were fewer in number, they often demonstrated characteristics which were more significant in one region than

another.

Contextual Approaches

A third typology suggested by Reeves and Jenson (1984) compared and contrasted the contextual dynamics of church growth, such as distinctions between rural and urban church settings. They suggested that there were several distinctive types of congregations each having a specific type of personality.

Church growth studies found that inner-city churches were marked by their 114

location in depressed surroundings and worshiped in facilities which formerly

housed a lively congregation but were now abandoned (Noyce, 1973; Jones and

Wilson, 1974; and Schuller, 1975). Former members had made their flight to the

suburbs and newer congregations. At the opposite extreme were congregations in

rural areas where much of the population had moved away (Longnecker, 1973).

Between the two extremes were churches located in the suburbs of metropolitan

areas and congregations which populate the smaller communities and villages

throughout America (Longnecker, 1973). Church growth principles have been

applied to congregations within all segments of our society. In most cases, the

findings have supported the theories; rarely will a congregation have a schema

that do not fit some principles. Thus church growth proponents concluded that

the principles were applicable across a broad range of experiences. In some cases, the negative factors were used to support the principles. If congregations did not grow, they were probably not using church growth principles at all or ineffectively.

Other Applications

Special contexts for studies have also been used. Balswick (1974) applied church growth principles to congregations which attracted the Jesus People.

Anderson and Anderson (1975) looked at the advent of the "house church" movement during the seventies and popular in areas where buildings could not be built affordably or because of a theological bent away from owning property and/or having structured types of worship. Olsen (1973), Snyder (1976), and

Stedman (1972), applied church growth principles more broadly as they 115

considered the importance of small groups within the larger congregation.

Wagner’s (1987) principles of "celebration, congregation, and cell" are at least

similar to the emphasis on the house church. Wagner suggested that growing

churches plan for persons to be involved in fellowship and worship in smaller

groups since intimacy and being close are not parts of the larger worship

(celebration) of any church. Armstrong (1979) considered the "Electric Church" -

- not to be confused with television ministry — with its worship where the organ

and/or piano were replaced by electric guitars, drums, etc. Such congregations

appealed to a certain population during the late sixties and seventies. It also suggested a much more upbeat and loosely structured form of worship which would appeal to one segment of a society.

Other applications were made to congregations whose appeal was to a certain ethnic group. Kraft (1973) applied church growth principles to certain ethnic populations to test appropriateness. These studies, closely tied to the earliest mission studies of McGavran have greater significance as many of our large urban populations are being settled by non-English speaking groups.

Perhaps the most widely used application of church growth principles has centered in the context of congregation size. Studies which reviewed "small,"

"middle-sized," and/or "large" congregations ranged from congregations of fifty and below to those which numbered up to 250,000. Vaughan (1984) studied the

"world’s 20 largest churches" to see how church growth principles have been utilized. Town, et al. (1981) considered the "world’s largest Sunday School" in a book with a similar bent. Schaller (1980) wrote on the larger church and its need 116

for the "multiple staff' leading to church growth. Schuller (1975) recounted the

growth of the Crystal Cathedral as he demonstrated that other congregations

could reach the same point with the application of his "possibility thinking"

principles. At the other end of the spectrum, Dudley (1978) applied church

growth principles to the small church. Madsen (1977) has complemented this

work in his The Small Church. Carroll and Jackson (1977) have edited a work

on effective ministries in smaller churches and in places where populations are

declining. Churches which are considered "middle sized (generally considered in

the range of 150-250 in attendance) have had church growth principles applied by

Schaller (1987). Focusing on the middle size and often changing congregations,

other writers have looked at such matters as "the church in the changing

community" (Driggers, 1977) and churches in transition (Ziegenhals, 1978).

Denominational/Theological Typologies

Another application of church growth principles has focused on

denominational or special types of congregations known for a certain theological

stance. Studies have been conducted by the Mennonites, the Friends, the

Baptists, and the Methodists in the denominational structures. In my own

denomination, the Christian Church/Church of Christ, Felton (1974) and Lawson

and Tetsumao (1975) have suggested how church growth principles can be applied in both new church work and in established congregations. Driggers

(1977) has studied the applications of principles among the Baptists. Hartman

(1976) looked at trends of growth and decline among United Methodist congregations. Williamson (1979) considered growth among Episcopalians. 117

Quebedeaux (1976) and Spittler (1976) considered church growth principles

among Pentecostals and Charismatics. On a local level and focusing on a certain

type of congregation and constituency, Smith (1984) and Mains (1971) looked at

special groups appealing to a certain population in a specific location. Smith has

been working among the group of young adults in southern California who were

deeply involved in Campus Crusade or Navigators during their college years. He

has used church growth principles to establish several "Calvary Chapel"

congregations in California's Los Angeles and Orange counties. Mains

established "Full Circle," a congregation in a changing neighborhood with a highly

racially and ethnically mixed population in inner city Chicago.

Church growth principles have had significant applications among many

types of communities, in many settings, and in congregations of various theological and sociological mixes. Though drawing conclusions along one’s preconceived notions was always a problem, the broadness of applications suggest that writers have attempted to be objective and open in their applications and interpretations in these studies. Consequently, this writer assumes that certain principles can be applied to the studies of ECC and DACC, and that at least some of the principles will be seen as applicable. In the last section of this chapter, the researcher will identify certain principles which will be looked for specifically in this study. 118

Key Principles to be Applied in the Research

Because this research will use a specific rhetorical method, Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis, and because it will be looking for specific kinds of detail within a friendly atmosphere, I will be forced to take great care in my evaluations about cause/effect relationships. Further, because there is at least a primary principle of church growth that seems to tie very closely with the ideas of

Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis, I must be extremely careful to maintain objectivity and openness to the many variables which might play a part in the growth of the ECC and DACC. The precautions taken to assure this objectivity will be spelled out more directly and completely in Chapter 4; however, one or two observations appear to be appropriate at this point.

Cherwitz suggested several guidelines about "gauges of rhetorical effect"

(Cherwitz, 1980, p.33) which are appropriate not only because this is a rhetorical study, but also because they are general principles which are applicable to any study measuring potential cause/effect relationships. Three are appropriate to this study specifically.

First, Cherwitz suggested that in political situations, pre-event polls and

"voting records and legislative debate" (Cherwitz, 1980, p. 34) are significant sources in establishing and verifying effects interpretations of presidential addresses. It appears that similar considerations must be made in the church setting, although in these settings the focus would be on pre-event surveys, if available. Since the focus of the study centers on the creation, proclamation, and maintenance of the organizational sagas (cultures) of ECC and DACC which 119 have been influential in their growth and/or decline, the researcher must attempt to determine what was known about ECC and DACC before certain images and stories were created or known to the person(s) asked to provide information.

The question appears to be, "Was the image in the mind of the person before the interview took place, or was it placed in the mind of the interviewee as a result of the discussion with the interviewer?" Consideration must be provided to assure that the idea arises from the interviewee, not the interviewer. Further, I must be concerned to read and accurately interpret the material presented by the interviewees so as not to overstate the case or misinterpret the point of the materials. Since the research will be looking for specific "fantasies," it would be easy to direct the interviewee to use that type of language or to recall such a fantasy by loading the questions. The use of appropriate questions about historical events and recollections should reduce my risk in this matter.

The second matter, the use of voting records and regulative debates, will be comparable to the decision making process of the staff and board of ECC and

DACC. Since the congregations are based on democratic processes, the reviews of staff meeting notes and decisions, the studies of voting records within the elected lay leadership, the steps of implementation, and other debate/decision making efforts will assist in the effort to maintain objectivity and effectual implications.

Not to be overlooked in the process will be Cherwitz’ discussion of the use of artifacts. "Rhetorical artifacts include . . . pamphlets, letters, and media dissemination of the discourse. . ." (Cherwitz, 1980, p. 34). The artifacts of the 120

congregations will assist in the evaluation of effects since they will also contain

highlights which are a part of the rhetorical vision of the congregation.

The basic question or premise of this paper centers on the effects of

"fantasy themes" on the numerical changes at ECC and DACC. It has already been noted that both church growth scholars as well as those proponents of

Bormann’s philosophy have great faith in the themes and visions which are a part of any organization. But as noted above, I must avoid making the research fit the premises rather than allowing the research to test the propositions and questions.

In an effort to avoid this pitfall, I will look not only at the principle which suggests that growing churches have strong images projected both internally and externally, but shall consider at least nine other possible effects/relationships to the issue of growth suggested by church growth philosophy.

These principles have been determined to be most appropriate:

1. Growing churches are marked by strong leadership at both the

professional and lay level. Strong leaders are risk takers. Conversely, non-

growing churches do not appear to have effective, empowering leadership

ready and willing to work.

2. Growing churches are marked by positive visibility within their

communities.

3. Growing churches have active lay involvement beyond the leadership

level. The more effectively the leadership compels the laity to serve, the

more numerical growth will be evidenced. 121

4. Growing congregations have adequate facilities and good parking

available for both members and potential members.

5. Growing churches place a high priority on evangelism.

6. Growing churches plan for growth. They have prepared themselves with

both a vision for growth and the appropriate priorities leading to growth.

7. Growing churches work within the principle of homogeneity. They

appeal to a particular group of people.

8. Growing churches are marked by a singleness of theological direction

and interpretation. Though probably committed to a variety of methods to

produce growth, they will not be willing to sacrifice the basic theological

position as a compromise for growth.

9. Finally, growing churches have positive purposes and goals established.

They are not afraid to set numerical goals and unashamedly reach for

them with full effort, rewarding themselves when goals are reached.

From the initial review of ECC’s and DACC's histories, all of these factors seemed to have played a part. It remains to be seen how various factors will interplay in the growth at ECC and decline at DACC. The importance of the

"organizational saga" within those changes must be weighed carefully.

Summation

For nearly fifty years, Donald McGavran and his disciples have attempted to explain church growth as a means of fulfilling the task of reaching the lost for

Jesus, bringing them into the church, and creating a functioning body of believers 122 committed to fulfilling that purpose again and again. They researched the issues of church growth for a number of years, beginning first in foreign lands, then moving to the United States, to arrive at their principles and conclusions. The result has been the compilation of church growth principles which can not only be applied in some cases, but provide a highly accurate means of predicting whether or not growth can take place in certain situations. They discovered and tested these principles in specific situations to draw their conclusions. Their followers have taken the principles, made some additions and modifications, and have applied them in a great number of congregations and social settings. Generally they have found them appropriate in these cases or have suggested that the lack of growth is the direct result of failing to apply adequately the principles.

My study will look again at those principles. I will not try to create new ones, but shall ask questions and make observations around already purported matters. Specifically, I will concentrate on the importance of one particular principle: the need for a positive congregational vision internally and externally. I will attempt, as objectively as possible, to consider the implications of positive imaging as a primary effect on the growth of ECC and negative outcomes at

DACC. Twenty-eight year old ECC has grown from less than 100 members in

1961 to a membership of just slightly less than 5000. It is an appropriate model.

DACC is thirty years old and has gone from an attendance of twenty up to over

200 and back to less than 70. The following chapters attempt to explain further how rhetorical processes and church growth principles have affected the defined outcomes of these congregations. C H A PT E R IV

A LITERATURE REVIEW LEADING TO THE METHODOLOGY

OF A COMMUNICATION STUDY OF EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH

The field of organizational communication has been evolving and expanding for the past seventy years. From beginnings focused on making company officials better public speakers, company newsletters more effective, and improving the flow of information from the top down, to the now greatly diversified contexts of studies (Putnam and Cheney, 1983; Littlejohn, 1989, Krone,

Jablin, and Putnam, 1987), the effort has been in transition. Putnam and Cheney

(1983) discovered the first departmental wide roots for the study of organizational communication at Purdue University under the direction of P. E. Lull in the early

1950s. Littlejohn (1989) traced the beginnings of organizational communication to the writings of Max Weber. Focusing on Weber’s (1947) The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Littlejohn (1989) maintained that Weber was "a general backdrop for the theories to come." As such, he provided the "classical" or "standard picture with which the others can be contrasted . . . [and] . . . presents the common traditional view of organizations. . (Littlejohn, 1989, p.

123 124

229). Though it was the seminal work on organizations, it was limited because

Weber did not discuss communication in organizations.

Littlejohn (1989) was one of several authors who placed various theories

and methodologies of organizational communication research into broad

categories. Though his structure was beneficial, the most helpful work was

Krone, Jablin, and Putnam (1987). For a brief overview of the general field of

organizational communication, Krone, et al. suggested four categories be used;

these writers clearly indicated that their divisions were closely tied to Fisher’s

(1978) work on general communication theory, the standard in the field. Krone,

et al. classified theory in the following four perspectives.

Perspectives of Organization Communication

The Mechanistic Perspective

First, they discussed the "mechanistic" perspectives. In this division, the channel and message of communication were studied. The concern was "how" messages were transmitted within the organization and was the earliest methodology. There were at least three major components: communication was causal or quasi-causal in relationships; communication moved in a chain-like fashion; and the message was a "concrete substance" capable of being broken down into smaller and smaller units of analysis. In studying the research done with this perspective, one would find discussions about "fidelity of communication, noise, breakdowns of communication, barriers to communication, and gatekeepers of channels" (Krone, et al,, 1987, p. 23). 125

Earliest researchers believed there was one "right way" of communication in organizations. One of the most widely known research methods was Davis’

(1953) "ECCO (Episodic Communication Channels in Organizations) Analysis" which found that downward communication through channels was affected by both the flow of information and the distance - the steps in the channel - through which it travelled. He also found that the mechanics of communication generally failed at the third step down. Many researchers in the 1950’s, 1960’s, 1970’s, and

1980’s have relied heavily on this perspective (Roberts and O’Reilly, 1978 &

1979; Farace, Monge, and Russell, 1977; and Jablin, 1987).

The Psychological Perspective

Like the mechanistic approach, this perspective was concerned about channels and flows, but added the dimension of interpretation. Like the first, it was linear in nature and looked at movement up, down, and across. The concepts of message distortion, communication climate, and leadership style came into prominence in the psychological school. "Conceptual filters" (Krone, et al.,

1987, p. 25) played a part in the studies as researchers also considered intentionality of message sent, the stimuli for the message, and interpretation of message received. Stoppages of communication were affected by selectivity of messages and through interpretations made by the recipients in the channels or varying levels of communication. Weaver’s "semantic barriers" (1962) and

Tompkins’ "semantic information-distance" (1962) theories were primary researches using the psychological approach. 126

The Interpretative-svmbolic Perspective

The "interpretative-symbolic" approach began at a point similar to the psychological method. It differed, however, as it advanced beyond the filtered messages to shared meanings of messages. Based on the "symbolic interaction" school (Mead, 1934; Blumer, 1969), the proponents studied concepts of shared meanings based in symbol interpretation and communication rules.

Communication was seen as an action taking place without channels and other components of the mechanistic approach being considered. Common terms in these studies were "symbolic" and "nonsymbolic" action, "congruence," "fidelity," and "cultural factors" (Krone, et al., 1987, pp. 27-29). Included in this category are organizational culture studies focused on organizational myths, stories, humors, and fantasies, and the use of power and politics in organizations.

Researchers in this area included Schall (1983), who addressed communication rules in work groups, and Trujillo (1983), who discussed managerial communication in a new and used car dealership. Bormann’s symbolic converge nee theory and culture studies probably fit best in this perspective.

The Svstems-interaction Perspective

The final perspective, the "systems/interaction” perspective, looked for

"patterned sequential behaviors" and "redundancy" (Krone, et al., 1987, pp. 30-31) as the patterns to track for arriving at the definition of the communication systems. Based in a major degree on "general systems theory" (Bertalanffy, 1968).

They noted:

This perspective is distinguished by its emphasis on: (1) time, namely that communication acts recur in meaningful ways and change gradually over time; (2) communicative acts, interacts, and 127

double interacts, that is, a recurring sequence of three contiguous messages exchanged by communicators; (3) the prob abilities with which sequences of interacts and double interacts occur in social interaction (a measure of the structure and function of communication system) and (4) phases and patterns of interactions and recurring cycles (Krone, et al., 1987, p. 31).

They concluded, "in essence, while the mechanistic and psychological perspectives conceptualize communication as something one 'does,* . . . the systems-interaction view treats communications as an act of participation" (Krone, et al., p. 31). They also quoted Birdwhistell’s celebrated line, "An individual doesn’t ‘do’ communication, he/[she] becomes a part of communication" (Krone, et al., 1987, p. 31). Studies using this method included Gioia’s and Sims’ (1986) work on leader-subordinates interaction in simulated performance evaluations and Putnam and Jones’ (1986) study of the labor and management roles in the communication patterns used by respective groups to overcome impasse dyads. Attached is the table included by Krone, et al. which highlights the characteristics of each group

(See Figure 12).

Other Categorizations of

Organizational Communication Studies

Krone, et al. was but one of several breakdowns of organization communication theory. Putnam and Cheney (1983) organized their studies into two distinct sections based on "traditional domains" and "new directions" in organizational communication studies. The patterns followed a similar course of

Krone et al., but were broadened slightly. Putnam and Cheney separated studies Alternative Perspectives to Organisational Communication

Penptnhft Locus of Communtcanon Frequent Research Foci Characleristicslhnpiicatioits Mechanistic Channel and menage -Communicalion structures -Focus on conveying information and accuracy of message transmission -Communication effects reception -Source and message variables -Message-sending/receiving considered to be linear, transitive -Communication barriers, breakdowns process and gatekeeping -Somewhat dehumanizing; little attention to receiver and role -Mediated versus non-mediated o f meaning in communication communication systems; -Tendency to oversimplify and/or reify the communication -Diffusion of information process -Can lead to believing there is only one “right way" to communicate Psychological Conceptual filters -Individual as information processor -Receiver is cast in active role o r message interpreter -Distortion in upward communication -Emphasizes intentions and human aspects of communication -Communicalion climate -Accents role of selective exposure and enactment processes -Perceptions of leader communicalion style -Frequent assumption of linear relations between cognitions -Semantic-intormation distance and behaviors -Communication-job satisfaction - “Black box" concepts may lead to proliferation of measure­ relationships ment instruments Interpretivc- Rote-taking -Communication “rules'* -Considers role of self and collective-cultural context of symbolic -Organizational culture communication -Organizational myths, stories and -Focus on communicating (action) humor -Emphasis on symbols and "shared” meaning -Management of meaning -Often difficult to draw generalizations from results of case -Power and politics studies -Researcher impressions may bias results-need to.verify with participants’ view Systcms- Sequences of comm­ - f eedback patterns -Treats communicalion as evolving system in tenet ion unication behavior -Conflict management -Focus on types of message sequences, functions, and behaviors -Work group development -Utilizes coding o!actual verbal and nonverbal behaviors -Relational communication -Analyses micro-analytic; meaning and saliency o f messages -Decision-making phases for participants often ignored -Analyses often based on stochastic versus inferential statistical xsiimnlioits

Figure 12: Overview of Communication Perspectives 129

into three categories: "media" - written and oral communication focusing primarily

on content; "channel" - the flow of information; and "network" - adding the idea

of "boundary spanners" to the "channel" approach. Krone, et al. included these

under the "mechanistic perspective" (Krone, et al., 1987, pp. 30-36). Putnam and

Cheney addressed the concepts of "climate" and "superior-subordinate" (Putnam

and Cheney, 1985, pp. 137-142) separately while Krone, et al. placed them within

the "psychological perspective."

Putnam and Cheney listed four "new directions" of research. "Information

processing" (Putnam and Cheney, 1985, pp. 144-145) fits most closely, although

not exactly, into the "mechanical perspective" of Krone, et al. (Krone, et al., 1987,

pp. 22-24). This "rhetorical perspective" (Putnam and Cheney, 1985, pp. 145-147) was the oldest division but still has many newer theories, including Bormann

and Burke, which would blend into what Krone, et al. considered the

"interpretative approach" (Krone, et al., 1987, pp. 27-29). These could be linked to the psychological perspective as well. The "political perspective" and "cultural perspective" of Putnam and Cheney (1985, pp. 147-153) linked to the

"interpretive" approach suggested by Krone, et al. (1987, pp. 27-29) as well.

Putnam and Cheney do not have a category that tied to the "systems/interaction" classification of Krone, et. al. (1987, pp. 30-33). Most of what has been classified as "systems/ interaction" has been included in the "cultural perspective" of

Putnam and Cheney (1987, pp. 147-149).

Systems classifications provided a way of looking at the history of organizational communication. A single writer, e. g., Putnam, even varied her 130

approach as she developed new thinking, or at least a variation in classifications.

The strength of systemization was in showing the relationship and development of

organizational communication thinking. It suggested the evolution through which

it has moved and makes one aware of the pitfalls which have been encountered

and must be avoided again. It also demonstrated the variety of perspectives which could be blended into a study. It forced me to consider the direction of his

study. Thus, as this research has developed, two major components blended

together to give direction; a combination of the "symbolic convergence" theories of Bormann and the "cultural" studies championed by writers like Putnam and

Packanowsky (1983). I will remain acutely aware of the shortcomings of "cultural" studies and will maintain the basic methodology set forth by Bormann in Putnam and Packanowsky (1983) and his Communication Yearbook. Volume 11 (1987) response to Packanowsky’s article on the Gore corporation. The methodology I shall use and describe in the following pages has many similarities to that of

Koval-Jarboe (1986) and Eyo (1985) in recent dissertations for Bormann at the

University of Minnesota.

Bormann’s Symbolic Convergence Theory

Though Bormann did not set out to create a methodology of studying organizational communication as he developed the symbolic convergence theory, the theory and its "fantasy theme analysis" methodology have proved beneficial in several studies of organizations. "Fantasy and rhetorical vision: The rhetorical criticism of social reality" began as a study of "content analysis of group meeting 131 and extended case studies of individual groups" (Bormann, 1972, p. 396). But through Bormann’s efforts in small groups and the discovery of Bales’ (1970)

Personality and Interpersonal Behavior. Bormann found keys about small groups that eventuated in studies of rhetorical situations and then organizational communication. Bormann credited Bales with providing

. . . the critic with an account of how dramatizing communication creates social reality for groups of people and with a way to examine messages for insights into a group’s culture, motivation, emotional style, and cohesion (Bormann, 1972, p. 397).

Bormann first applied the theory beyond the small group processes to political situations in "The Eagleton affair: A fantasy theme analysis" (1973), and most broadly to a comprehensive historical period in The Force of Fantasy:

Restoring the American Dream (1985). Bormann and his associates, Pratt and

Putnam, applied the theory to organizations in a Communication Monographs

(1978) article. Several dissertations have studied organizational communication through the symbolic convergence theory since the earlier studies (Dotlich, 1980;

Eyo, 1985; and Koval-Jarboe, 1986).

Using the symbolic convergence theory required the review of several writings to achieve a complete list of Bormann’s terminologies. Drawn from many sources, the following vocabulary will introduce the broad scheme followed in this research.

Symbolic Convergence Theory Vocabulary

The symbolic convergence communication theory is a general theory that accounts for the creation and use of special theories. The basic communicative dynamic of the theory is the sharing of group fantasies which bring about symbolic convergence for the participants (Bormann, 1985a, p. 4). 132

Bormann seemed to say that tying together a system of thought affecting groups of people was based on using shared symbols which were not only comprehended by the entire group but which served as the bases for group cohesion. This message could arise from a pun, figure of speech, analogy, anecdote, or narrative

(Bormann, 1985a). To know the source of the shared message was not nearly as vital as seeing how it locked the group together. Bormann explained the steps of the process in his Jensen lectures (1983c). The steps involved in the

"development of a collective consciousness" will follow as the theory is further developed.

Bormann’s key term was "fantasy." Fantasy "was the creative and imaginative interpretation of events that fulfills] a psychological or rhetorical need" for a group (1985a, p. 5). Bormann noted how his use of the word

"fantasy" closely aligned with that of its Greek derivative:

The term "fantasy" in the symbolic convergence theory is a technical term and should not be confused with usage of the term to mean something imaginary and not grounded in reality. Quite to the contrary, fantasy in its technical sense is how the communities of people make sense out of their experience and create their social reality. The technical meaning is closer to another common usage of the term "fantasy" which is the imaginative and creative interpretation of events that fulfills a psychological or rhetorical need. The Greek root is phantaskikos and means to be able to present or show to the mind, to make visible. A fantasy theme is a way for people to present or show to the group mind, to make visible (understand) a common experience and invest it with an emotional tone. The technical use of the term "fantasy" is very similar to individual fantasy and daydreaming (Bormann, 1983c. p. 74).

So he seeks the "content of the dramatizing message that sparks the fantasy chain" (Bormann, 1985a, p. 5), that component Bormann called the fantasy 133 theme: "The scholar’s main task in making a fantasy theme analysis is to find evidence that symbolic convergence has taken place, that groups of people have shared a fantasy" (Bormann, 1983b, p. 434). Fantasy and fantasy theme appeared at times to be interchangeable terms although Bormann suggested that the

"context of the dramatizing message that sparks the fantasy chain is called the fantasy theme" (1983b, p. 434). Fantasy is the interpretation whereas fantasy theme is the presentation of the fantasy in a clearly discernible rhetorical pattern.

Another term, "fantasy type," was explained as the "stock scenario repeated again and again by the same characters or by similar characters" (Bormann,

1985a, p. 7). Best known of these types were the "Pauline conversion fantasy" where one experienced a dramatic event that forever changed his life and

"fetching good out of evil," where the negative impact was somehow turned into the hero’s glory. The "restoration fantasy" was another broadly experienced fantasy type.

A "rhetorical vision" served as the unifying force which put together various scripts and "gives the participant a broader view of things related to the image" (Bormann, 1985a, p. 8). These visions were usually associated with a "key word" or phrase; well known rhetorical visions included "the cold war," "the new left," the silent majority," or "the moral majority" (1985a, p. 7). Rhetorical visions were the symbolic representations of the "ethos" of a community. Further, a rhetorical vision was

. . . the transition from an impulse expressed by individuals voicing vague dissatisfactions to a public consciousness evidenced by common expressions by an aggregation of people that they form a special group with a clear identity and a program (Bormann, 1983c, pp. 74-75). 134

In addition to the concept, Bormann suggested that there were "life-style rhetorical visions;" these visions are so "all encompassing and impelling that [they] permeated an individual’s social reality in all aspects of living" (Bormann, 1985a, p. 8). They appeared to be a step beyond a "vision" and were often seen in churches, political campaigns, and social organizations where a person was consumed with the life of the group of which he was a part. Lifestyle rhetorical visions were

. . . all encompassing and relate to almost every area of human behavior as well as the participant’s relationship to supernatural beings and other forces of the universe. They generally include fantasy types that provide models for such everyday behaviors as eating, working, dress, and social interaction as well as answers to eternal questions of human purpose, identity, and the origin of the universe (Bormann, 1983c, p. 88).

Still another term, "fantasy chain," suggested how the fantasy moves among members. In "chaining out" (Bormann, 1985a, p. 5) the fantasy, representative thought patterns began to make themselves known and felt among the common culture being created. The study of movements showed how fantasies were created, built upon, chained out, and locked together to become a bigger than life itself picture for members of the group.

A "rhetorical community consists of the people who participate in a rhetorical vision" (Bormann, 1983b, p. 115). This was the group of persons locked together so that they fully understood the workings and communications of the group. Such groups had inside jokes known only to them. Further, as

Bormann puts it,

They have agreed upon procedures for problem-solving communication. . . . Since rhetorical communities are formed on the basis of individuals sharing fantasies as they flow through formal 135

and informal channels, their boundaries are seldom the same as the formal boundaries within an organization (1983b, 115).

It was possible that participants in rhetorical communities possessed overlapping memberships and some had difficulty remaining true to both sides at the same time. Often they would be forced to select from the opposing visions and share in only one community.

A "saga" was described as "a detailed narrative of the achievements and events in the life of a person, a group, or a community" (Bormann, 1983b, p. 115).

Organizational sagas . . . include the shared fantasies, the rhetorical visions, and the narratives of achievements, events, goals, and ideal states of the entire organization (Bormann, 1983b, p. 115).

Saga, however, may have been "shared by only a portion of the formal membership of the organization" (Bormann, 1983b, p. 115). In his most recent article, Bormann noted that "some commitment to the organizational saga is important to the overall effectiveness and satisfaction that members experience in their communicative environment" (1988, p. 399). Organizations without a single definite saga will have less effectiveness while they are meeting to determine such things as "mission statements, future plans, ten-year projects, and to clarify the basic purposes and functions" (1988, p. 400). This will need to be done for the units within the organization as well as in the whole of the organization. He concluded, "What is required is the right kind of a shared saga" (1988, p. 400).

Consciousness Creating. Raising, and Sustaining

In his Jensen Lectures (1983c), Bormann addressed three terms which were less used but had significance related to the consciousness of the group towards its fantasy. Consciousness-creating communication "accounts for the 136 innovation of the founding fantasies and ultimately for the development of the rhetorical vision" (1983c, p. 76). The study of consciousness-creating events focused on identifying such things as the rhetorical elements involved in the communication and the techniques and circumstances combined in a historical situation by identifiable persons or groups to form the rhetorical vision linking the group into a unit. Consciousness-raising communication "enables the participants to attract and convert" (Bormann, 1983c, p. 76) others to their position. Two factors were viewed here: first, the salient features of the fantasy were identified for the rhetorical community. Second, the communicative processes and techniques were studied to understand fully how the vision was passed through to potential converts. Consciousness-sustaining communication "revitalizes involvement and commitment, regulates behavior, and keeps the consciousness in the members" (Bormann, 1983c, p. 76). As one studied the consciousness- sustaining messages, s/he discovered why and how some rhetorical communities maintained their vitality and flourished while others entropied and died.

Other terms used by Bormann which have standardized meanings include heroes and villains, insiders and outsiders, inside cues, and conversion and backsliding. As these terms are tied together, it will be shown how more standard words are built into symbolic convergence theory.

Building the Rhetorical Vision and Community: A Blending of the Bormann

Concepts

Rhetorical communities were built on fantasy themes and rhetorical visions as individuals bound themselves together into groups. "The sharing of group 137 fantasies [provides] the supportive warmth of like minded companions" (Bormann,

1985a, p. 10). Since Bormann has studied both real and created groups, he has found that such realities were created in nearly all successful encounters. As a group came together, it began to discuss whatever subjects happened to be suggested by members. Some stories, jokes, or other communication experiences simply died from lack of interest. Others received some notice but little more than one or two additional comments. But at some point, groups linking together found a theme(s) which mutually stimulated their thinking. One member suggested a story; another story of similar nature followed. Little by little, the group developed an image of what it was that linked them together.

In a discussion with members of the Ohio State University Communication

Department, Bormann noted that it could have focused on a poor relationship with one’s father. The group members began to divulge their stories until all discovered that they had worked through similar problems (Personal notes from a

Bormann lecture, May, 1988). Persons without such experiences soon discovered that they must either become an "insider" with a similar story or an "outsider" without connection to the group. Boundaries were demarcated around the vision.

Bormann discovered that both positive and negative experiences were valuable if they could be linked to the vision. These were the people who

. . . have overcome and survived; or they have finer sensibilities than outsiders; or a finer set of values; or make a greater contribution to the general welfare; or have a clearer view of the forces that really organize society; or are fighting for the poor, the hungry, the discriminated against; or are chosen of God; or have a special history and culture; or a finer genetic inheritance (Bormann, 1985b, pp. 77-78). 138

But fantasy themes and groups were dynamic and always changing symbolic realities. Consequently, it was necessary for the group to identify itself constantly.

It was always necessary to create, raise, and sustain the vision for the group to survive.

As noted, the group began with the creation of a shared consciousness of a similarly created story or stories. As the consciousness was created, there was the impending question, "who are we?" Thus the dynamic of insider/outsider led the group to see itself (insiders) as better than outsiders. They viewed their rhetorical innovations as an improvement over current ways of viewing the world.

Groups possessing rhetorical visions have been identified in businesses (Koval-

Jarboe, 1986), gender groups (Kroll, 1983), national and international politics

(Bormann, 1973; and Heisey and Trebing, 1983), religious groups (Hensley, 1975; and Bormann, 1973), and among voters (Rarick et al., 1977; and Cragan and

Shields, 1985).

There were generally well defined steps in consciousness creating efforts.

First, there was usually a common concern that drew individuals together.

Second, the concern was shared, developed, emphasized, and drawn into the fantasy. Third, the group determined whether it wanted to link itself together for the longer term and sought to describe and define the nature of the group.

Fourth, the group began its organizational efforts; perhaps a chairperson was chosen, committees formed, rules established, etc.

During this process the boundaries between insiders and outsiders were generally clearly defined. 139

Fantasies that clearly divide the sympathetic, good people (we) from the unsympathetic or evil people (they) aid the group’s self- awareness and are crucial to the emergence of its consciousness (Bormann, 1985a, pp. 71-72).

Depictions of outsiders ranged from mild differences of opinions to extreme variances where outsiders were personified as evil. A mature consciousness was developed when members have full confidence in their rhetorical content and methods. They often established a vocabulary, created initiation rites and membership requirements, and shared a coherent view of most aspects of their social reality.

A second stage of development was consciousness-raising usually initiated as the process of converting others began. Persons suited for conversion often shared similar types of viewpoints, were not committed to any other, vision, or have become bored with their previous rhetorical visions. This new consciousness often presented a new world or symbolic experience in which to participate.

Bormann (1983c) suggested three steps through which the convert usually moved;

1) old foundations had to be destroyed to make room for the new consciousness;

2) the ’'truth" of the new consciousness must be "poured in;" and 3) the convert must confirm that the transformation has taken place through a definite action.

Religious conversion was such a change. If one left his present religious community, he began by forsaking his old theological point of view, then accepted the new truth being shared by his new communion, and finally, went through the initiation process of the new group, such as standing before the congregation and confessing his faith in their position. 140

The most difficult problem through which organizations must work was

consciousness-sustaining after the conversion took place. To maintain momentum

and progress, new rhetorical communities had to work to achieve this goal. Many

risks lurked inside such organizations. Bormann (1983c) included such risks as

"spontaneous internal combustion," noting that inside any organization there were

"combustible materials" which could explode at any time. Boredom was always a

threat as "members with a low threshold of boredom or a short attention span

may begin to lose interest." The anxiety of change or the immediate euphoria of

the new discovery were often quickly forgotten. Consequently, rhetorical

communities had to exercise diligence and clear thinking to prevent "backsliding."

Creating a strong "personae in dramatic action" became one method of coping.

Here the followers were encouraged and enriched by the efforts of a leader.

Such symbols as the Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan could bring back those who slipped away. "Encomia" might be pronounced on a "persona" of a movement to remind the rhetorical community of its loyalty to a person, place, or event. The image of Martin Luther King, Jr. still inspires loyalties from his disciples (Bormann, 1985b, p. 79). The finalization of King’s birthday as a national holiday was a prime example of how an event can meld a group in a time of need. Finally, the "severe criticism of the backslider by a speaker or a group of people who put pressure on the individual to conform to group thinking" might be used to sustain consciousness (1983c). This technique has been used by many religious groups as well as by civic organizations and political parties. 141

"Fantasy theme analysis provides a methodology for understanding the rhetorical visions of a community" (Oekley, 1988, p. 39). Comparative analysis of divergent groups can show how the progression of such consciousness-creating, raising and sustaining demonstrated the strength of the analytical tool. Symbolic convergence provided the framework and methods through which the consciousness was moved and maintained; it also provided a predictive tool by which movements could be judged. Bormann’s theory and methodology have had a positive impact on the elevation of knowledge. Ultimately, the convergence of ideas within the group produces the symbol system which makes the rhetorical community (the congregation) an enabled or disabled organization.

Criticisms of Symbolic Convergence Theory

Bormann and symbolic convergence theory have not been without their critics. The most vocal critic has been G. P. Mohrmann; in his 1982 Quarterly

Journal of Speech article, Mohrmann set forth his case against this methodology in a highly reasoned but sarcastic way. A second article later that same year - a part of a colloquy with Bormann - reiterated his basic objections as well.

Suggesting that he did "lament the brooks too broad for leaping, the chasms that apparently cannot be spanned in fantasy theme criticism" (Mohrmann, 1982a, p.

131), he suggested three major flaws in the methodology.

First, he suggested that the theory is built on "pernicious theoretical disjuctions" (Mohrmann, 1982a, p. 131). His basic point rested not so much on

Bormann’s work but on that of Bales. He suggested that Bales, and thus

Bormann in suggesting that much of the work of fantasy theme analysis was built 142

on Bales, took his lead into fantasy from the flawed work of Freud. Noting that

Freud built his philosophy on the concepts of dreams, he pointed out that the

work of fantasy would not produce outcomes that were a "guide for predicting

overt behavior" (Mohrmann, 1982a, p. 131). Further noting that Bales was

involved in "psychical inheritance," he proposed that anything having to do with

fantasy theme and dramatism based on Bales, ala Freud, would be useless for

rhetorical studies.

Second, Mohrmann suggested that anyone using the Bales' method for

analysis misinterpreted the rhetoric and used the terminologies simply as a means of naming ideas without paying attention to what Bales suggested. Thus the

"naming becomes a rather mechanical exercise, the terms not defined with precision and the fantasy theme hierarchy wanting careful exposition"

(Mohrmann, 1982a, p. 132). He suggested that they tell us nothing of human communication or the human condition.

Third, Mohrmann suggested that all studies using the methodology were circular in nature and that their arguments therefore were rendered useless. He believed that though others used similar methods in their studies, studies in anthropology or sociology, they can be forgiven; but those who were primarily interested in communication were not forgivable because they had used such images without care or consideration. Ultimately he concluded:

Analysis has proceeded in a manner too haphazard, and devotees must attack problems more systematically and coherently. This route taken, they may persuade that fantasy new-style is not merely a product of fantasy old-style and that, comparing favorably with alternative explanations of what occurs in the process of human communication, their approach penetrates to the quick and treats immediately of symbols and their uses in the lives we live. In short, 143

I think we have a right to expect a more methodical and more lucid elaboration of the fantasy them approach, whether it be blueprint or theory (Mohrmann, 1982a, p. 132).

In his response to Bormann later in the year, Mohrmann (1982b) repeated the same arguments a second time contending that Bormann’s responses had not answered the issues but only served as a way of celebrating ten years of research and were nothing more than tooting one’s own horn.

A second critical analysis of symbolic convergence came in Gronbeck’s

(1980) look at all types of "dramatistic" research. His main complaints about

Bormann were several; he suggested that in addition to its Freudian base, the method was so broad it could be used by almost anyone to study any concept, lacked good base vocabulary, failed to define clearly the "chaining process," and tended towards subjective treatment of themes and types (Gronbeck, 1980, p.

324). He was quick to point out, however, that the popularity of the approach would not be denied (it is "a vice to some, but also a virtue") and that it could treat "sensibly any discourse relying principally on narratives" (Gronbeck, 1980, p.

324). In his conclusions, he noted that the entire Held of dramaturgy "will come into its own, ultimately, only when the communications field works on it seriously"

(Gronbeck, 1980, p. 329).

Bormann (1982) found the criticisms of both Gronbeck and Mohrmann to be less damaging than those of Hart. Though he maintained that Hart was sympathetic to the work being done, he noted that Hart’s observation that

"fantasy theme analysis is not cut out of a theoretical wholecloth" and that each study contained a theoretical impetus in spite of its method was more serious 144 than any of the claims of Mohrmann. Bormann did not address the work of

Gronbeck in his article answering Mohrmann.

These critics could not be ignored as this study was undertaken. Bormann set out to answer the basic objections. In response to the claim that the whole of the theory was built on a sandy foundation, Bormann did not deny his dependence on Bales or Bales’ dependence on Freud. Rather, he noted that his reliance on Bales focused on the attention which Bales found in his small group processes and that he (Bormann) has attempted to take these same principles and make observations about rhetorical processes as well. Perhaps the flaw in the methodology was not the reliance on Bales but on the use of the identical terminologies which Mohrmann suggested prove the fallacy of the method.

Bormann suggested that though his dependency was real, it was simply a stepping stone to the next level. Bormann further asserted that in building on another’s ideas moved the matter to a different level; it appeared that the use of past materials was the strongest starting point for advancing learning.

Toulmin’s (1972) answer to the "revolutionary idea" of Kuhn was in part built on the premise that all present learning was structured around the past and that no revolution was quite as dramatic as it might have appeared. Would we move to a higher level of learning without improving or disproving something that had gone before? Would we find it without having the "mistakes" of the past made? Perhaps the flaw in fantasy theme analysis was not so much the dependency on the theories of Bales and Freud but the choic of terms which make the reliance appear greater than Bormann intended. Bormann did not 145 deny his use of Bales; however, he believed that Mohrmann has made too much of the issue and has read more into it that it deserves. Bormann responded,

Somehow he finds this a charge against us as though it was not fair to pick up Bales’ finding about fantasy research and use it as a springboard for a very different research perspective (1982, p. 293).

I am in a similar position. Using the symbolic convergence theory is not a carte blanche acceptance of all of the materials written by Bormann or Bales or any other person. In my research, I will depend on the language of fantasy theme analysis to reach my conclusions. Perhaps in the final analysis, some suggestions could be generated which might move past some of those terms and lift the theory towards a different vocabulary. Perhaps that was the blueprint for which

Mohrmann was looking.

In his further defense of the methodology, Bormann maintained that

Mohrmann had not adequately proved his contention that the use of fantasy theme analysis was circular in argument. He suggested that if there was circularity involved, it was the fault of the researcher rather than the method.

Moreover, any methodology will, as Mohrmann contended of this one, lead one along a fairly clear path and have a strong influence on the materials generated.

In Hensley’s dissertation (1972), the findings indicated that the

Campbe'lites built a "rhetorical vision" around a certain interpretation of the

Bible. In a later dissertation covering the same group and using a different methodology, Snyder (1987) maintained that the success of the same movement was based on the ability of Campbell to do "attention shifts" (Brown, 1983) successfully. Is one writer correct and the other incorrect? The differing 146

outcomes seemed to result from Snyder’s use of the Brown methodology and

Hensley’s (1972) use of Bormann. One could say that both were flawed since

they didn’t reach the same conclusion, or that both contained a measure of truth

depending on the process by which one searched for the conclusion. A third

writer might find that Campbell’s ability to use the enthymeme brought the

success, if she was depending on an Aristotelian methodology. Since Mohrmann’s

article offered no alternative, it was impossible to say where he might come out

in his search. One might conclude that circularity is a problem, but it was more

of a researcher’s weakness than the methodology.

In his World Hypotheses. Pepper (1942) suggested that there are no less

than four major ways of viewing our world. If one writer has a "mechanistic"

world view, his interpretation of events will be far different from that person

inclined towards an "ontological” world view. Is one correct and the other wrong?

Pepper suggested that it is not an issue of rightness or wrongness but of

perspective or the lens through which one viewed the universe. In addition to the

four major views Pepper presented, he suggested that combinations of the world views were possible; thus if someone blended the "ontological" and "mechanistic" together, she would arrive at a third alternative. In my study of communication within families, there ware studies dealing with the ways by which couples make

adjustments in marriage. One pattern of adjustment was called "conflict oriented;" here the couple maintained their balance by constant argument and bickering (Cuber and Haroff, 1986). For most people, this would seem to be a lack of adjustment. However, if the couple has learned to deal with one another 147 in such a way, then the couple had adjusted; to change their pattern could easily destroy their marriage. The point maintains that the way one gains information is not nearly as critical as the quality of the information generated. Hart (1978) appeared to be correct when he observed that the important matter in all research using the fantasy theme methodology was validity; he suggested that the information generated was the critical part and that it probably would have been found with or without this particular methodology.

Finally, Mohrmann argued that the symbolic convergence theory does not lead to predictive outcomes. Again, he appeared to beg the issue. Though it is hoped that there was a certain degree of reliability and thus predictive value to all research, not all research has been so inclined. In this research, the writer is looking at ideas which, hopefully, will be beneficial to other voluntary organizations and especially churches. But more research will be needed to show that with validity and reliability.

Mohrmann’s arguments about the Bormann methodology were clearly presented and required consideration. So were those suggested by both Hart and

Gronbeck. Both Hart (1978) and Gronbeck (1980) were more realistic and supportive, however, as they willingly pointed out the potential dangers involved in using this method; Mohrmann refused to give any credit to the potential values. As has been shown here and elsewhere, Mohrmann must be answered, but his style and language were stronger than his reasoning. The "wholecloth" has not been reached in symbolic convergence theory yet; but as Hart suggested, it is worthy of being endorsed as a defensible methodology. 148

Organizational Communication Culture Studies

The term culture may be new to the vocabulary of communication, but the

concept described is ancient. Though used in earlier literature, the term

"organizational culture" was popularized by Peters and Waterman (1983) in their

best selling book In Search of Excellence. These writers suggested that every organization has a distinctive personality with subpersonalities within it. Though others (see Dandridge, 1979; Pondy and Mitroff, 1979; and Deal and Kennedy,

1982) had talked about the concept as part of the organization, Peters and

Waterman made it a standard term. At least one writer on church growth

recognized the importance of the concept; Schaller (1985) spent several pages discussing the idea of church cultures as a part of their life. He noted, however, that what was being communicated reflected a church’s "ethos," a concept as old as Aristotle. As the concept of organizational communication culture unfolded, it appeared that the most likely place to begin was with "ethos."

For Aristotle, ethos was the character of the speaker. Aristotle believed strongly in the soundness of argument, but addressed both the character of the speaker and the passions which he promoted as a means of convincing the audience. Argument was the most powerful, but ethos was the most convincing.

'The speakers themselves are made trustworthy by three things; for there are these things, besides demonstrations which make us believe. These are intelligence, virtue and good-will" (Aristotle, 1932). In his explanation, Aristotle noted how virtue and good-will were those characteristics which moved the audience to accept the magnanimous nature of the speaker as one who had their 149

best interest at heart. Schaller (1985) believed that there was a connection between the "ethos" of a congregation and its ability to grow. He suggested that

the converse was also true.

Peters and Waterman (1983) viewed culture as the overarching concept which people hold of an organization. Drawing from other writers, they talked

"of the importance of the ‘dominate business idea,’" and "that the ‘most crucial process’ going on in any company may be the continuing interpretation of historic events and adjustment of the dominating business idea in that context." The fact that organizations possess an "ideology" has been recognized for many years.

Slogans such as "IBM Means Service" reflected more than an advertising gimmick.

IBM employees from the bottom up were trained to act in that way. Despite the somewhat negative interpretation that Whyte (1957) set forth in The Organization

Man of IBM people wearing pinstripe suits and being "yes" people, the culturally communicated ideas of efficiency and customer satisfaction were vital parts of the image. This cultural ethos generally descended from the top. Pettigrew said,

"The [leader] not only creates the rational and tangible aspects of organizations, such as structure and technology, but also is the creator of symbols, ideologies, language, beliefs, rituals, and myths" (1983, p. 88). That trust factor or image was all a part of Aristotle’s "ethos" or perhaps more correctly, Cicero’s concept of what Golden, Berquist, and Coleman (1983) have dubbed, "antecedent ethos."

Schaller affirmed the need to study the concept in churches:

The key to understanding the distinctive personality, role, ministry and future of the . . . parish is not to begin with paradoxes or strengths or problems or community settings, but to reflect on the congregational culture. That may be why . . . churches differ so much from one another (1985, p. 16). 150

As noted in the first part of the chapter, organizational communication has evolved over time from the study of speeches and internal organs to more comprehensive studies of interactions, interpretations, and, recently, into the presentation of a cultural setting for the organization. Drawing on the same sources from which Peters and Waterman and Schaller have written, scholars have attempted to deal with the culture of an organization by studying its communication.

Though they referred to Hawes’ (19741 Quarterly Journal of Speech article as a starting point, Pacanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo (1982) were among the first to write about the definitive concept of "Communication and Organizational

Culture." Claiming not to "‘improve’ on existing approaches," they suggested their desire was to "mark a new path of inquiry that will allow us to ask radically different, yet interesting, questions about organizations." Further,

As has been hinted at already, the organizational culture perspective begins by liberating our conceptions of what counts as an organization and what counts as organizational behavior. These conceptual shifts allow us to refocus our notions of the role of communication in organizations and thus liberate the kinds of questions that we as organizations communication researchers can legitimately ask (1982, p. 117).

After discussing the role of traditional communication research within organizations, they presented the foundation of their proposed methodology.

Taking their lead from Geertz’s (1973) metaphor of the "web", they made three distinct points. First, "the web is a well-considered metaphor for culture"

(Packanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 123). In choosing this metaphor, they noted the confining and limiting scope of the spider web; 151

. . . we inhabit "a" reality, not all realities. Yet our particular reality • constructed as it is of particular jokes, stories, songs, myths, polite exchanges, and so forth • is that which give substance and meaning to what would otherwise be insensate behavior (1982, p. 123). Second, they noted that

. . . culture is not so much to be studied as a system of kin, or a collection of artifacts, or as a corpus of myths, but as sense-making, as a reality constructed and displayed by those whose existence is embedded in a particular set of webs.. .. The web is the residue of the communication process (1982, p. 123).

Third, again drawing from Geertz, they suggested

that. . . the aim of cultural analysis is not the discovery of law. . . . culture is amenable not to causal analysis but to interpretation . . . [of] nuances of sense-making displayed in the discourse of cultural members (1982, p. 123).

The fuller discussion of their methodology developed in a later article.

Here the key word was "performance," which

brings the significance or meaning of some structural form - be it symbol, story, metaphor, ideology, or saga - into being .... Performances are those very actions by which members constitute and reveal their culture to themselves and others (1983, p. 129).

Performance was communication and communication was performance.

Pacanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo (1983, pp. 129-134) then described the matrix with four characteristics of communication performances. The first,

"interactional," suggested that performances were more dialogue than soliloquy; people participated in units. Second, they were "contextual;" they must be placed within the larger framework of the organization. Context asked questions about the who, what, and why of the action performed. Third, performances were

"episodes;" the performers acted out events with beginnings and endings distinguishable from other events. Fourth, and finally, they were "improvised;" 152 though there may have been a generalized script which could repeat itself over and over, the immediate performance was done in its own way.

Besides the characteristics, Pacanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo (1983, pp.

134-137) suggested that there are many types of communication performances.

Under the general heading of "ritual," they specified "personal ritual," "task ritual,"

"social ritual," and "organizational ritual." Ritual was defined as a routine repeated on a regular basis; the various types of rituals were obvious by their nomenclature. A second category of performances was called "passion," where the workers put on performances which would make dull and routine settings more passionate or interesting. "Storytelling" was the most common form of passion performance. A second was the use of "passionate repartee" which utilized lively language to describe certain things. In his account of the Valley

View Police, Packanowsky noted that police did not deal with people, but with

"assholes, dirtbags, creeps, and maggots - labels which serve as reminders that the

‘negative element’ is so much a part of the everyday experience of being a police officer" (1983, p. 139). The third type of performances involved "sociality;" these were largely private and included bitch session, inside jokes, and "talking shop."

Private socialibities involved confessing, consoling, and criticizing. The fourth type were "organizational politics," which included notions of power, making allies, and bargaining for rights. The final type, "enculturation," taught the culture to new members of the units. These were normally the informal orientation processes which took place outside the formalized settings and provided by members of the organization. The identification of these concepts closely 153 resembled Bormann’s search for rhetorical visions, fantasy themes, rhetorical communities, etc.

Additional Cultural Studies

Though the cultural studies described above will play the most prominent role in this work, others must be noted for their contribution to both the studies of the above mentioned writers and the current researcher.

Probably the first popular writers of this genre were Deal and Kennedy; in their Corporate Cultures: the Rites and Rituals of Corporate Life( 19821. they linked the concepts of organization and culture together. Though not a book on organizational communication, per se, it had a major impact on later writings used by communication researchers. But others had gone before. The influence of Geertz’s "web" (1973) theory was felt prior to the more popular work of Deal and Kennedy. Wagner’s Invention of Culture (1975) argued that culture can only be construed as a description of the reality as a painting was an image of the idea depicted. Wagner viewed culture as a "cultivation" or "domestication" of the organization. Both Geertz’s and Wagner’s theory provided the anthropological view of culture as process even though they used different descriptions and m etaphors.

Yet another view was presented by Margulies in the Journal of Applied

Behavior Science (1969). His argument focused on "culture-as-artifacts" or

"culture-as-product." He appeared to base his theory on the idea that technological systems gave shape to the informal organizations within the overall organization and thus produced a culture of norms and values around that 154 technology. The ideas did not lend themselves well to communication studies.

Goffman (1959, 1974) set forth concepts about cultural variations which have also influenced many organizational communication researchers though he did not directly discuss organizational culture.

Organizations as culture studies have focused on management’s manipulation of cultural heritage as a means of controlling the organization. This was construed as a subversive technique to bring the organization out of an alleged "dysfunctional" mode. Dandridge, Mitroff, and Joyce (1980), as well as

Allen (1982), determined that managers imposed new elements of culture to serve as "corrective" means to overcome corporate dysfunction. Such manipulation of rituals, jargon, uses of time and space, corporate stories, and the other culture producing symbols, had a powerful, though often negative, effect on the life of the organization.

In his essay referred to above, Pettigrew (1983) discussed the role of the designated leader as a vital part of the social and dramatistic nature of the cultural development. Pondy (1983) noted that leaders possess "linguistic and dramaturgical skills" which can be predictive of their ability to achieve leadership success. And Pfeffer (1982) noted that one of the most important functions of administrators was the development of understandings about the culture within the organization. He maintained that this was a tool for building successful leadership skills and prowess. It was the use of language, and especially the development of images, stories, myths, etc., that created this important notion of studying the language pattern to arrive at the concept of culture. 155

The concept of myth (a cultural concept) has been utilized by both business and non-business researchers without concern for the basic communication process. The Stanford Business School, led by Martin, has produced many articles detailing the role and importance of stories as the means of conveying the rules of conduct for new employees within an organization

(Martin, 1983; this is one of several articles detailing the idea of myth in a special edition of the Administrative Science Quarterly. Vol. 281. Kreps (1983) noted that the use of "culturally approved stories" within organizations was a major part of the socialization of new members. Clark (1972) found that educational institutions also used stories which he labeled "organizational saga" to indoctrinate persons to the school. Historians traced such concepts as the Millennium or

Manifest Destiny as the overarching sagas of 18th and 19th century America

(Tuveson, 1968 and Hart, 1977). Bormann’s history of the "American dream" followed the saga of the "restoration of America" from the time of the Puritans to

Abraham Lincoln (1985a).

Cultural research study was not without its critics. Smircich and Calas suggested that the use of saga is just another technique that has run its course.

They concluded:

To the extent that "culture" has been appropriated, incorporated, into the positivist or technical interest - made part of the "traditional organizational literature" - the organizational culture literature may have become dominant but it is dead. Its impetus was a fresh perspective with which to counter the dry and overly rational forms of theorizing about organizational literature. Now organizational culture is part of the traditional organizational literature. Its language (myths, stories, rites) has been turned into a fad by traditional approaches in organizational theory and research, which uses it as "soft" rhetoric to convey an image of cultural refinement. This chapter argues that interpretative organization 156

culture literature can be understood as an oppositional/modernist movement in organizational theory and that it has failed to gain any major ground in its oppositional stance (1987, p. 229).

This section has presented only a brief summation of several key components of cultural studies. The effort has focused on those writers who have appeared to influence organizational communication studies. It was not intended and should not be construed to be a comprehensive review of all business culture literature; it has simply attempted to review several types of organizational communication culture studies and show that they are a part of a larger body of studies which have focused on the nature of an organization’s life and history.

The Relationship Between Symbolic Convergence Theory

and Communication Culture Studies

The earliest organizational communications studies using the symbolic convergence theory were done in the mid- and late 1970’s as the theory was still in the evolutionary stages. Communication studies focusing on cultural components were not begun until the early 1980’s. As noted above, the original article by Packanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo did not appear until 1982, and it was another year before the first of several articles studying cultures within organizations was published. Bormann responded to the original cultural article in the Putnam and Pacanowsky (1983) anthology emphasizing the "interpretative approach" to organizational studies. Bormann, comparing the cultural approach to his symbolic convergence theory, pointed out what he believed were the weaknesses of the cultural approach and how his own theory would improve its 157 credibility. Bormann noted:

Using one master concept such as myth, storv. legend, contract as the basic analytic tool for the interpretive study of organizational culture invites either simplification or confusion. When the term "myth" is used to refer to a concrete stoTy like that of and Eve . . . and when it is also used to refer to a broad panoramic depiction of many stories over many years like the myth of the antebellum South . . ., the complexity of organizational communication is simplified. When an organizational story is presented as the recounting of a specific event or action and then as a general summary of a basic story line running through many stories, confusion can result. Symbolic convergence theory provides specifically defined analytic tools to help sort out the typical complexities of subcultures within subcultures and communities in conflict as well as the overall shared culture of the organization itself (Bormann, 1983a, p. 118).

Then using an example from Kidder, Bormann demonstrated how the findings of this research on Data General could be channeled into the symbolic convergence pattern of rhetorical visions, rhetorical communities, and the organization saga.

Bormann went on to show how the concepts of symbolic convergence theory had been tested for many years in the classrooms at the University of Minnesota. He recounted how the various components had been demonstrated again and again in experiments. He concluded that a group of people must communicate the "big picture," i. e., the myth, legend, story, or contract, as a means of bringing the organization together. It is not enough, he stated,

. . .to assure such cohesiveness. What is further required is that the group communicating the big picture succeeds in generating an organizational saga (triggering the necessary fantasy chaining) in which the major portion or all members share (Bormann, 1983a, p. 121).

An incomplete understanding of the rhetorical processes within the organization made the finding of the cultural story an insufficient means of 158 adding the communication of the organization and its growth. And though he willingly acknowledged that symbolic convergence theory did not possess the predictive and controlling force as theories in the natural sciences, he drew an analogy with the weather: "It is not easy to change the weather, but it is useful to know when a bad storm is predicted so one can take steps to prepare for it"

(Bormann, 1983a, p. 122). Thus he suggested that "the theory skillfully and artistically applied can also allow for anticipation of future communicative events"

(Borm ann, 1983a, p. 122).

Bormann’s second analysis of Pacanowsky came in the Communication

Yearbook. Volume 11. Bormann was one of two critics of Pacanowsky’s study of the culture of the Gore corporation. Though he presented several important observations of the article, it is necessary only to cover those which link to the symbolic convergence theory directly. Taking the approach used in the 1983 article, Bormann attempted to recast the findings into his methodology. After a brief review of his theory, Bormann began his effort. He noted first that the

"interpretative paradigm" used by Pacanowsky was in agreement with his own.

H e stated,

. . . the interpretive approach implies a new paradigm for communication that radically shifts a scholar’s viewpoint from a corporate world . . . [of] knowable "truth" to one in which different culturally shared meanings provide alternative accounts of events (Bormann, 1988, p. 394),

He concluded that sharing the same perspective and paradigm made it possible to shift the findings of Pacanowsky into the symbolic convergence terminologies.

Over the next few pages, Bormann performed that task. 159

In one place, Bormann noted that the use of "graphic descriptors" and

"buzzwords" (Packanowsky) are "inside cues" (Bormann). As "inside cues,"

Bormann maintained that they referred to the "entire organizational saga." Other terms such as "waterline" lead to the "fantasy types," or the "stock scenarios repeated again and again by the same . .. or similar characters" (1988, p. 395).

Though he did not question the validity of Pacanowsky’s observations and was highly complimentary of his style of reporting the information, Bormann concluded, "Pacanowsky’s analysis is less precise than it could have been had he delineated more clearly the relationships among small groups, rhetorical visions, and the organizational saga" (Bormann, 1988, p. 397). Later, he suggested,"... that the sharing [of] the saga is a necessary but not sufficient requirement for building the empowering organization. What is required is the right kind of saga"

(Bormann, 1988, p. 400). Bormann suggested that the use of symbolic convergence theory could assist in determining the appropriateness of the saga whereas the simple reporting of it in a cultural study was less helpful.

The impact of the cultural material into the Bormann theory can be significant. Anderson suggested that the metaphor of culture is highly appropriate and beneficial.

The master notion of "culture" as applied to organizations directs us to see organizations not as means of production or . . . interlocking elements, but as the arena for the development and maintenance of networks of shared rules, beliefs, meanings, and symbols. . . The myths, sagas, folktale, and rituals of culture are an expression of the normative content of that culture. The manner of their presentation and performance serves to sustain them within the culture. Their entrance and extinction mark significant occurrences of the culture (Anderson, 1987, p. 281). 160

The investigation of the culture, per se, was not the problem that Bormann addressed. It was, in fact, a part of the study which he would have one do. The studies of both Koval-Jarboe (1986) and Eyo (1985) concentrated heavily on culture. Bormann’s primary concern was for the appropriate use of both his methodology and the conclusions that can be supported by other research, a problem he felt Pacanowsky needed to resolve.

The use of the research techniques of Pacanowsky are extremely applicable to organizational studies using symbolic convergence theory. Discoveries made through his techniques help produce the data which are structured into rhetorical visions, fantasies, and organizational saga. Further, the reporting style of

Pacanowsky drew high praise from Bormann.

Bormann was uncomfortable with the conclusion of Packanowsky’s six

"rules for empowering organizations" however. It was here that Bormann posited that Packanowsky’s work would have further enlightened the understanding of the symbolic convergence theory rather than plowing untried ground and offering premature observations and otherwise unsupported generalizations. It is here that I will tread lightly. Focusing on the warnings of Bormann in his review, I will attempt to study the cultures of ECC and DACC, looking for the myths, stories, saga, etc., that form those cultures. I will, however, carefully couch my findings into the theoretical images established by Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory. The findings can then become a part of an established and growing body of literature for communication study. But it should also be clearly stated that I am also making observations about how such cultural data can be a 161

partial explanation and the furthering of present understandings of church growth

principles as well. It will be a formidable, yet complementary, task to two major

areas of interest to me.

Ultimately, symbolic convergence theory and cultural communication

studies appeared to have more similarities than dissimilarities. Bormann’s

theories focused on the issues of cultural studies more intently and offered a

more critical stance. And whereas Bormann discussed the images as "enabling,"

Packanowsky chose to describe them as "empowering." But was either theory

offering a final solution and answer to the issues at hand? Unquestionably both

offered a part of the solution and both suggested that there was no one "truth"

that can be known. This will only add more data to the field; he will not attempt

to offer additional laws or rules. But the search will go on and this new

information will assist, it is assumed, in the advancement of this part of the

communication study.

Summation of the Research Methodology

The Organizations Under Study

The Eastside and Del Amo Christian Churches have been changing

congregations. From their small beginnings three decades ago to their present

levels, the congregations have gone through changes. ECC has grown to a

membership of nearly 5000 and a staff of nearly 100; DACC rose to a membership of nearly 300 and a staff of four at the midway point of its histoiy, but has since fallen to a membership of under 100 and a staff of three part-time 162 people. The day-to-day administration of the ECC falls to the staff divided almost evenly between the church and the school. (For purposes of this research, the school will be an ancillary part of that organization.) The administration of

DACC is similar, although the staff must answer more directly to the Elders and are not given the flexibility of the ECC staff.

The coming of Ben Merold moved ECC into a new era. Merold became the pivotal member of the work in that he was the point person in its growth and development. Staff additions extended his work and appeared to produce advancement. However, the ultimate authority behind Merold and all staff is the board of elders elected by the vote of the congregation. These members of the congregation, chosen because of their wisdom and spiritual leadership, provide the direction and approval of all programs. DACC prospered for a time under the leadership of Magnuson, but the conflicts which infested the group in the mid-1970’s have never been resolved, and the progress appears to reflect this lack of cooperation between staff and lay leadership.

In this study of ECC and DACC, I will focus on the stories which have evolved to see how rhetorical visions were created, shared, and sustained; further,

I will strive to place these visions into the broader scope of the organizational saga of the congregations. Searching for the other pieces of symbolic convergence theory, I will seek to define the symbol systems of the congregations.

Through this investigation, a major emphasis will be on the communication processes which have propagated that culture. Further, I will seek to define the arguments - the rhetorical themes - on which the communications are founded. 163

Both concepts are highly important to the understanding of the culture of the congregations.

Qualitative Versus Quantitative Research Methodologies

Qualitative research versus quantitative research has been debated for some time. Those committed to qualitative research recognize the importance of quantitative research as a viable alternative. However, some studies do not lend themselves particularly well to quantifiable data. In such cases, the alternative rests in qualitative research. Symbolic convergence theories within organization lend themselves better to qualitative evaluation.

Anderson proposed a four step process for qualitative research. Beginning with the "personal encounter" with the group being investigated, Anderson suggested that the research must follow a path of "curiosity" about the subject, then s/he must "identify the encounter and . . . define the conditions under which it will take place" (1987, p. 254). The traditional questions of who, what, when, where, why, and how will lead the investigator to people, places, times, purposes, and courses to be followed. Through careful planning, I will create the receptivity from the group which will lead to acceptance, trust, and the ability to gain the appropriate information needed for the research to be a "part of the criteria of excellence."

Based on the findings generated from the personal encounters, field notes

(along with interview tapes and other artifacts) were turned into the "research text." Anderson defined the research text as "a personal product of the researcher’s participation and observation of social action" (1987, p. 258). This 164 second step was still a private experience and remained so until the third and fourth steps were accomplished.

Step three was "composing . . . the episode;" the episode for Anderson was

"the written, descriptive interpretation of an event of the social action under study" (Anderson, 1987, p. 258). The differentiation between the research text and the composed episode was the preparation which places the interpretation of events before the public eye for its scrutiny. Questions that should be addressed by the readers included, "Does the description hang together? . . . Do others, knowledgeable about the situation, consider the narrative to have captured the essence of the event?" (Anderson, 1987, p. 259)

The final step involved moving from the episode to the preparation of the proposed theory. Although it could take one of several forms in its writing,

Anderson maintained that the task requires two steps:

(a) the construction of the research argument - an ethnographic text - in which the claims about the social action are analyzed or advanced, and (b) the use of the ethnographic text as part of a dialectic (interactive) analysis of the terms and constructions of the theory (Anderson, 1987, p. 260).

In applying this process to the search for components which comprise symbolic convergence ideas, I will follow the initial steps suggested by Anderson as I search for the rhetorical visions, rhetorical communities, inside jokes, cues, and symbolic systems which have produced the organizational saga and/or congregational culture.

Finally, the sagas and symbol systems of ECC and DACC are "constructed" reality built by congregations. In Bormann’s terms, then, the congregations have 165 created their sagas out of the various rhetorical visions which have been created and transmitted within the congregations. The sagas contain the symbolic systems which have the potential to enable or disable the congregations. 1 will seek to identify those symbol systems as a means of understanding their natures and to see how they have been helpful in the enabling and/or disabling of the congregations over the past thirty years.

Bantz set forth five pivotal criteria which shall be used to guide this research.

We can evaluate a research report by determining whether . .. (1) it reflects an understanding of organizational messages, meanings, and expectations; (2) the researcher remained open to a reflection of the social reality of the organization; (3) members of the organization can recognize the researcher’s interpretations; (4) the researcher’s interpretations make the organization accessible to nonmembers; and (5) the research report demonstrates skillful use of language or media (1983, p. 70).

Techniques of Data Collection

For this research, I will rely primarily on Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory using fantasy theme analysis. Consequently, I will seek out the various components described in detail earlier in the chapter. Utilizing the methods that

Bantz called the "symbolic interactionists" and Bormann, "symbolic convergence," 1 will become a part of the organizations as I attempt to generate the components described by Bormann. Research questions include: what are the fantasies and rhetorical visions of the congregations? What are the symbol systems and sagas of the congregations? How have these components emerged and been sustained over time? How have they been modified? Have they enabled or disabled the 166 congregation? What other causal factors must be considered when looking at growth and decline?

The techniques of data collection will be diverse. First, I will be the primary instrumentation for data collection. Working both as a participant observer and non-participant observer, I will spend time with various parts of the congregations observing how they operate. I will seek to generate the stories of the congregations and the variations they take. All of this will be done with the full knowledge of the leadership of the congregations and will in no way be kept from any who ask about purpose. As an outsider, I will be at no risk of losing a position; I must, however, maintain a highly professional stance at all time.

The search of records and documents about the congregations began with the historical notations about the congregations. Full access to records of all meetings has been granted. My search for the themes and fantasies will continue to focus on the writing and spoken messages which have been shared within the congregations.

Interviews with the staff and leadership of the congregations will be augmented by focus interviews with various groups within the congregations;

Sunday school classes, women’s and men’s groups, young people’s groups, and other smaller units will be sought out for their input and observations about ECC and DACC. Personal interviews of long time members will seek to find additional stories that have been a part of the sagas.

Research will utilize persons in the communities who are not members of the congregations to determine their view of the groups. Further, persons who 167

have previously done research about the congregations will be contacted for their

observations and reactions to various findings. Former members will be contacted for their stories, if possible.

Ultimately there are several risks against which I must guard. First, the subjectivity of the will be a point of constant risk. Though I am not a member of either congregations, I am from the same denomination and have had personal contact with several of the ministers over a long period of time. The danger of overstating the cases of either congregation will be present. However, this risk will be minimized, it is hoped, by the intent of the research to look at the rhetoric and communication process of the congregation as an entity apart from their theologies.

Second, I will focus primarily on the rhetoric (arguments) which comprise the sagas of the congregation. By studying the , pathos, and ethos of the speakers I will make traditional rhetorical evaluations. However, my personal friendships will force me to make every effort to guard against the prejudices of personal feelings and judgments. My research must focus on the rhetoric itself.

Though pathos and ethos must be considered, the focus will be on the logos of each congregation as the cultural patterns and sagas are developed.

Third, there is always the risk of haphazard collection of data. As the research progresses and the findings appear to be taking directions, I may develop a tendency to make early assumptions or fail to delve more deeply into certain issues which seem to be obvious. Consequently, I will step back periodically and focus on the material which has been found, put it alongside other studies to see 168 if it is taking shape appropriately. This time of reflection will also be used to discuss the work with other communication scholars in the area, as well as colleagues in the church growth department of my college to see if there are missing points and/or other questions that need to be raised.

Fourth, there will be regular communication with committee members to determine what materials are still needed in the research. Since the research portion of this study is designed to last from twelve to fifteen months, this should provide adequate time to overcome weaknesses which are discovered along the way.

Analysis of the data collected

Fantasy theme analysis provides specific direction for the finalizing of data collected. The continual return to the writings of Bormann and comparisons with other researchers using this and similar methods should provide for sound analysis. Since there are specific factors which must be sought, the analysis should be self-directing. The location of the converging symbols should provide valid steps for the understanding and explanation of findings. As the research moves through the steps from fantasy to organizational saga (the culture), the study should provide an understanding as to how these sagas have been an enabling and/or disabling force on ECC and DACC.

Finally, combined with as much outside data about church growth as is possible, the demographics of Fullerton/Orange County and Torrance/Los

Angeles County, and the personal dynamics of the individuals who comprise ECC and DACC, some conclusions about what has caused the growth or decline will 169 be attempted. ThenI will attempt to suggest how the rhetorics, symbol systems, organizational sagas, and communication cultures have contributed to the enabled or disabled outcomes of the congregations. It is hoped that through this research, factors can be learned which will prove helpful in other studies using fantasy theme analysis as the way of studying church growth. As noted early on, almost no study of church growth has considered the importance and use of rhetorical visions and communication processes in a growing congregation. Although all pay lip service to the need, no one has looked at the processes. This research project and its attending methods hope to eliminate at least a small part of that void. C H A PTER V

SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE AND THE

COMMUNICATION SAGA OF DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH

The creative force driving any new organization should serve as the primary rhetorical vision by which it will be initially empowered. That truth should hold whether it is IBM, Apple Computers, Ohio State University,

McDonald’s Hamburgers, Eastside Christian Church, or Del Amo Christian

Church. Deep within the recesses of someone’s mind, an idea is born. Before that idea can become reality, it must be verbalized and a rhetoric created allowing a public to hear and visualize it. It must be said before it can be realized. Questions of why? and how? and when? and where? must be addressed.

Slowly it flows from the one individual to others who accept the possibilities; they interact about the dream. New ideas as well as elaborations and objections must be raised and addressed. They create the organization and its rhetorical vision.

Ultimately, the success or failure of that unit has a direct connection to the ability to build its embryonic idea into a vivified organizational vision (Bormann, 1971).

So it was in the creation of both Eastside Christian Church and Del Amo

170 171

Christian Church. Though I have already presented their histories, a deeper

analysis must now attempt to identify and analyze their unique discourses so that

the rhetoric and organizational visions can be reconstructed.

In this chapter, I will apply the basic components of Bormann’s symbolic

convergence theory and fantasy theme analysis as the means of discovering and demonstrating how one congregation flourished and then diminished over time.

In tracing the rhetoric (defined primarily as the verbal arguments) using the symbolic convergence theory, I will elucidate the rhetorical visions, fantasy themes, consciousness-creating, raising, and sustaining techniques, and other components to explain how DACC created the rhetoric of birth, growth, struggle, and eminent demise. In chapter 6, I will use the same methodology to expound the growth rhetoric of ECC. Each chapter will conclude with a proposed organizational saga of the congregations.

Del Amo Christian Church in the 1960’s

The earliest group of people who met as the "Del Amo Church of Christ, a

Christian Church," intended to establish a Christian Church on the rapidly developing west side of Torrance. As the population of Torrance boomed in the

1950’s, several families from established congregations in south Los Angeles moved to Torrance and drove several miles to the congregations in their former neighborhoods. Some five families in the same area of Torrance began meeting for Bible study and fellowship during the week. During the course of these meetings (although no one interviewed remembers who called the first session), 172 the fantasy theme of a new Christian Church was created. Though they would continue for a time with their former congregations, this group of about twenty people began research to see where a congregation should be established, as well as undertaking the necessary business matters to become a recognized congregation. On the last Sunday in September, 1959, their first worship service was conducted in El Nidro Park Recreation Center. After a while, a part-time minister was employed, and the congregation began working on a charter with the state of California (Charnell interview, 1989).*

About this same time the Florence Avenue Christian Church (FACC) determined to give up the struggle against their changing south Los Angeles neighborhood and relocate. Though they had tried to intergrate the church, their numbers continued to decrease and membership from the neighborhood had become insignificant. Consequently, they determined to sell the property, find and purchase land in the Torrance area, and begin again (Ashford interview,

1989). Being aware of the small group meeting in the El Nidro Park shelter house, they contacted the group to discuss the possibilities of the two groups uniting (Ashford and Charnell interviews, 1989).

^Information used to establish the rhetoric visions and organizational saga of DACC was generated from the church publications and board minutes, interviews with Mr. and Mrs. Charles Magnuson, Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Hassoldt, Mr. and Mrs. Phil Charnell, Harold Purdom, Mr. and Mrs. Duane Norton, Robert Andrew,and Les Ashford; also used were my personal observations and conversations during my tenure as interim minister. 173

By late 1969, the members of FACC determined they would make a move

and completed the sale of their property (FACC board minutes, Nov., 1959).

They successfully purchased property on the west side of Torrance with the

proceeds of their sale (FACC board notes, June, 1960). Over the next few

months, the two groups independently voted to merge. The congregations came

together as "Del Amo Church of Christ, a Christian Church" on January 1, 1961

(Epistle. January 9, 1961). Les Ashford, FACC minister, became the full-time

minister; the part-time minister resigned (Ashford interview, 1989).

Once merged, the newly formed congregation rented space in a Seventh

Day Adventist church in Lawndale, a suburb about five miles from the newly purchased property (Epistle. January 9, 1961). All the time, Ashford and the

combined leadership attempted to raise the consciousness of the two groups about the need of bonding into a unit. They recognized the need to work

harmoniously to establish the new work. Reporting about the 1961 church year at the annual meeting, Ashford wrote about the need to overcome a "we/they" situation:

Our elders recognized this critical area and worked hard, [sic] to lessen tensions and prayed often about the new congregation’s spiritual needs. . . . As a result the merger was a thing of sweet fellowship and joy. When we had to get our families ready for church and Bible School, drive five miles and be on time at 8:30 every family cooperated beautifully. . . . 1961 has been a wonderful, gratifying, faith-building year.

Having already purchased property with cash reserves from the sale of the

FACC property, the congregation was prepared to build immediately. After trading the property they had purchased for one owned by the city, the 174 congregation received the needed variances and permits. Construction started immediately.

With the rhetorical vision of beginning a congregation on the west side of

Torrance now realized, the people created a new rhetorical vision of worshipping in their own structure. Though there is little to indicate that it was developed strongly, the Epistle (Nov. 1, 1961) reported that the theme for 1961 had been

"WE WILL BUILD ON CHRIST." No records show that the themes received significant attention and persons interviewed — including Ashford -- do not recall any major programs revolving around the selected themes. The major part of the rhetorical vision about building was that members would do much of the construction themselves. Epistles throughout 1961 and early 1962 reported the progress of the building and announced the various tasks that volunteers needed to accomplish.

In 1962 the congregation moved into and dedicated their first building, a

2500 square foot building with a sanctuary that would seat about 150. It provided limited Sunday school, fellowship, and office space. The vision of their own meeting place was now fulfilled. However, the vision was clouded because the congregation was unable to finance the second phase of the building immediately after the completion of the first structure as they had planned. Though the vision remained, the fantasy lessened in power (Epistles. March - June, 1962).

As the completion of the building neared, Ashford attempted to create and raise the consciousness of the people about their need to evangelize the area. 175

After announcing that the theme for 1962 would be "We will build this ministry,"

he wrote:

As we have been building the physical church plant in 1961 there has been a continual stressing of the more important aspects of building the spiritual household of God. In 1962 there will be special training efforts that each Christian might more effectively "share this ministry" (Epistle. Nov. 7, 1961).

For Ashford, the need for evangelizing the area was the next fantasy theme to be created. However, Ashford reported that a very small number bought into this theme. Though programs were developed, "calling nights" established, and people taught from the pulpit and in special classes, Ashford (Interview, 1989) reported that only one or two persons besides himself were consistently involved in visitation.

Before many years, the fantasy theme of building was recreated as the congregation was finally able to finance the classroom wing of the building. By

1966, the congregation saw their second building fantasy fulfilled (Epistle. May

12, 1966). Over the first decade of their existence, the congregation had completed the first two stages of their building program and doubled their attendance (See Figure 2.11). It is significant to note, however, that Torrance had grown by 600% between 1950 - 1970. The congregation had not kept pace with community growth.

Ashford continued to emphasize the need to reach into the community.

Yet he believed that the congregation never caught the fantasy of evangelizing their area. He said, "I was never able to convince the congregation that they must share our message with their friends and neighbors. They talked about 176

evangelism but never seemed willing to do it" (Ashford interview, 1989). Though

they talked about the vision of a growing congregation, the fantasy of church

members visiting in the area never occurred. Much of the growth came from other south Los Angeles congregations as they declined or closed and/or as people moved away from the changing neighborhoods where they had grown up.

Ashford’s (Interview, 1989) proposed rhetorical vision for both the leaders and members of the congregation focused on the need for evangelism and growth but it failed to chain out to many leaders and even less to the congregation.

Bormann (1983c) noted that not only must there be fantasy themes and rhetorical visions to propel an organization but that they must also be the right fantasies or visions for that group. Though the fantasy of building was created and shared, the fantasy of outreach never reached beyond a minimal number of persons. The fantasy theme that had played out in the congregation focused on sharing after meeting fellowships, creating what Ashford called the "pancake house gang"

(Interview, 1989). This fantasy, as we shall see, became a major factor in the congregation’s organizational saga as the symbol system unfolds.

After twelve years at FACC and DACC, Ashford resigned in early 1969 because of personal problems, completing his tenure in August (Epistle.

September 10, 1969). The rhetorical vision of creating a growing congregation had grown up around the fantasy themes of buildings and having good fellowship among those persons already identified with the Christian Churches. The fantasy theme of outreach as a part of that rhetorical vision never materialized. 177

Ashford’s ability to lead through his rhetorical visions was limited by the failure of the congregation to make it a part of their own existence.

DACC in the 1970’s and 1980’s

In September, 1969, Charles and Sue Magnuson came to Torrance as the new ministers (Epistle. September 15, 1969). Possessing a gift for music and having three young sons, the Magnusons began immediately creating a fantasy theme of growth through a strong music and youth program. The content of the rhetoric was simple; "many of the people in this area have children who can be drawn into the church by a top notch music program and other activities for youth." What began as a fantasy theme chaining out among the congregation quickly became the rhetorical vision. Within a year both the music and youth programs were bringing in new families regularly. A significant percentage of the new people were coming from congregations in south Los Angeles. The dramatic drop in attendance of 1969 (see statistical data in Chapter II) was reversed as the congregation grew about 15% per year for the next five years.

Sue Magnuson, who became the "persona" (Bormann, 1985) of the music vision, was the focal point of the congregation. She led in the establishment of four choirs in a short period of time. Though it would be 1973 before she officially became the Director of Music, she established the choir program.

Members of the choirs ranged in age from pre-schoolers through adults. The young people’s choir quickly became a favorite. The choir, composed of fifth through eighth graders, performed the musical "It’s Cool in the Furnace" in area 178

churches (Board minutes, May, 1973). Music became the highlight of the worship

services and other programs. Handbells were donated to the congregations and

were put into use immediately (Board minutes, March, 1973). A significant

percentage of the church’s budget went for music, lighting, and props, as the

youth and adult choirs became a touring company in southern California churches

(Board notes, various meetings, 1972 - 1974). Ralph Dornette, head of the

Southern California Evangelizing Association, and Dr. Medford Jones, then

President of Pacific Christian College, both recalled that the Del Amo

congregation was considered one of the shining spots among California

congregations in the early 1970's.

The growth of the congregation between 1970 and 1973 helped create a

familiar fantasy type. With attendance again pushing the capacity of the building

past the comfortable level, the fantasy of a new 500 seat auditorium with

additional classrooms and music space was created. This fantasy type fit well into

the rhetorical vision of a congregation highlighting its growing music and youth

programs. An architect was employed and plans for the building completed. The auditorium would be a showplace for music while the older sanctuary would

become a family center providing new programming and activities for the youth.

Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Hassoldt (Interview, 1989; he also possessed undated papers

showing these proposals) recalled that property adjoining the church building was added to the vision as a possible site for a "Family Life Center" with a full size basketball court. The fantasy was shattered quickly when the price of the new

auditorium was set at about $300,000. A review of the minutes found that 179

discussions about the building turned into battles about the architect’s fees. From

late 1973 through early 1975, the issue of the fees became a topic of major

concern and consideration. Consequently, the fantasy type of expansion was not

sustained. One member (Purdom interview, 1989) of the congregation

remembered a presentation of the building plans, although he recalled no

congregational vote on the plans.

The project was ultimately replaced with a less ambitious, inexpensive plan

adding an overflow and office area. Records show that this project was approved

and completed in 1976 at a cost of $13,000 (Board minutes, June, 1966). Though

it was helpful, it did not stir the imaginations of the people as had the building of

the first two sections. Rather than building the new sanctuary, adding the new

classrooms, and having the youth-oriented building, the approved addition

increased the auditorium seating capacity to about 260 and provided two new

offices. The rhetoric of the building program suggested that building was

important but that the expanding of the music and youth rhetorical vision was not worth the risk of greater debt. If one of the signs of strong leadership is visionary risk taking (see church growth principles, chapter 3), the unwillingness of the leadership to step forward at the point of their highest attendance was probably the first sign of the potential decline. It may have also suggested that the rhetorical visions of expanding youth and music programs had not been deeply em bedded.

In 1975, a second major event occurred. As noted above, Mrs. Magnuson created the successful music program first as a volunteer and then as "Director of 180

Music." She became the "persona" of the congregation as she built this successful

program. In July, 1975, she felt it was time to re-evaluate her salary. After some

consideration by the board, she was given a salary increase of 10% (Board

minutes, July, 1975); she had requested a 100% increase (Purdom and Charnell

interviews, 1989). The minutes also reflected a concern that the choir programs

might be cut (from what appeared to be a threat) if the increase was not given

(Board minutes, July and August, 1975). Failing to be rewarded with the

requested increase, she determined that it would be necessary to cut the choir program (Board minutes, September, 1975). With the number of choirs halved, the rhetorical vision of increasing the membership of the congregation was further diminished. Rhetoric which had focused on growth through music and youth was curtailed. Though she would remain as Director of Music for another four years

-- she officially stepped down in 1979 — and did occasionally add other choirs to the program, the image of "hero" quickly changed to that of "villain" (Bormann,

1985).

Coupled with the shelving of the building program for a lesser effort requiring no extensive expenditure of time and money, the diminished music program served as a second catalyst for the loss of the growth rhetorical vision.

By mid-1976, attendance was on the decline. After three years, most of the families from the south Los Angeles congregations had already relocated. The number of new families being brought into the church from the area dropped.

The ability to develop new fantasy themes and sustain the rhetorical vision of the congregation appeared to falter under Magnuson and the DACC elders. 181

Magnuson, like Ashford before him, had never been able to create and raise a fantasy theme of evangelism involving the membership of the congregation. Though there were regular discussions about this need, the effort never materialized. One of the running battles over the next few years focused on this problem. Board meetings often focused on the inattention to visitation on both the part of Magnuson and the leaders. Magnuson’s monthly reports contained a report on the number of visits he had made. Persons interviewed

(Charnell and Purdom, 1989) maintained that the reported numbers did not coincide with the complaints they were receiving. Reports by both past and

t current members and leaders indicate Magnuson had not visited regularly for years. Similarly, every visitation program established by the elders had the same result. There were always problems with the distribution of visitation cards. No accounting system of follow-up could be located. Newcomers slipped away unvisited. Even now, during my tenure, another "shepherding" program was created without any in-home visits to the members. Contact is limited to telephone and written communication. Members who have left have heard nothing from the leadership (Personal telephone conversations and personal visits). Visitor calling is left entirely to the interim minister. Though they profess a concern and care, people regularly report that leadership is unconcerned

(Personal observations and notes, 1989).

It is significant to note that the rhetoric of the leadership changed at this same point in 1975. Though the board minutes reflect some tendencies to be burdened by small details during the early years (1960-1975), most of the rhetoric 182 was upbeat and focused on problems of needed growth, building expansion, and touring choirs (Survey of the Board notes, 1960 - 1975), Appeals made for new workers and additional leaders were positively centered on the growing population. A notation in the minutes of the August, 1972 minutes indicated that leaders were being recruited for the "expanding High School and Jr. High programs." Though this would sound similar in nature to those reported later, the indication at this early announcement gave a sense of having many to choose from. Later reports would indicate that many had been contacted but that "no one has appeared willing to help in this program at this time" (Elder’s minutes,

January, 1989). Discussions focused on where to put people, how to come up with the additional space, and similar matters arising from the rhetoric of expanding programs and facilities. Finances were always a major problem, however. During the first five years of Magnuson’s tenure, the rhetorical vision centered on youth and music. DACC seemed content to promote the music and admitted new members into fellowship without a great deal of visitation.

DACC’s rhetoric of growth seemed to be working well. Though new members were being added at a rate of about one per week, the membership records indicate that several of these families were coming from the Crenshaw and

Inglewood Christian Churches; these south Los Angeles congregations closed their doors in the sixties because of the same racial problems experienced by the

Florence Avenue congregation in the late fifties. Membership and attendance peaked during 1975. 183

Attendance began to slip during the early part of 1976. Four fantasy themes were created during 1976 by the leadership to overcome the declining rhetorical vision of growing through the youth and music programs. The fantasy type of building was no longer a part of their image. These fantasy themes included a bus ministry, a youth minister, an expanded parking lot, and two worship hours to compensate for the seating problem. Only two of these fantasy themes chained out from the board and into the congregation. The themes of the bus ministry and the expanded parking lot were never realized. The leadership created two worship services during 1976, but the fantasy never chained out completely into the board and was never a part of the image of the congregation.

Board minutes through 1976 show the constant displeasure of many over the idea that the two worship services were splitting the congregation and not producing the intended growth. By October (Board minutes, October, 1976), the fantasy theme of growth by expanded services was dead and the congregation returned to one service. The fantasy theme of a youth minister was also realized, but the position was not filled until November, 1977.

During late 1976, the level of dissatisfaction with Magnuson reached the point where his effectiveness as minister was called into serious question by the congregation. Issues were beginning to focus on his lack of time in the office, his poor preaching, lack of administrative skills, and lack of visitation. A letter from a member of the congregation (Board minutes, October, 1976) asked for a questionnaire to be generated about his effectiveness and activities. The elders determined that they should conduct their own review of Magnuson’s ministry and 184

not take it to the congregation. One of the most devastating documents of the

records came out of that review. An undated memo found in the reports of early

1977 recorded the comments of the Elders. Going on for twelve pages, this

document showed the deep division that had taken place between the elders over

the personal conduct of the minister. The issue was how his time was being used.

Comments such as "I believe it is because he does not work hard enough to

prepare" his sermons were found. Though others found his sermons to be

"helpful" and "inspiring," the time issue appeared to creep in among his

supporters. The most consistently negative comments arose on the question of

administration: here the comments included, "an area of weakness," and "does not

keep a regular schedule, hard to reach, does not give written reports, vague on calling done” (undated Board notes in 1976 -1977 files). Other questions about his time focused on his activities outside the congregation. Though there

seemed to be some pride in the fact that he became one of the first persons to be

named "Lion of the Year" in two consecutive years (1975 and 1976, reported in board notes, August, 1976), comments such as "seems to have too much involvement in civic work and clubs thus slighting church needs" were recorded.

Conversely, several respondents were high in their praise of both Magnuson and his wife. Their comments praised his abilities in preaching, administration, and service. Other comments noted that the problem was greater than Magnuson; another typical comment placed the blame on both the minister and the elders: "I feel this must fall primarily on the shoulders of our minister and the Board of

Elder for failure to recognize properly the minister’s role in the declining . . . 185 attendance." Perhaps the final comment in the report says it best. "We have a serious problem that needs immediate attention." Among the responses were also listed the name of five families who had left in the past year because of the

"failure of our program."

The results of this questionnaire led to the preparation of a "contract" between the minister and the congregation. After seven years of an informal agreement about his duties and responsibilities, the leadership undertook to delineate their expectations for him. After working on it for nearly five months, they asked the congregation to approve the proposed contract in November, 1977.

Among its requirements were the areas of concern noted in the above mentioned report. They included that Magnuson was to maintain at least twenty hours per week in his office with the times posted in church publications, keep a log of all visits, meetings, and all other services performed for the congregation, and have all outside activities in which he was involved approved by the church board. The contract was approved by the congregation at a special meeting (Board minutes,

November, 1977). Perhaps one of the most interesting notations from the minutes of that same month focused on the "lack of interest" of board members in their monthly meetings. It was recommended that board members encourage other board members to attend their scheduled meetings "more faithfully." In what appeared to be a strange contradiction, the leadership failed to adhere to their commitments while contracting with the minister to fulfill his.

Apparently the implementation of a contract was not enough to satisfy

Magnuson’s most ardent detractors. On January 31, 1978, twenty members of the 186 congregation sent a registered letter to the elders asking for a special meeting with them to discuss the situation. They noted:

We feel the performance of the minister of the Del Amo Christian Church does not adhere to the requirements of the Church By-Laws and contract. In compliance with Article 6, Section 2, Subsection C, Item 5(b) of the By-Laws, the following formally request this meeting with you. We respectfully request that Mr. Magnuson not be present at this first meeting but be allowed to fully hear and participate at a subsequent meeting (Letter to Elders, January 31, 1978, and maintained as a part of the Board minutes of 1978).

The response of the Elders focused on an attempt to diffuse the seriousness of the situation as smoothly as possible. Minutes show that they requested only one person meet concerning the problem and that the minister be allowed at that meeting. The detractors would not agree. The elders then held a special meeting with the minister (Board minutes, Feb., 1978) to address specific issues prior to meeting with the letter signatures. Finally, the meeting was held with the dissenting group and issues addressed (February 16, 1978). Several elders continued to support Magnuson’s ministry and maintained that their reviews of his activities generally found his work to be adequate. Charnell (Interview, 1989) noted that although he was contacted by the group and was sympathetic to their cause, he believed that their methodology was wrong; consequently, he supported

Magnuson’s side even though he rejected his leadership. Other correspondences contained in the minutes of February and March meetings reflected the dissatisfaction of those who had already chosen to leave. Though some were focused on either Chuck or Sue Magnuson directly, others noted a general dissatisfaction with the entire direction of the lay leadership as well. A review of other minutes from 1978 indicated that the pool of leadership was decreasing as 187 people left and the willingness to stay in the midst of the battle had taken its toll.

Though it is unrecorded in any minutes, Magnuson threatened to sue the congregation for damages if they removed him from his position as minister

(Magnuson, Purdom, and Charnell interviews, 1989).

One other protest was filed during 1978. A complaint about the inability to find the minister in his office and his failure to assist members serving in teaching and other capacities led to the resignation of the entire leadership of the

Christian Women’s Fellowship in May (Board minutes, June, 1978). Though this seemed to have little impact on the elders of the congregation, the resignations continued to keep the "pot boiling."

During 1979, the congregation attempted to respond to the demands of the women in the congregation. This effort appeared to be led by Mrs. Magnuson.

At the July meeting of the board, she contended that neither she nor any of the women of the congregation were receiving fair treatment from the leadership.

She especially noted that even though she was well trained for her role as

"Director of Music," she was neither as well paid nor given the same "liberty to be creative" as the youth minister who was less experienced and knowledgeable than she. Out of this protestation, Mrs. Magnuson resigned her position as "Director of Music." Further, she set into motion the action for a change in the By-laws adding "deaconesses" to the "joint board" (Board minutes, August, 1979 - January,

1980; By-Laws changes, January, 1980). This modification further divided the congregation and caused others to leave. A letter from a departing member included in the November, 1979, minutes, noted that his departure had to do with 188 this restructure. He noted that the "church was now violating Scriptures and he could be party to it" (Board minutes, November, 1979).

Attendance continued to decline during these years. The board minutes after 1977 indicated that fewer and fewer people were willing to serve in leadership capacities. Many dissatisfied leaders chose to move elsewhere rather than continue to fight. Often the conflicts were not with the minister (Charnell interview, 1989) exclusively, but due to conflicts between lay leaders. The conflict that began in 1975 over the choir program infected the entire ministry of the congregation in the last half of that decade. Attendance which had reached and averaged above 200 dropped nearly in half in the last half of the seventies.

The decade of the eighties appeared to be less conflict-oriented. A review of the board minutes showed less attention to the conflict over ministry but reflected another sign of failure among leadership to create any positive fantasy themes or a significant rhetorical vision of growth. During the final eight years of the Magnuson ministry, the board minutes reflected that between 80 - 85% of their business focused on details pertaining to building and property. Though there were regular discussions about growth, calling, and declining memberships, these seemed more superfluous than significant. A review of selected minutes shows the following matters of business discussed most often; the declining financial base, the inability to locate people to work in teaching and other leadership positions, building and grounds repairs and maintenance, and committee memberships. Two of the positive events during this decade were the 189

gift of an organ (Elders’ minutes, Oct., 1984) and the mortgage burning

ceremony (Letter to former members, Sept., 1983).

The dissension over the Magnusons was basically silenced during this time.

However, present members readily talked about their desire to see them move

into another ministry and that their departure was long overdue (conversations

with current membership during my interim ministry). Attendance continued to

drop as more people left and unreplaced. A comparison of the board

membership between 1983 and 1989 showed that over half of those who served in

1983 no longer attend DACC. Others refuse to serve again.

Small Groups Created

A new fantasy theme was created from within the congregation. During

the early 1980’s, the concept of small groups as a means of growing congregations was becoming a common theme (see chapter on church growth). The idea of

fellowship had always been a major theme of DACC. From Ashford’s image of

the "pancake house gang" in the sixties to the various choirs of the seventies, the focus had much more concern about maintaining the social structure of the organization than outreach. During 1982 and 1983, "Kinship" and the "Prime

Timers" came into existence; each group represented an age group within the congregation and became the major social outlet for the membership. Though

Kinship did seek to meet both a need for Bible Study and for social outlet, the impact of the Bible Study waned as the various couples added children to their families. During the last two years of their existence, the Bible study aspect became increasingly difficult but the attempt to maintain fellowship remained. 190

With the departure of Kevin Carlson, Youth Minister from 1976 to 1988, the

teaching program was generally scratched from their meeting times. In the past

year, the burden of children and more departures have eliminated the group

entirely. Prime Timers, the senior group of the congregation, has been a socially

oriented group. There are no records or indications from current members that

Bible study was a purpose of this group. Though their numbers have also

declined, the group continues to meet regularly. This group chose activities

according to their interests; they have gone to a silent movie, traveled to Catalina

Island, visited the Gene Autry museum, and held picnics and dinners during the past twelve months. They plan a monthly activity.

Women’s groups have also existed as part of the DACC social functioning.

The Christian Women’s Fellowship has encouraged all women involved in their activities. Through the years, this group has provided both social outlet and service to the congregation, the missionaries of the congregation, and the community. They have often had special projects to assist certain parts of the community; for example, they have often provided Christmas gifts to children with special needs. At other times, they have had projects to aid the Fleenor’s, missionaries to Japan sponsored by the congregation. However, the group has had many ups and downs. As noted above, they were divided by the controversy about the minister during 1978, with the leadership withdrawing in protest of the perceived lack of help and interest in their work. Like the remainder of the church functions, leaders must be actively recruited and often serve out of a fear that their failure to do so could result in the demise of the group. The current 191 president reported to me that she and the other officers took their positions because they were afraid that a failure to do so would kill the group. The current CWF president attends another church on most Sundays; she is at DACC for CWF meetings and when she is scheduled to attend the nursery.

Another women’s group, the "Mother’s Club," was created as a daytime alternative to CWF with a primary goal of providing fellowship and support for younger mothers. After two years, these mothers have disbanded as their numbers declined to two potential members with any interest left.

Three Recent Fantasy Themes Created

In late 1983, Magnuson led in the creation of a vision entitled "Project 84."

According to Magnuson (Interview, 1989), the effort was community based and was entered to stimulate sagging attendance and memberships. Total new members brought into fellowship during 1983 had fallen below any previous year.

During the summer of 1983, Dr. Elwyn Buche, church growth consultant, conducted a survey for the congregation. The results showed that the congregation had declined, that the teaching program did not appear to be adequate, and the current rate of adding new members would result in continuing decline (Survey results provided by Dr. Buche). Project 84 was to be the catalyst for improving the key areas. Although the board minutes and Epistles (January -

April, 1984) mentioned the campaign, they provided little definition and reported no significant results. The major communication piece was a neighborhood mailing using "canned" materials from the promoter of the newsletter with a congregational masthead and other information prepared by the congregation. 192

The quarterly mailing was stopped after four months. Project 84 was last mentioned in the minutes of the April board meeting; it noted,

Chuck Magnuson discussed his concern for the lack of ability to challenge many of the church leaders and congregation to get actively involved in Project ’84. (Board minutes, April, 1984).

Project ’84 failed to chain out among the group because it was not, as Bormann suggested of the wrong vision for the wrong group (1987), the right fantasy theme for DACC.

In 1987, several members of the congregation found that the condition of the twenty-five year old building was both dated and deteriorating badly. Led by

Mrs. Magnuson, this group asked the church board for permission to lead out in a refurbishing effort to improve the looks of the building. Out of this grew a modified fantasy type of building improvement, though it was much smaller in scale than the building fantasies of earlier years. The church board named a

"refurbishing committee" (Board minutes, August, 1987) to explore the possibility and established the "building refurbishment fund." A few months later, the committee determined that professional help would be needed and was granted

$2800 to hire a professional decorator to assist with color selections and other needs (Board minutes, Dec, 1987).

Though the composition of the committee has changed because of people moving on, new committee members have carried on the project for several months and members of the congregation have been involved in the physical improvements by painting, wallpapering, and performing other small projects within their capabilities. Several thousand dollars have already been invested, but 193 major items such as new flooring and re-upholstered pews must wait until funds are available. The board has placed the project on a "pay-as-you-go-basis."

Major repairs, such as roofing and termite control, have impeded the progress of this program. It does appear that enough people are interested in the project to sustain the fantasy for a while longer (Personal observation based on working with the committee).

A third fantasy theme was created by two of the younger elders. As interim minister, I had spent several months presenting the principles of church growth in the Epistle (January - March, 1989) and discussed these with the leadership. Subsequently, these two elders created a fantasy they hoped would bring renewed life and growth. It was based on three ideas: first, the leadership -

- elders, deacons, and teachers -- needed further training for their tasks in the church. Second, the congregation should accept a challenge of telling their friends and associates about positive steps the congregation was taking to return to a growth mode. Third, the leadership should borrow whatever monies were needed to complete the refurbishing of the building, do some positive advertising, and bring a new minister to the congregation. This plan was brought to the leadership at its May board meeting. However, the needed quorum to reach a decision was not present and a special meeting was called for the following evening. Though a positive vote was taken, the chairman of the meeting made it known that he would support the effort only if all monies were committed before any monies were borrowed. He boasted that he had "enough clout within the congregation to scuttle any plans that he did not accept" (Personal observations, 194

May board meeting, 1989). This sentiment was re-echoed in a second meeting a

few days later (Personal observations, special elders’s meeting, May, 1989). His

animosity towards both the plans and the planners was so intense that the spirit

of the fantasy was broken. It is unlikely that any part of this fantasy theme can

be resurrected effectively and consequently reach the congregation.

The rhetoric of the past few years has focused on trivial, small problems

such as lawn care, paint and repair work, and locking the building. When

necessary, it has discussed the larger problems of inadequate funding and staffing

of programs. People must be begged to serve in official capacities and then avoid

meetings. Decisions remain unmade because sessions do not have the required

quorum to conduct business (A review of minutes between 1986 and present

showed that about 33% of the meetings are unofficial for lack of a quorum).

Communications about growth and development have become empty noises

required to maintain an image of being an alive congregation.

The rhetorical vision today is that this is a dying congregation. An exit

interview (Anderson, 1989) with a former Elder brought that into clear focus. In

his interview he noted that he has watched the congregation go down numerically

in his five years of membership. He said essentially that "unless something is

done within the next two to three years to bring some vitality and growth, the congregation could not survive." Because he wanted to help and had been a major contributor, he agreed to support the congregation financially for a time.

There is great concern about the financial picture when his contributions cease in the next year (Elders discussions, June - August, 1989). Unless this vision of 195 impending doom can be replaced, it will become a self-fulfilling prophecy. It could take a few years, but it appears the achievement of the vision is inevitable.

Factors which have traditionally assisted growth are gone, and the congregation suffers what the church growth experts describe as the fatal diseases of "old age" and "ethnicity" - members growing older without replacing themselves and the changing constituency of the neighborhood as it rapidly moves from white to oriental (see Chapter III).

Other Components of Symbolic Convergence

Theory Demonstrated

Although fantasy themes are keys to identifying rhetorical visions of ECC and DACC, other components must be considered. These include the "inside joke, code terms, initiation rites, membership duties, and key words - also known as slogans or labels" (Bormann, 1985). These have not been successfully included in the rhetorical vision of DACC.

In my study of DACC, I found that few of Bormann’s other components produced significant identity to DACC. Although Ashford included the phrase "A friendly congregation ministering to the family" as a subheading for the Epistle for three years, it disappeared and was not replaced. The name Epistle, used in the church newsletter, and Del Amo Christian Church, are the only two names that have remained constant throughout the thirty-year history of the congregation. As noted above, there were slogans which focused on the building program and its follow up, but no key word or phrase appeared regularly as a 196

part of any church publications. Ashford’s sermon themes were unavailable. No

other slogans or themes appeared consistently in publications from these years

and no one interviewed recalls any significant and unifying themes. No inside jokes, significant stories, or other potential symbols could be uncovered.

Magnuson’s ministry did not use slogans, other symbols, or memorable

phrases. Magnuson’s edition of the Epistle carried no identifying phrase. The

closest key word or code term which seemed to have a significant identity was

"Celebration," the name given to the traveling high school choir. Building programs often carry appropriate slogans; though there was a phrase mentioned for the initial campaign, it was never reported again. After the demise of the major building plans and the replacement with a small project, no major campaign was launched. The current project takes its identity from the

"Refurbishing Committee," but no effort to raise finances has been undertaken beyond the first plea for contributions. Monies trickle in, but no planned efforts have been attempted. Although appropriate dedications of property followed the completion of each building or addition (Epistles. 1962, 1966, 1976), no financial campaigns, no special efforts, or slogans accompanied any of these programs.

The only symbols that seemed to be protected within the congregation are the congregation moniker, Del Amo Christian Church, the Epistle. Prime Timers, and the Christian Women’s Fellowship.

Further, there seemed to be few inside jokes permeating the congregation.

Unfortunately, the closest things to inside jokes concentrated on negative factors.

The undercurrent of private conversation centered around such matters as 197

Magnuson’s absence from the church office because of his work with the Lions

Club or his own business interests. With a satirical tongue-in-cheek, both past and current members continue to refer to these absences (Various interviews,

1989). A second inside joke pointed to the constant battles which took place within the meetings of church leaders. Again, it does not carry much lightheartedness about it, but exemplifies a high degree of bitter sarcasm reflecting a considerable amount of anger. During a recent elder’s meeting (July,

1989), one man approached about service as an elder responded that "After what it has done to my father and my best friend, there’s no way that I would serve."

A third inside joke which discredits the image of the leadership is that neither the minister nor elders have been available in times of need. Whether this is true or not, the rhetoric is that no one responds. This observation has been made by both current and past members.

Initiation rites for Del Amo reflect the basic position of congregations of this denomination. As within other Christian Churches -- as will be noted about

ECC -- each service ends with the "Invitation Hymn" and the offer to make a commitment to Christ or the local congregation. The early restoration movement developed the "five finger" exercise which has been taught throughout its history.

To become a member of the local congregation, each prospect must express belief in God, repent of , confess that "Jesus is the Son of God, Savior, and

Lord," be fully immersed in water as an adult believer, and commit to living the

Christian life (This position is spelled out in such material as Thomas Phillips’

The Church of ChristJ. The basic initiation rite of immersion is required of all 198 members. Persons who have been immersed in other congregations are accepted into full membership on their statement of belief and announcement of their prior immersion. Though they have accepted a fairly strict policy of initiation,

DACC has unknowingly admitted at least one person to full membership without certainty of his immersion. Currently one member of the joint board cannot positively say whether he was immersed but has never been questioned about it in fifteen years. Since the Christian Church does not accept creedal statements as a basis of faith, no catechism classes are taught. Instruction leading to membership tends to be more individual or family oriented.

The Organizational Saga of DACC

In order to come to an appreciation of the organizational saga (what

Packanowsky called the communication culture), Bormann (1987) suggested that

researchers using this methodology must come to grips with the rhetorical visions, fantasy themes and types, and other components that bring finalization to the symbolic convergence theory. After reporting the various elements which comprise the story of Del Amo church, it is now time to draw some observations about the organizational saga of that congregation.

The Ashford Years

Though it was difficult to piece together the early saga after more than twenty years (1961 - 1969), I would assert that the organizational saga focused primarily around the establishment of a social structure. This proposed saga 199

arises from the remaining copies of the Epistle, board minutes, and interviews

conducted with Ashford and other members of the congregation at that time.

During the early years of this ministry, the fantasy theme (which became a type) centered on the acquisition of property, the building of two parts of the current structure, and the settling in of people who had come from a variety of congregations. At this time, the congregation was comprised of two main groups melding together. The people who originated the work in Torrance were neighbors who had settled in the area. The second group, former members of the FACC, was not necessarily from Torrance but determined that they would establish a new congregation in the area. As leader, Ashford needed to create a vision that would bring the congregations together and build a single minded constituency. The purchase of the land and the building program seemed the most positive means of doing so. Again, records are somewhat sketchy, but indications are that the unification was enhanced initially by the use of volunteer labor to complete the original structure. Epistles listed the types of laborers needed during a particular phase of building (July, 1962 - February, 1963).

However, the second unit was constructed by a general contractor. The organizational saga suggests that the congregation successfully made the transition to its new location, accepted its new name, and found a place to worship at the same time that it was building its unified strength.

The organizational saga contained what would become a negative twist.

At the same time Ashford was attempting to build this unity saga, he was also attempting to raise their consciousness for evangelizing their community. His 200

rhetoric attempting to raise such a consciousness never chained out to the

majority of the congregation. Instead, the congregation united into a group

described as the "pancake house gang," more concerned about visiting with each

other rather than reaching into the community for new people (Ashford interview,

1989). Though new people joined DACC, it was due to the work of Ashford and

one or two other people rather than the whole congregation. Bormann (1988)

suggested that the vision must not only be created if the organization is going to

accept it, the vision must also be acceptable to the group. When these two

fantasy themes are connected, they blend into each other nicely. The holistic picture, saga, or communication culture is a group coming together to create their

own social order. While they addressed the issue of growth through reaching the

unconverted and unchurched in their community, it did not appear to drive the congregation during the Ashford years.

One important factor that might have played into the saga of a social

order was the relocation of many of the members from one area to another.

Since for many people the church becomes as vital to their social lives as to their spiritual growth, the inability to be at ease in their former locations was a major force which created DACC. The church building itself was their social headquarters; it was a place to fellowship, to eat, to bring their children, to share in the rites of passage, as well as the "house of worship." When that was taken away at FACC or another of the locations from which they came, it needed to be replaced. Thus the rhetorical vision of building was necessary to maintain their sense of place but a rhetorical vision of outreach was not vital. Two observations 201 seem appropriate. First, the completion of the buildings marked the end of the transition between old and new. Once completed, the building gave the people their social identity. Second, the protection of the building became a vital concern for many. After losing the first place in which they had heavily invested, they became extremely protective of the new structure. To the present, that mentality remains. It is not uncommon for a comment such as "We don't want to lose this place" to be heard from the people who have been there for many years.

The building is the primary symbol in the communication saga. Nearly every activity revolves around it. Even though it is viewed as the "house of worship" and a "center of evangelism," more hours are spent on social activities than an anything else at the building.

The Magnuson Years

In many respects, this pattern did not change during the Magnuson era.

Though there are two very distinct organizational sagas created, the basic metaphor could very easily be described as a social club developing an order not greatly different from any fraternal organization. The early part of the Magnuson years focused on establishing special units within the congregation. These were called choirs and youth groups, which provided "fellowship" (as the church would call it) for part of the congregation and their new associates. The task of evangelism was talked about but like the efforts during the Ashford years, it was a topic of conversation rather than a rhetorical vision which significantly impacted the congregation. 202

Growth came from two sources. Positively, the choir and youth programs were bringing people into fellowship as the word of their success was communicated. The other part of growth took place not because of a specific effort as much as a people relocating to DACC from congregations closing down elsewhere. New converts came from energetic youth talking to their friends, but adults still evangelized few other adults. Instead of making trips to the pancake houses, these groups were involved in trips to other places to share their music.

The retention of a good social order remained a top priority. The heart of the organizational saga is interpreted as a place for good, clean fun and a safe environment.

After the decline began in the mid-1970’s, the saga added some new dimensions, but the basic rhetorical community maintained its organizational saga. Though the fantasy of removing the minister became very prominent for about five years, the efforts among the people did not digress from their social order. The church board was often a social outlet for the men as was the

Christian Women’s Fellowship for the ladies. Choirs and youth groups drew both young people and adults into their respective communities. And although I would not suggest that no program had "spiritual emphasis," I would contend that they seemed more concerned about their social order than their evangelistic outreach.

In the midst of the battle between the minister and his detractor, and the various splinter groups within the congregation, the building and the social order were carefully maintained. The social order had a vital part to play in the maintenance of the continuing opposition. Sides were clearly delineated in the 203 shakeout that took place between 1975 -1981, in spite of the denials of many persons involved. Many people moved on to new congregations in mass in what appeared to be an effort to retain their group identity. Those staying were forced into a more compact unit.

In the early 80’s, two new groups replaced the choirs. The "Prime Timers" came into existence to provide a social outlet for senior citizens. "Kinship" served the younger couples in much the same way. Both remain; however, "Kinship" has dwindled significantly as younger couples have moved on or slowed activities because children have changed their lifestyles. There is some indication that the

Kinship group has stopped completely except to have socials saying farewell to former members. The "Prime Timers" continue to socialize with monthly activities. Their number has not decreased as rapidly as the younger group although fewer and fewer participate.

Despite the ever present fantasy type of "evangelism," the predominant saga of the congregation appears to have been social in nature; Del Amo was a place where fellowship was promoted, and although a sense of community is important, without the vision of reaching others, the community has continually declined numerically.

Perhaps the most bizarre twist of all to this social order saga has been the continual in-fighting which has exacerbated the declining membership. One would believe that the congregation would have a great deal of concern and care for the remaining members. This is not the case. Joint board meetings and other leadership meetings have no note of harmony. They are often marked by bitter 204 dissension and in-fighting. Control and power seem higher priorities than concern and caring (Observations of the researcher throughout the past year's ministry and attendance at both elders’ and church board meetings).

Though people seem cordial in a social setting, it often appears to be a facade for their genuine feelings for one another as reflected in their official meetings.

It is the paradox for the social order saga.

Summation

In this chapter I have attempted to use the symbolic convergence theory of rhetoric to identify the organizational saga of Del Amo Christian Church. I have employed the methods of records analysis, interviews, a questionnaire, and participant observation.

I find that DACC has produced an organizational saga blending social structure with division and defeatism. Though starting positively by focusing on building a congregation to impact its community, it never sustained a rhetorical vision of outreach and growth through the hard work of its membership. They were more content with the organizational saga of a social order. It was not enough to create growth. Finally, as the reality of declining attendance set in, the fantasy themes began to focus on defeatism and a need for the change in leadership. Yet they would not take the necessary steps to fulfill this fantasy either. Today the predominant rhetorical vision is failure and the current organizational saga speaks of what might have been. CHAPTER VI

SYMBOLIC CONVERGENCE AND THE

COMMUNICATION SAGA OF EASTS IDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

The primary congregation of this study has created a communication saga altogether opposite to that of Del Amo Christian Church. During the fifteen years that DACC increased numerically and then suffered through fifteen years of decline, Eastside Christian Church experienced a generally progressive growth pattern. Whereas DACC changed from positive to negative fantasy themes and rhetorical visions, ECC has consistently created and sustained positive fantasy themes and rhetorical visions. Although we noted in the chapter on ECC’s history that growth has had flat spots and even minor downturns, the movement has usually been upward over its entire thirty years.

In this chapter, I will consider the various elements of symbolic convergence theory to arrive at the communication saga of ECC. This material has been drawn from interviews, ECC publications, and verified by further interviews and a comprehensive questionnaire given to selected groups and

' s volunteers from the congregation.

205 206

Eastside Christian Church is Founded

ECC grew out of theological conflict with the First Christian Church -

Disciples of Christ, Fullerton (FCC). The departure of one group of people from

an existing congregation was the starting point of the new congregation. Though

they were quickly joined by people from non-Disciple congregations, the exodus

from FCC became the focal point of the rhetorical vision - a new beginning - of

Eastsiders.

The birth of ECC fits into the American drama of the restoration

movement (See Chapter II). Following the "restoration" fantasy type (Bormann,

1985), the people responsible for the birth of ECC built on a long history

traceable back to the early 1800’s. However, the restoration movement - begun

as a means of bringing a divided religious world together -- had long since failed

in its unification effort. Division has become a more dominant theme than union.

Since the first break in the late nineteenth century, three major streams can be verified with divisions in each group (Garrett, 1983, has documented these quite well for the non-instrumental church of Christ). These streams have remained in contact over the years but experienced little harmony or sense of belonging apart from the common heritage of the early years.

By the 1960’s, another division was occurring. Within the Christian Church

- Disciples of Christ, a proposed merger with several other denominations to form a larger, unified denomination was under discussion. Supporters of the merger placed it in the context of Campbell’s original plea for unity. Detractors suggested that the Campbellian plea was Biblically based with high standards of 207 doctrine being sacrificed by those supporting the merger. That issue invaded

FCC.

A second issue arose from this. Because the Disciples were deeply concerned about the merger, other matters were being ignored. Ministers were in short supply; so between the minister shortage and the emphasis on the merger, no permanent minister for FCC was assigned. Member dissatisfaction increased.

Finally, those opposed to the merger and those who were tired of the denomination’s failure to provide adequate, permanent leadership decided it was time to start over. Their discussions led to the establishment of an independent

Christian Church on the rapidly growing east side of Fullerton.

In many respects, this entire scenario falls into Bormann’s category of a

"fantasy type" (Bormann, 1985a) classed as "fetching good out of evil." Bormann suggested that it is often out of the evil, poor, or desperate situation that good arises. So what appeared to be a failure, the leaving of an organization, turned out for the best as ECC became a powerful force in Fullerton, north Orange

County, and its own denomination. The evil of division was replaced by the good of a strong congregation.

Eastside’s First Rhetorical Vision

The first rhetorical vision of ECC was clearly the desire to establish a congregation believed to be in keeping with the theological and practical requirements of its visionaries. Though it is now difficult to identify the most influential visionaries, their ideals are clear. As Bormann noted (Bormann, 1983c 208 and 1985), the emergence of the rhetorical vision is generally based on a series of fantasies linking together. As the fantasies link together, they form the rhetorical vision and the accompanying arguments on which it will be based. Bormann

called this the "consciousness-creating" stage of development. Out of the scenario of being forced to leave, the idea of beginning anew developed. It is important to see how the fantasies linked into the vision. Bormann (1983c) suggested there must be a common idea that strikes the collective mind of the people. In the case of ECC, this was as simple as needing a new place in which to worship without the complications and anxieties of old First Church.

Further, he suggested (1985a) that several ideas usually developed around the vision; for example, there is often the identification of hero/villain images. In this case, the villain was clearly the "image" of FCC. It was not directed towards a particular person but the situation. The hero, in this case, was the new beginning. So the people were able to pull their identity away from bad theology - the willingness to sell out to denominational ism and the lack of strong professional leadership - to create a fantasy of correct Biblical theology, independence, and fresh leadership. Key words came not so much from a fresh start, but by the return to the lingo of the early restoration movement:

"autonomy," "independence," "Biblically sound," and in keeping with the restoration traditions, "self-determination," and "non-denominationalism." In this case of establishing a new congregation, consciousness-creating was not a difficult task. 209

Consciousness-raising (Bormann, 1983c) was equally simple. The group

that left FCC initially met in private homes and then at the First Christian

Church in Anaheim to discuss their options. Local realtor Roy Geringer, Jr. High

School teachers Richard Boon and Sheldon Welch, and businessman Mel Schmidt were among the prime movers of this effort. As the group continued, determined

that a new congregation would be established on the east side of Fullerton, they asked Ralph Dornette, Executive Director of the Southern California Evangelistic

Association (SCEA) and a prime mover in new church expansion, to assist their efforts. Dornette quickly became the "persona" (Bormann, 1985a) of this fantasy.

Because of his commitment to the independent ideals shared by the group, he effectively articulated the rhetoric on which they were building. He was able to enhance their ideas with his own and quickly shaped the thinking of the group.

Bormann (1983c) noted that a part of the process of consciousness-raising required that the vision chain out to new converts. Regular meetings at FCC

(Anaheim) enhanced this. Not only were people from FCC (Fullerton) attending, but people who lived in east Fullerton also came. Some were members of either

FCC or Knott Avenue Christian -- both in Anaheim - who accepted the beliefs of Dornette and the people from Fullerton FCC, but were also highly interested in a congregation within their general location. Ultimately this group grew to nearly 100 people. The vision was "chaining out" among an expanding number of people ready for such a congregation to be established.

It was not surprising that the group wanted Dornette to lead in the establishment of the congregation since he had become the "persona" around 210

whom the congregation had rallied. He was also the most articulate

spokesperson for their rhetorical vision of a new beginning. He was called to this

ministry three months after the church held their first meetings in May, 1962, and officially began in November, 1962 (Evangel. August 10, 1962 and November 24,

1962).

The Rhetorical Visions of the Dornette Years - 1962-1969

The fantasy themes which chained out and created the rhetorical community brought harmony and consistency. The early efforts led by Dornette and his lay leaders focused on four dominant fantasy themes.

The Restoration Theme

Dornette’s first fantasy theme argued for the need for a "congregation that would be true to Biblical teachings and the restoration traditions" (Dornette interview, February 8, 1989). This fantasy theme was the heart of the early rhetoric but became of lesser importance after the group was established.

Although some were more concerned about their past congregation’s inability to secure a capable, long-term minister, the majority were leaving because of the congregation’s perceived liberal theologies, a view plaguing many Disciples of

Christ congregations (See Chapter II). Thus as Dornette was able to focus on an

"us - them," heroes/villains theme, the people had a sense that they were truly

God’s heroes and the protectors of truth. So the first fantasy focused on the creation of a Bible believing congregation apart from the old order described as having turned liberal. 211

Further, he capitalized on the "restoration fantasy type," generally viewed as synonymous with the "Bible believing fantasy theme," as he preached about restoring "the ancient order of things" as Campbell had taught early in the movement’s history. From their earliest meetings, this fantasy of true restoration to the Bible’s teaching chained out among not only the members who had left

FCC, but also among people from established non-Disciples of Christ families who left former congregations to join ECC. Dornette’s sermons focused on a

Bible based church. Sermons included: "Is one church as good as another?", "Can the church really be united?", and "Must a person belong to the church to be saved?" (Dornette’s personal sermon journal).

Sunday School

The second fantasy theme established by Dornette centered on the use of the Sunday school as a primary means of reaching families. Here Dornette created and raised the consciousness of a portion of the new congregation with rhetoric that was common to the style of SCEA. He suggested that there were many homes in the area with children who could be brought to a good teaching program on Sunday mornings. Using a survey technique to find names and present materials, Dornette’s method focused on teachers finding their own class members. Though there would be a seed bed of students from the establishing families, the teachers were expected to locate enough children to populate their classrooms. Out of this effort Dornette believed that many adults would also be reached as they were visited and invited to attend with their children. Thus, the 212

efforts of the Sunday school teachers would be a tool of reaching families in the

community (Dornette interviews, 1989).

Evangelism/Missions

The third fantasy theme created and raised in the consciousness of the

people was evangelism. Nearly every early member of ECC interviewed talked

about visits into community homes. Beginning with the survey of east Fullerton

residents, teachers were expected to contact their potential charges in an effort to

get them to Sunday School. Teachers accepted the fantasy that they were

responsible to evangelize by filling their classrooms. A second group of

individuals was challenged to make follow-up visits. New attenders received a

home visit from this second wave of workers in a matter of hours. The

congregation accepted the fantasy theme set forth by Dornette that people must

be seen immediately if they were to make a long term commitment. Ruth

Cloer, a charter member and first church secretary (Interview, 1989), related

several stories of her visits into the homes of prospective members. She pointed out that, though they were not well trained, all members were expected to make some visits. Domette’s rhetoric emphasized the duty to "make disciples;" the

Sunday evening worship was called the "Evangelistic Service" (Evangel. January

20, 1963). Dornette often used guilt in his rhetoric. For example, in the January

17, 1968, Evangel. Dornette maintained that all members had the duty — a guilt motivator - to "pray, invite, witness, visit, and attend." Dornette supported his rhetoric with hundreds of personal calls. 213

Closely tied to the vision of evangelism, Dornette created a fantasy of world outreach. He convinced the congregation that they should begin their world missions contribution at 10% of the total offerings, and increase that amount by 1% per quarter until at least 25% of all church income was being given to missions (Welch interview, 1989). This was the first fantasy theme that could not be sustained. In less than two years, this had become an impossibility for the congregation and mission giving dropped back to about 10% of total contributions (ECC annual reports, 1964, 1965, 1966).

The consciousness-creating and raising of these fantasy themes was accomplished by three means. First, the small gatherings on Sunday afternoon and Wednesday evening were combinations of Bible study, business meetings, and motivational seminars. Dornette’s rhetoric focused on the need to "be at work within the community," and "that all members must be involved if the congregation is to succeed" (Dornette, Boon, and Geringer interviews, 1989).

Second, after the congregation was officially meeting, Dornette’s rhetorical positions were made a part of the preaching program. Here the well rehearsed themes of evangelism and outreach were played again on a broader scale. A survey of his sermon topics (Dornette’s personal sermon journals) indicated that he regularly developed topics such as "witnessing," "evangelism," and "sharing the message with others."

The third technique used the Evangel. Dornette employed the same themes of locating and inviting friends, neighbors, and other acquaintances.

Splashed across of the tops of pages in the Evangel were statements like "Have 214 you invited someone to church this Sunday?" or "Have you shared the Lord with a neighbor this week?" The words and the methods changed, but the basic rhetoric was constant: "You have a duty to invite someone to attend ECC."

The Building Vision

Though the other fantasy themes and rhetorical visions were important in the Dornette years at ECC, the location and construction of buildings appeared to take the greatest amount of time and energy for Dornette personally. From the beginning, the location of property was paramount. Though they were meeting temporarily in a borrowed facility, Dornette’s rhetoric suggested that

ECC could not be a "real" church until they had space of their own. In our interviews (1989), Dornette spent the bulk of his time talking about the location of property and construction of buildings. He consumed nearly an hour talking about building programs in other ministries. His comments about ECC also highlighted the building program. From the location of the temporary space in the warehouse to finding the property at State College and Yorba Linda, he spoke as if these were the highlights of his work.

Much early Dornette rhetoric was dominated by the building fantasy theme. In addition to the inordinate amount of interview time Dornette used to talk about the buildings, he devoted much space in the Evangel to this theme.

This was especially true once the property had been located and construction began. No less than once every two weeks, and often every week, there was focus on some part of the building plans. Statements such as "We shall be called upon to demonstrate our faith in God as we consider the matter of purchasing 215 property" (Evangel. May 23, 1964), were common. Whether discussing the bond sales or the building progress, Dornette’s rhetoric was channeled towards the property and the status of having "our own place of worship."

Although the members were excited about the progress of the new building -- Mrs. Cloer said most Sunday drives included a stop at the building site to check progress — no persons interviewed seemed to have been as enamored as did Dornette. His efforts, however, were not always seen as positive. Dornette was privately accused of authorizing changes in design that have provoked the women for many years (unspecified interviews, 1989), The carefully designed kitchen was modified so that it has remained a source of contention for the entire twenty-five years the building has been used. Since he was overseeing the construction, Dornette was blamed; he denies responsibility (Dornette interviews,

1989). Further, other modifications which produced cost overruns have been blamed on him. It appears that since his rhetoric and time were dominated by the building during the two years of planning and construction, that rhetoric made him the "fall guy" in any problems as well.

The most often repeated story - a form of an inside joke - tells of the story of the 700’ boardwalk to the building. Though it has some slight variations, the basic legend tells how the parking lot around the building was not completed on schedule; then as the pavers came to finish their task, the winter rains hit.

Unfortunately, the rains lasted for many days, then stretched into months.

Occupancy of the building was delayed for three weeks, dedication services for six months. The only way into the building during the six-month long rainy season 216 was across a 700’ boardwalk that had been constructed over the mud. It did not, however, slow the people’s enthusiasm as growth continued.

Though the fantasy theme of buildings was halted, the other fantasies were maintained. The Sunday School fantasy remained even after the new building was completed. Contests were held regularly (various Evangels. 1963 - 1968) to increase attendance. Rooms were awarded to classes having the highest number in attendance. As classes were changed for adults on a yearly basis, the most popular class was awarded the largest room. Again, no one remembered this as intensely as did Dornette, but it was a fantasy theme that appeared regularly in the Evangel. Evangelism and missions’ rhetorics were continued. Mission giving was negatively affected by the large debt load. Although they contributed to the work of Tom Thurman in Africa, the fantasy of giving 25% of the budget had long since expired. The fantasy theme of everyone working in the evangelism program failed to be sustained. Though there was still much talk about evangelism and new members were coming into the congregation, the people’s consciousness about outreach was not sustained. By 1967, with the rhetorical vision of the new building past, and the fantasy of evangelism much declined, the growth of the congregation slowed, then stopped, and finally, by 1968 began to decline.

Dornette attempted new projects; in April, 1968, he used "evangelistic dinners." Designed as a way to bring new people in to hear the "gospel," these dinners produced insignificant results (Evangel. April and May, 1968). The early fantasy theme about Sunday School had also greatly lessened. Though Dornette 217

continued to promote a fantasy theme he called the "College of the Bible”

(Evangel, various issues from 1965 - 1968), it was a vision that never chained out

into the congregation. (Boon recalled something about it when I called it to his

attention in our interview, although he didn’t seem to recall what it was all

about.) Other Sunday School promotions also lost their ability to catch the level

of fantasy theme. Most fantasy themes could not be raised or sustained when the

rhetorical vision of the building was no longer viable. Without this rhetorical

vision, the Dornette’s ability to create new fantasy themes and a new rhetorical

vision appeared doomed.

Among the fantasies which Dornette seemed to have within himself was

how desperately the congregation needed and wanted him as their minister. In

the latter part of his ministry, Dornette would submit his resignation to the elders

as a means of seeking their support and as a veiled threat. Since it appeared that

he was no longer able to inspire them with his vision, his rhetorical strategy of

accomplishing his goals was modified. Encumbered by the allegations of

authorizing unwanted changes in the building, the declining numbers, and some

matters about personal conduct, Dornette sought the support of the elders one

more time in mid-1968 by offering his resignation. Boon (Interview, 1989), chairman of the elders at the time of Dornette’s resignation, reported that after having experienced the influence of this rhetorical ploy on more than one occasion, the elders simply accepted the resignation.

It is highly significant, rhetorically, that the final statement of Dornette to

ECC focused on the purchase of property and the completion of the first 218

building. In his final article for the Evangel. Dornette spoke of his success as

minister in terms of the building:

From the humble beginnings in a remodeled warehouse on East Ash Avenue, we launched a program which was designed to be world-wide in scope. We soon found we were cramped for space and decided to expand into the rear portion of the building. This was followed by a rental of a second warehouse down the street where junior church and the children's classes were held. A search for property which took over a year was finally successful in the location of our present building site. This 8-acre tract is ideally located in the center of a rapidly growing residential area of north Orange County and directly across the street from California State College at Fullerton. There was much rejoicing on April 17, 1965, when ground was broken for the first three of the seven-unit Master Plan. Few will ever know the hours of study and planning which went into the design of the building to make it not only serviceable for the present, but versatile for the future. We watched anxiously as the building progressed until we were able to occupy it for the first time on October 31, 1965. Within two weeks, when the paving contractor failed to complete the parking lot, we were rained out of the building for three Sundays and then were able to use it only when a 700’ boardwalk was built from the street. Those were great days. We have had many hopes and dreams concerning the future. Many of these hopes and dreams have been realized. Many others, we trust, will be fulfilled in the future. We have laughed together and have cried together. We have shared in joys and sorrows. We have seen souls transformed by the power of the Gospel. Now it remains for another to lead you to greater heights in the future (Evangel. October 23, 1969).

The Rhetorical Visions of the Merold Years

The ministry of Ben Merold marked a turning point in the growth of ECC.

From his arrival in March, 1969, he began creating a fantasy theme (which would become a fantasy type) around an expectancy of growth. Immediately, the fantasy of increased attendance chained out. The rhetoric was simple: "this is a 219 congregation concerned about building God’s church both locally and world-wide"

(Merold interview, 1989). Merold expressed the idea that, as a congregation,

ECC should work on its "want to" list (Merold interview, 1989). Nothing was outside the range of the "want to’s" needed to produce growth. Many of

Dornette’s fantasy themes were recreated, but Merold’s support gave them new life and restored the "vision" of the ECC.

The first two years of Merold’s ministry set the tone for its duration. The rhetoric leading into his ministry was filled with a note of expectancy. From the time he accepted the call in December, 1968, until his arrival in March, 1969, the

Evangel contained tidbits of information about Merold and his family. These were accompanied by short articles by both Ben and his wife, Pat, and comments

Merold had made via telephone interviews. Though not highly substantive about programs or plans, they appeared to create a sense of anticipation for his arrival.

Though the date was not announced until about two weeks before they actually arrived, the stage was well set.

Merold’s primary fantasy themes were established in the first few months of his ministry. He immediately began to promote the Sunday school program, excellence in worship and preaching, a strong evangelistic program, and the stewardship of monies. Early on he set a pattern of using contests, promotions, special musical programs; his rhetoric suggested that the only factor that would hold back the congregation would be an unwillingness to dream and work. These fantasy themes would become the rhetorical visions of a growing congregation. 220

Though it would be several years before church growth principles would actually be applied to the ministry at ECC, the tenor for their use was already set. Whether deliberate or not, Merold quickly started to set the idea of a positive symbol system in place. The symbols were both verbal and nonverbal; they included the emphasis on Biblical preaching and teaching, the Christian’s responsibility to share the message of Jesus with others, the need to create programs to meet people’s needs, a place in which those programs could be carried out, and the personnel and financial resources to carry them out. All of these created the fantasy themes, fantasy types, rhetorical visions, and ultimately, the organizational and communication saga of ECC.

Numerical Growth

Merold’s primary fantasy theme focused on the number of people in attendance. His rhetoric was simple: "God wants His church to grow" and "the purpose of any congregation is to win the lost." He maintained that numerical goals went beyond mere numbers; he quickly chained out a fantasy theme (it would become a type) suggesting fulfilled numerical goals were tied to the importance of evangelizing new people. Additionally, his rhetoric focused on new

"prospects;" these potential members would become the persons visited and evangelized (Evangel. Feb. 19, 1970). Prospects were often brought in by the use of Sunday school contests, but always rhetorically based in the growth expectancy.

The first big contest pitted ECC against Merold’s former congregation in Indiana built on the theme, "Beat the Unbeatable" (Evangel. April and May, 1970).

Though not intentionally, this fantasy theme and its rhetoric were already a part 221

of the mentality of ECC However, they took on new importance with Merold’s

arrival and the addition of the rhetoric focusing on new prospects.

The fulfillment of the growth expectancies made it necessary to create a second worship time when the auditorium could not handle the expanding number of worshippers in one service. Sunday school space was also overtaxed

(Evangel. Jan. 1, 1970). The new fantasy and its rhetorical vision had been successfully chained out with great zeal. Merold’s verbal rhetoric was enhanced with nonverbal rhetorical symbols to encourage growth. One such symbol --

"wooden nickels" -- was a means of buying a cup of coffee for Sunday school.

Each person was given two wooden nickels; one for him(her)self, the other for a guest. Persons who escorted three visitors were given three nickels. On another occasion, the congregation was divided into red and blue teams, each wearing a colored pin -- the new nonverbal symbol -- to signify their team. In this contest a part of the congregation vied against another to promote attendance.

Prizes also served as advertisement. On the final Sunday of the contest with Sullivan, Indiana, a goal of 500 was set. Though only 463 people were present, a new attendance record was established. Each person was rewarded with a pencil emblazoned with ECC’s name. Within a year, Merold had used his combined fantasies to re-establish the self-image of a growing congregation

(Various Evangels. 1969, 1970, 1971, and 1972).

Merold’s rhetoric continually focused on growth and expansion. The

Evangel constantly highlighted the attendance and promoted increase zealously.

The paper highlighted the surpassed numerical goals for both worship and Sunday 222

school. Announcements contained a rhetoric designed to give the people the

vision of growth. Under the headline of "’Rally Day’ will be October 10," Merold wrote,

Our goals will be 600 in Bible School and 700 in Worship. When we work to reach large goals we not only achieve a large attendance, but we reach more people. Remember our Operation Giant Step the first part of June? Think of the lasting results of that great day. . . . We know that a great "Rally Dav" will have the same effect on our fall attendance. (Evangel. September 23, 1971).

By the end of 1972, every program had nearly doubled. The number of people who joined the church that year increased 90% over the previous year.

Attendance for worship had increased from around 250 to about 600. The rhetorical vision of growth was becoming more than a verbalization, it was becoming a fact of life and thus an integral part of the expectancy of the congregation. It was moving from a fantasy theme to a "life style" fantasy, especially for leaders and volunteers who were working 20 - 40 hours in the church offices each week (Bormann, 1985a). Informal discussions focused on what could be done next. They included images about adding new worship and

Sunday school times, additional youth programs, special days on which to invite other people, bringing prospect names of people moving into the area or friends who didn’t go to other churches, building additions and expansions, and better training programs for teachers.

Youth Programs

Les Christie, Youth Minister, became the persona for a youth program fantasy type. He built programs into the overarching rhetorical vision of a growing congregation with an increasing number of parents whose consciousness 223

was raised by the fantasy of active high school and jr. high programs. Within two

years of his coming to ECC, Christie had tripled the size of the high school

program, reaching a total of nearly 125 young people from six high schools

around Eastside. John Schmidt, Jr., currently an elder, was one of the leaders of

that group of high schoolers in the early 1970’s. He recalled (Interview, 1989)

how the word of ECC’s program spread through his high school as Christie was

seen in the halls and as his outlandish programs produced a fantasy with much

appeal to youth. Christie’s willingness to try new things was a part of his

rhetorical strategy. For example, he used zoo animals and circus rides to attract youth. Even today, he continues to experiment; his latest project, "Fridays," is a pizza parlor in the church after football games (various Evangels. August -

November, 1988, and youth brochures). Regular summer trips are a part of the growth fantasy. Music was another fantasy; the youth choir -- Life Society - became a source of excitement as they traveled neighboring states presenting musical productions and sharing the vision of ECC. Today Christie heads a three man staff carrying on Christie type programs.

Special Davs and Programs

Another fantasy type utilized by Merold and chained out into the congregation centered on the special musical presentations, revivals, and "big days." Though not a musician, Merold knew the value of a solid music program.

Sunday nights featured top musical talents. Guests have included artists like

Wesley Tuttle, Michelle Pillar, Steve Green, and groups like the Gospel Lads and the Continental Singers. In revival meetings, Merold chose well known preachers 224

and musicians to stir the congregation towards growth. The selection of the

musicians was as vital as the choice of preachers.

A day emphasizing Sunday school attendance, first known as "Rally

Sunday," became "Big Day.” Promotions for "Big Day" included trips to

McDonald’s, overnight programs on Saturday for children, animals from the zoo,

carnival type rides, special programs and prizes (various Evangels'). "Rally day" in

1970 produced an all time high attendance of 530 persons (Evangel. Oct. 17,

1970). From 1976 on, "Big Day" attendances surpassed 3000; only Easter

Sundays’ attendances were as high as or higher than "Big Day" (Evangels. 1978,

1980, 1982, 1984). All of these efforts were rhetorical strategies aimed at fulfilling the growth vision. Every program was designed to sustain the consciousness of the congregation towards its vision of growth.

Easter was always the central day of the year. It was not uncommon to present a rhetoric of expansion. An additional worship time was normally added.

When the congregation was holding one service, there were two on Easter; when they increased to two, three were scheduled. The April 19, 1973, Evangel

headlined, "THREE SERVICES EASTER SUNDAY."

Changing Programs

Yet another fantasy theme that became a part of ECC was the value of change and program adjustments to fit people’s needs. Changes were carefully thought through and planned. No change was planned that did not have the approval of the elders and no program was presented to the elders without the waters having been tested. Today the testing ground rests within the executive 225 committee, a small group of staff and elders. The rhetoric for change was always established before any program was announced. Communications about proposed changes began several months before any change took place. Merold’s philosophy of change was to make any proposed changes known well in advance so that two things could happen. First, he wanted any negative discussion to be heard and addressed in advance. Secondly, after allowing the negative to be heard and addressed, he believed that the dissension would be eliminated prior to the change diminishing any distraction. Further, he believed that people would feel that change was more a part of the program than something new if they had heard it four to six months in advance. Communicating the change well in advance and tying to the overarching vision of growth generally allowed modifications to be made without disruption or unexpected complications (Merold interviews, 1989).

Special Ministries Created

Over the years, the fantasy theme of the openness of staff and Elders to support special ministries was created. The fantasy is supported by the willingness of Merold, staff, and elders to support these efforts emotionally and financially (Ragland and Robson interviews, 1989). One of the first was the development of a preschool. In 1976, Edna Cushing expressed a desire to minister to children using space in the church building. Her dream was supported and financed; today, this ministry has expanded into Eastside Christian

Preschool and Eastside Christian (elementary) School. 226

Jessie Ohms dreamed of a school to assist developmental^ disabled

children. Since the mid-1960’s, "Helping Hands School" has supported families

with the support of ECC.

The Eastside Counseling Center and the Pregnancy Testing Center also

began as dreams of church members who found a reception by Merold and other

church leaders.

Today the fantasy type is not just about these ministries, but that the door

is always open to others who desire to fulfill their own special ministries for both

the congregation and the community. Although not all such dreams are

supported and blessed, the fantasy type is the need to dream and the possibility

that dreams will be supported by ECC. The final part of the rhetoric allows the congregation aware of the birth and development of such ministries blessed by the leadership (Staff and elder interviews, 1989, supported this contention).

W orship

The fantasy theme about the worship opportunities is significant to its growth. As will be noted later, the preaching of Merold is ihe major fantasy type.

Expanding that fantasy theme further, the sustained consciousness of the congregation envisions certain factors about the worship experience. First, there is always an air of expectancy built into the worship service. It is not unusual for

Merold or someone to say something like, "We are expecting great things to

happen in this service" (Sunday morning worship, July 23, 1989). Music and prayer are highlighted as major components where things are expected to happen.

Unlike many congregations, the Sunday bulletin contained no order of worship; 227

rather, it included announcements, a map locating various Sunday school classes

in the building, and a sermon outline or other page on which to make sermon

notes. Though the service does follow the same order each Sunday, there is an

expectancy that something unusual can happen and that though planned well, the service moves very much on its own.

The fantasy expectancy that something is going to happen focuses on the

"invitation" portion of the service. At the close of each service, the call to make decisions about one’s life is issued. Decisions range from becoming a believer and going through the initiation rites of the congregation to joining the local congregation or re-establishing one’s relationship to Jesus. Another part of this fantasy holds that Merold is the master of motivating people to make these decisions during the services (Confirmed through interviews with Doug Dickey,

Medford Jones, and Elwyn Buche, 1989). During the course of Merold’s ministry, responses to the invitation have come at a rate of some 300 - 400 annually (ECC

Annual Reports). Though there have been no hard data found to support the claim, it is believed that at least 300 decisions must be made annually for the congregation to maintain its current membership (Merold interviews, April and

July, 1989).

The variety of worship services offered is a vital part of the worship fantasy type. "Chapel Service" at 7:30 a.m. is designed for persons who go to work early or work the night shift. "University Praise," geared for young adults who may not care for a traditional worship service, attracts a large number of

CSUF students. It takes place at the same time as the best attended morning 228 service. The latest addition is the "California Casual Service" designed for persons who prefer an informal service they can attend in less formal clothing.

This also takes place during the popular 9:30 hour with Merold’s sermon brought in on closed circuit television. The evening service is billed as the "most popular worship service" (Merold interview, 1989).

Building Programs

One of the most fundamental fantasy types leading to growth was created and raised through the congregation’s building programs. In Merold’s twenty years, there have been three major building projects and several smaller ones.

Programs were accompanied by emphasis on financial commitments, but more precisely linked to the overarching rhetorical vision of the growing congregation.

As the congregation doubled in size, the attendance in the double worship service forced the congregation to consider expanding the original sanctuary.

Merold created and raised the congregation’s consciousness of expansion with an emphasis on what church growth experts call the rule of "80%" (Wagner, 1985).

This rule suggested that once a congregation has filled its auditorium to 80% of capacity, growth will stop. He used the rule as a truism for both Sunday morning and evening. Thus in 1974, the sanctuary was expanded to seat 150 more persons

(various Evangels. 1974). Within a few months, these seats were filled and the fantasy theme of a new sanctuary was created. The fantasy type of a new building chained out quickly and positively as the congregation grew numerically.

Before the fantasy of the new sanctuaiy became a reality, it was necessary to establish a third worship hour to handle the increasing membership (Evangel. 229

April 21, 1975). Even though the congregation built an auditorium (1977-1978)

that seats more than 1000 people, it holds six morning worship services.

The continuing rhetorical vision of growth brought about the third major

project, the educational unit in 1986 - six years after the new sanctuary was

completed in 1978. Today it is more difficult to re-create the fantasy type of

additional buildings and space. Since current property holdings are less than six

acres and structures have been built to the code limits, it is necessary to acquire

new land for building.

Though the fantasy theme of a family life center has been sustained in

spite of adversity, the possibilities of achieving such a goal is limited by the need

to place the structure on a piece of property not currently owned by the church.

Until such property can be purchased, the congregation has no way to see the

fantasy materialize. For several years, Merold has maintained that the growth of

the congregation "will not be stopped by the limitations of property" (Merold and

Robson interviews, 1989). In a special Evangel (September, 1989), Merold made

the claim again; he wrote, "Current plans will allow us to bring additional people

to our facilities as we continue to grow." Like other American churches, ECC

seems to be fascinated with building new things and has created visions of growth

accompanied by the rhetoric of "we can build."

Stewardship Campaigns

Another important fantasy type was created and raised around the need for giving money. Within a year of his arrival, Merold led the elders to envision a goal of $120,000 for the 1971 budget. Merold created a fantasy of a "low-key" 230 stewardship campaign designed to lift giving to a higher level. The verbal and nonverbal rhetoric included the creation of an "official committee on tithing"

(Evangel. November. 1970). This particular group would take the responsibility of chaining out the message of planned giving through personal visits into members’ homes. They would discuss the needs of the congregation, answer questions about programs and expenses, and advise the congregation that the month of November would be "stewardship month." As the consciousness of the congregation was being raised through the visits, Merold’s sermonic rhetoric contained language about the blessings of giving. He chose texts which focused on such themes as "God loves the cheerful giver" or "The blessings of Christian stewardship," Though they proposed a specific amount, the congregation was informed that the budget would be established by the amount committed on

"Victory Sunday" — the Sunday before Thanksgiving when pledge cards would be made. This fantasy type would become as important to the vision of growth for the congregation as would the physical numbers. Year after year, the congregation was reminded that November is Stewardship month; each year,

Merold would develop similar sermons, and the Sunday before Thanksgiving would be "Victory Sunday." This part of the rhetorical vision expanded to produce special services and annual dinners, as November’s stewardship emphasis grew into a major rhetorical component. Building on the concept that programs cost money and growth requires expanded programs, he taught that giving must be increased to continue thec y c l e of growth (Merold interview, 1989). This particular fantasy type reached a climactic point with the 1985 campaign "Positive 231

Past - Fantastic Future" (described in detail below as one of two examples of the

consciousness creating, raising, and sustaining efforts of the church). PPFF, as it

would be called, became a secondary rhetorical vision for the congregation as it

was heavily pushed for nearly four years.

The Rhetorical Vision Which is Ben Merold

The congregation’s image of Ben Merold is critical to ECC’s rhetorical

vision. After twenty years as Senior Minister, his name is synonymous with the

church (Ellis interview, 1988; Jones interview, 1989; survey results, 1989). This is

true both inside and outside the congregation. The rhetorical vision is bigger

than Merold, however. It includes the entire staff and his wife as they are linked

in the fantasy to Merold, although he is the "persona" of the vision.

Merold As Preacher

The most prominent fantasy theme about Merold maintained that he is an

outstanding preacher. Among the many comments made during the recent

twentieth anniversary celebration honoring the Merolds, several focused on his

preaching. Knofel Staton, President of Pacific Christian College said that he had

"listened to Ben Merold for fifteen years" by buying the tapes of ECC’s Sunday

morning service (Videotape, March 19, 1989). Letters from denominational

leaders sent to Merold and the congregation praised both Merold’s leadership and preaching. Respondents of the congregational survey (1989) credited

Merold’s preaching as the most influential item leading to the congregation’s growth. "If you want to hear good preaching, go to Eastside," or "I hear Biblical 232 preaching every service," were common responses. More than 80% of the respondents listed Merold’s preaching as the most important ingredient of ECC’s growth. Preaching at ECC is Ben Merold. Although others do preach, Merold carefully selects ECC’s guest speakers who are then viewed as a extension of

Merold’s message.

Merold As Personnel Genius

A second fantasy theme about Merold focused on his ability to select staff.

As personnel officer of the congregation, Merold is perceived as a master of selecting the right person for the task. Comments usually focus on selection as somewhat "inspired" or "imaginative" (Various interviews, 1989). At least two or three of Merold’s choices were originally questioned (Various interviewees spoke of these but generally preferred not to divulge too much information). The most commonly noted was Arty VanGeloof, a former intern hired as Associate Youth

Minister. Eight years after he joined the staff, he has won the favor of the leadership by his ability to identify with the Jr. High youth he leads.

The rhetoric of this fantasy is further supported by the argument of staff longevity. Christie has been on staff for nearly twenty years, an argument that is made even more significant since a youth minister’s average tenure is eighteen months. Christie is one of several associates who have not worked for another congregation on a full-time basis. Thirty-seven year old Tim Neuenschwander,

Minister of Music, who only recently left, was moving to his second ministry after fifteen years at ECC. 233

Merold As Administrative Leader

Another fantasy theme envisions Merold as a strong administrative leader

(Ragland interview, 1989). This rhetoric suggests that he knows how to delegate authority, when to tighten the ropes, how to handle staff effectively, and make the most efficient use of the voluntary leaders of the congregation (various staff, member, and non-member interviews, 1989). Though several have noted that

Merold does not use generally accepted administrative techniques and often does not function in the same manner as a highly trained manager, these same people observe that Merold’s personal charisma compensates for these potential weaknesses.

Merold as the Trainer of a Strong Lav Leadership

The fantasy theme of Merold’s ability to produce a strong eldership is a vital link in his image as minister. Elders envision themselves as vitally connected to the persona of Merold. They see him as more available to them and supportive of their needs. The rhetorical part of this fantasy is a nonverbal communication on Merold’s part. Although he does not even attend all regularly scheduled meetings, Merold sustains this fantasy theme by his deliberate efforts either to visit in each elder’s home or have him in his home at least twice annually. This same fantasy is maintained among staff members. The major part of the fantasy suggests that despite his busy schedule and the frequent absences,

Merold will be readily available and that his office or home will be opened to any staff in need of his attention (Various interviews with staff and elders, 1989). 234

Fat M erold

Another fantasy theme of Merold’s personal strength concentrated on his wife, Pat. Throughout their years of service, Pat has provided leadership without

overshadowing her husband’s role. She is perceived as a strong teacher, compassionate counselor, and busy working woman. Having sold real estate within the area for nearly twenty years, she has helped acquaint many area newcomers with ECC. In their portion of the twentieth-anniversary celebrations, members of the congregation directed nearly as much attention to Pat as to Ben

(videotaped services, March 18 and 19, 1989). It appeared that they were maintaining such a close connection between the couple that they spoke of them as one. Pat has regularly contributed a column to the church paper (Evangel.

1969 - 1989). Focusing on news among the congregation, her rhetoric has paid compliments to many who might otherwise go unnoticed.

Merold’s Larger Ministry

The last fantasy theme maintains that Merold must give up time at ECC for his larger ministry to the Christian world and his denomination. In 1983,

Merold was elected president of the North American Christian Convention, generally regarded as the highest honor which can be paid to a leader in our denomination. He is constantly in demand for Christian college and seminary lectureships as well as speaker in congregations across the nations. Generally the congregation is unaware of his absence from ECC as the division of labor among the staff meets the congregation’s needs. Because he is kept aware of 235 emergencies and will return to Fullerton at any time, Merold has maintained the nonverbal rhetorical image of his availability well.

The Overarching Rhetorical Vision of Merold

The overacrching ECC rhetorical vision is that Merold leads the most successful staff among all Christian Churches and that he is the consummate leader.* As noted, Merold is ECC and ECC is Merold; similarly, the staff is seldom disassociated from either the congregation or Merold. Just as Merold is in demand as a speaker and teacher, so are several of his senior staff. Christie has traveled with Youth Specialties as speaker and youth conference leader for several years, has taught at Pacific Christian College and lectured for several other Christian colleges. Ralph Robson, Minister of Education, has also taught at

Pacific Christian College and been featured as a premier Christian Education leader (Emmanuel School of Religion Newsletter, July, 1989). Murray Hollis,

Associate Minister, regarded as an outstanding worship leader, was given the responsibility of managing the evening program for the North American Christian

Convention in 1989. He has also been a workshop leader at the NACC and

California Christian Convention. The elders of the congregation have also participated in seminars about voluntary leadership and the style of lay

* These observations come from denominational publications as well as published and unpublished research materials focusing on ECC; further, they are the result of personal experiences among denomination leaders and programs for nearly thirty years. Though a specific quote would be impossible, the power of rumor has produced this image on college campuses, in denominational meetings, and through informal conversions and correspondences. 236 leadership at Eastside. All are extensions of Merold’s leadership of the congregation. It is a part of the rhetorical vision that has made ECC successful.

Other Components of Symbolic Convergence Theory

Demonstrated

Although fantasy themes are the keys to identifying the rhetorical visions of Eastside, other components must be considered. These include the "inside joke, code terms, initiation rites, membership duties, and key words (also known as slogans or label)" (Bormann, 1985a. p. 12). These are evident in the vocabulary at ECC.

Initiation Rites

The initiation rites at ECC are very similar to those at DACC. As in most

Christian Churches, each service ends with the "invitation hymn" and the offer to make a commitment to Jesus or the local congregation. The restoration movement has long taught the "five finger" exercise: it maintains that one must hear the message, express a belief in Jesus as God’s Son, repent of one’s sins, confess that "Jesus is the Son of God, Savior, and Lord," be fully immersed in water as an adult believer, and commit to living the Christian life. The basic initiation rite of immersion is required; it was one of the tenets the original members of ECC believed had been sacrificed by FCC. People who have been immersed are accepted into full membership at both parishes simply on their statement of belief and announcement of their prior immersion. ECC follows each decision at invitation time with a short counseling session before any public 237 announcements are made. New members are requested to participate in a new members’ class to introduce them to ECC’s programs and beliefs. Since the

Christian Church does not accept creedal statements as a basis of faith, no catechism classes are taught. Pre-membership instruction tends to be more individual or family oriented.

Slogans and Themes

ECC has consistently sought to put slogans and themes to congregational programs. This paper has shown these several times, and thus will not spend a great amount of time rehearsing them again. A simple review of several slogans and themes will demonstrate the portion of the Bormann theory.

Sunday school emphasis Rally Day Big Day Beat the Unbeatables Sunday evenings Missions and Me Cowboy Sunday Youth Programs Celebration Fridays Life Society Afterglows Stewardship Stewardship month Victory Sunday Positive Past - Fantastic Future Keeping Eastside in the Pink We’ve Come This Far by Faith Sunday school 3’s Company twenty something

Bormann also suggested that a rhetorical vision generally has a catch phrase which distinguishes it. The closest such slogan has been "A Busy Church .

. . Always Serving," which appeared in 1974 and continues to be used. It is found on different types of printed materials and on the church vehicles. Although 238 there is an attempt now to replace it, nothing definite has been created.

Inside Jokes

Because of the passage of time, it was difficult to discover any inside jokes from Dornette’s ministry. The closest anecdote which might fall into that category revolved around the purchase of the land. For tax purposes, there was some ''horse-trading" that accompanied the land transaction. It seemed that the owner of the land wanted to trade his property rather than sell it outright. He had his eye on a vineyard producing wine grapes. To make the land deal work, the church became the owner of this vineyard, perhaps a first for a fundamentally

"dry" congregation. Dornette’s image as the "persona" of the congregation - he also did much of the negotiations for property deals - made him the wine grape king of the denomination.

During Merold’s years, the inside jokes have a somewhat bizarre twist.

Inside jokes reach two levels; first, there are those almost exclusively staff related, and second, there are those which have reached into the congregation.

The most common joke related by the congregation focused on Merold’s good friend and regular "revival" preacher. Wayne Smith, minister of the

Southland Christian Church, Lexington, Kentucky, has preached many revivals.

The most often told story is Merold’s sending an Army tank to the airport to pick up Smith upon his arrival. No one is quite sure how it was pulled off, but the pictures have been kept and the people continue to talk about it years later.

At the twentieth-anniversary celebration for Merold and his wife, there were many inside jokes about Ben’s meticulous style and Pat’s inability to find 239 her keys and erratic driving. One speaker noted that ECC has a large number of traffic officers in its membership from several communities around Fullerton, attributing their presence to Pat’s regular traffic violations. A recurring inside joke focuses on Ben’s tendency to have the congregation repeat phrases after him; it is not unusual for several members to continue the repetitions after

Merold has reached the point of conclusion (in his plan).

Apart from the Merolds personally, there are inside jokes about the lengthy bachelorhood (Survey results, 1989) and "advancing age" (various interviews) of Christie, the forty-four year old Youth Minister, jokes about

Associate Minister Murray Hollis’ always perfect hair, Associate Youth Minister

Arty VanGeloffs inability to get anything organized, and the amazing ability of the pianist and organist to get to their instruments at exactly the right moment during the services (Various interviews, 1969).

Among staff members, the inside jokes are even more bizarre but secretive. The two most notorious jokers are Merold and Christie, who seem to delight in outdoing each other. Merold has often joked with Christie about his age and his shortness, even though Merold is older and not significantly taller.

Christie fights back in many ways. His favorite story has Merold arriving in the pulpit to find a picture of the vamp Elvira superimposed in such a way as to make it look as though she was sitting on Merold’s lap. It had been taped to the pulpit. The joke became more profound when Merold realized that he asked a visiting missionary couple to lead in morning prayer. Merold was able to remove the picture and recovered immediately, but could not restrain his laughter when 240 he returned to the pulpit for the morning sermon. Without going into details for the congregation, he advised Christie that he would get his revenge. He did this when Christie was stopped by the police late one evening while on a youth outing. When Christie pleaded with the police to call Merold to identify him,

Merold claimed ignorance and allowed Christie to squirm. Other inside jokes among staff focused on each other’s personality quirks (Various staff interviews,

1989).

Bormann (1981) also suggested that some ideas referred to as jokes have a serious ring and are a part of the identity of the group. The most persistent image of the staff within the congregation identifies the group as both hard working and readily available in times of need. The perception is that someone on the staff will be with a member in any emergency. This sense of well-being is also associated with the elders of the congregation. Even though Merold travels extensively in his personal ministry, he is seen as available and present when needed. He is also perceived as extremely aware of issues just as quickly as he arrives back into Fullerton.

Examples of Consciousness Creating.

Raising, and Sustaining

One of the most important components of symbolic convergence theory claims that a group consciousness must be created and raised to produce the fantasy themes and rhetorical visions (Bormann, 1983c). When group consciousness has been fully raised, one can determine that symbolic convergence 241 has taken place. This must transpire before any group can become an effective rhetorical community and establish a viable rhetorical strategy. Though I have noted that within the ECC vision a number of fantasies are critical, this section will look at the specifics of how two fantasy themes were created and chained out among the congregation. These were selected for two reasons: first, they are of recent origin and have the benefit of currency and accurate records. Second, they are dissimilar in nature since one focused on a building and the other concentrates on putting people to work. Both fall within the overarching vision of a "growing congregation" and under the banner of "A busy church . . . always serving."

Positive Past - Fantastic Future (PPFF)

PPFF was one of the major financial and building campaigns of ECC.

Begun in early 1985, and finalized in November, 1985, the program sought to raise $4 million for much needed work.

By 1985, ECC found it necessary to have four worship times and three

Sunday schools each week. Still the space and parking problems overwhelmed the ministry. There was also a desire to provide an upgraded ministry for

Wednesday evenings but the elementary schooFs space requirements took so much space that midweek programs of any size appeared to be out of the question. Having studied the principles of church growth well, the staff and elders believed that something new must be tried to continue the desired growth.

Additionally, the growth of the congregation was being stymied by the lack of parking; by code, any building expansion would require additional parking. After 242 study, five major goals were established: 1) added space for classes on Sunday morning and Wednesday evening; 2) additional space for worship without going to overflow space; 3) increased parking; 4) a bridge over the creek to increase parking on church owned land along Yorba Linda Blvd; and 5) a refurbishing of the fellowship hall as an alternate worship center (Training materials from PPFF,

Sept, 1985, and Evangels. Sept. - Nov., 1985). Longer range plans called for the building of a "family life center" where multiple activities for both the church and school could be housed on campus.

The idea of such a program evolved within the staff during the spring and summer of 1985. Hollis had just replaced Rod Hoschouer as Associate Minister and had been charged with two major tasks: analysis of the space problem and an improvement in the evangelism program. The analysis of space needs produced this campaign (Hollis interview, 1989).

For the first time in ECC's history, the congregation hired an outside consultant. Doug Laird was retained to guide in a capital funds drive. Laird came with a prepackaged program. It involved a four month effort to educate the congregation about their needs and provided a method for raising necessary funds. There appeared to be five steps to the program after the staff determined that this was the package they would propose (These data are drawn from the

Laird training materials prepared for ECC, 1985).

Stage 1 informed of staff and congregational leadership. First, Laird was brought in to meet the executive committee. Here he introduced the program to the primary decision makers. As is the custom with Merold, these key leaders 243

gave tentative approval and worked behind the scenes to guarantee a positive

elders’ decision. Prior to this, it would have been a closely secreted matter; this

is done not so much to hide things but to keep unsubstantiated rumors and

suspicions from damaging the planning and development stages. Ultimately all

Elders were involved and the plan made part of ECC’s program.

Stage 2 involved choosing key leadership for the campaign itself. Key

leaders from the congregation were chosen for two reasons; first, they were highly

respected members. Second, persons chosen were believed willing to make

significant financial commitments and thereby serve as models for others.

Though no staff held "official" positions in this leadership, staff members were

expected to be active and contribute according to their own abilities.

Stage 3 involved training. By late August, committee chairs had been

chosen, key people had been developed, and Laird returned for the first training session. During this visit, Laird was also introduced as he preached for the

Sunday morning services. Training at this stage consisted of three evenings of orientation to the program and motivational materials to build the desire to participate actively.

Stage 4 sought to raise the consciousness of the membership. Begun in late August with Laird’s introduction, the Evangel became the primary means of 244 sharing information. Though the first reference came in September, more comprehensive coverage came in October and November.

Stage 5 was the final push towards "Victory Sunday." In the months

between August and November, further recruitment and training of workers took place. Beyond the more highly placed leadership, there was a need for people to visit members sharing their stories of sacrifice, providing more personalized data about campaign plans and answering questions.

In the process, the rhetorical vision of PPFF was created and the congregational consciousness raised. This motto and its attending logo dominated all rhetoric, verbally and nonverbally. Even when the program was seen as not going well and serious consideration was given to cancelling it completely, most church related information and communications focused on this vision. Canned materials from Laird supporting PPFF were included in the Evangel: captions such as "Not equal gifts, but equal sacrifice" added to the impact (Evangels.

Sept. - Nov., 1985).

Motivational testimonies focused the congregation on the campaign and possible ways of financing one’s commitment (Schmidt interview, 1989). The

PPFF chairman sold an ocean front cottage to make part of his contributions.

Others sold stocks and bonds; still others sold personal properties such as cars or jewelry. Some took out personal loans to cover their pledges (Merold interview,

1989). A Scripture passage -- "O Lord, our God, all this abundance that we have provided to build there a house for thy holy name, it is from thy hand, and all is thine" (II Chronicles 29:16) -- dominated the last page of each special edition of 245

the Evangel. Emotional parts of the overall church program were highlighted.

Special attention was given to the children’s ministries, the handicapped students

in the Helping Hands school, and the Eastside Christian School. Pictures of

leadership were highlighted. A banquet was the final push as everything revolved

around "Victory Sunday" (Evangel. Nov. 13, 1985).

November 24 was "Victory Sunday," the day when commitments were

received and tallied. The well had already been primed with announcements of

gifts being made by campaign leaders and church staff. Now, after nearly four

months of preparation, pledges would be completed and victory would be

declared.

The vision of PPFF was in keeping with the overarching rhetorical vision of Eastside. The creation of this vision appeared to be easily done. Since the overarching vision required continual growth and expansion of numbers, programs and facilities, the idea of underwriting another expansion was normative. The magnitude of the vision was the major stretch. As can be seen above, the steps of creating and raising the vision moved quickly.

Since the image of stewardship was well established as a major fantasy type, the development of a related vision was not difficult. The hardest task would be sustaining the consciousness of the vision for the three years of the program. Commitments during the first year were much more easily made than in the final two years (Annual reports, 1986 - 1988). This was true for several reasons. First, the parties who were there as the vision was created and the consciousness raised carried their commitments well. It had been such a 246 dominant force for the three months leading into 1986 that everyone was well aware of and committed to it. However, the turnover of membership at ECC is normally between 250 - 300 persons per year (Merold interviews, 1989). The problem now became how to focus the attention of the (ca) 300 new members to take up the slack in the commitments made by those departing. A way of communicating this vision to incoming members had to be devised. Since ECC has a new members class it was easy to inform the incoming people about the campaign at this point (Hollis interview, 1989). Though pressure to make commitments was minimal, these people were made aware of the program. But as would be expected, the level of enthusiasm was far less (Survey results show that less than 40% of members joining ECC in the past three years committed to

PPFF or Pink).

Not only was turnover a factor in the lessening of commitment, but as

Bormann (1983c) noted, sustaining a vision is difficult. At first, the payment of commitments ran very close to schedule. At the end of one year, nearly 90% of the dollars pledged had been raised (Annual Report, 1986). This was about the expected sum since it was believed that some $500,000 -600,000 was pledged beyond the ability of the people making the pledges to pay. Contributions began to slip during the second year (1987) and dropped to about 50% during 1988

(Annual Reports, 1987, 1988).

During 1988, a secondary campaign -- "Keeping Eastside in the Pink" - was launched to create a new awareness of the program (Evangel. August 25,

1988). The new building was now built and occupied and debt had been reduced, 247 but the second stage, building the family life center, was still unresolved because of the inability to purchase adjacent land. The "Pink" campaign did raise the consciousness of the people and did generate additional funds. It did not bring the level of giving to that of the first year (Annual Report, 1988). The campaign is still discussed and envelopes are still available, but the program has little viability left. Total gifts will surpass the $2,750,000 level, but will not reach the anticipated 90% projected.

As a representative vision, this program is an ideal example. As this paper is being written, the leadership is wrestling with the wisdom of continuing the

"Pink" program beyond the end of 1989.

Ministry Connexion

For many years, the decision-making leadership of ECC was composed of two classes of officers. Elders, the senior category of officer, were generally charged with those matters which had to do with the spiritual level of the congregation. These included such matters as reviews of the ministerial staff and materials taught, liaison work between the congregation and its other components

(missionary work, Eastside Christian School, and other agencies), and special needs. Deacons were charged with more physical labors, such as care of the buildings and properties or helping members with routine tasks of home maintenance. However, the decision-making process brought all elders and deacons into a common meeting to oversee jointly the work of the congregation

(Constitution and By-laws, 1962). 248

In 1986, this form of church polity was changed with the rewriting of the church constitution and by-laws (Revised Constitution and By-laws, 1986). The decision making body was reduced to just the elders as the board of deacons was disbanded.

Consequently, some of the important physical labor performed by the deacons was at risk. The deacons’ concern for helping members and maintaining church properties could not be left uncovered. It was determined that, although the official capacity of deacons in decision making had been removed, other work could not remain undone. The fantasy of the "Ministry Connexion" (MC) was created to fill this void (Study papers, MC, 1987 and 1988, Hollis interview, April,

1989).

MC evolved through the normal stages at ECC. The envisioned plan was discussed with appropriate staff and lay leadership before coming to Merold and the elders for final decision. The conscious-creating portion of the effort came as the form of church polity changed and the filling of the void was discussed. The consciousness-raising portion fell to the leadership of Hollis and a select group charged with the responsibilities of service to the membership.

From mid-1988 into 1989, the concept reached fruition. The name,

Ministry Connexion, was chosen to combine the idea of ministry to the concept of

Christian service. The old English spelling was chosen to create a logo around the cross (See Figure 13). According to the working documents of MC, several teams of volunteers were to be created to assist in the projects around the building and in member’s homes. Volunteer groups were formed to take care of Figure 13: Logo of the Ministry Connexion 250 church and home maintenance, office work, transportation services, media presentations, and whatever other work desired.

To raise the consciousness of the congregation, the Evangel and the

Sunday bulletin were used. Recent Evangels have featured the "Ministry of the

Month" award to praise workers and educate the congregation. Additionally, a bi-weekly newsletter tells of available services and special needs within the congregation. Announcements placed on the overhead and the pulpit have presented the ministry; Merold has not devoted a sermon to the topic. The most recent educational tool has been the creation of the "Great North Wall;" this enterprise uses the most visible wall in the building to highlight both ministries and ministry leaders. Rhetorically, MC and its spokespeople have focused on the idea of being a "servant" (Working papers, 1989). This enhanced concept of

"deacon" - a word transliterated from the Greek "diaconos" -- is variously translated as servant, slave, deacon(ess) or minister in the English texts (Bauer,

Arndt, and Gingrich, 1957).

Overall, the congregation still does not seem to be aware of the goals of the ministry. I found that many of the groups had plenty of volunteers to work with them but few tasks to do (Focus interview, MC volunteers, 1989). The congregational survey found that less than half of the respondents were aware of services offered or the need for volunteers (Survey, 1989). It is too early to determine how successfully the vision has been raised or how it will be sustained. 251

Summation of Consciousness Creating.

Raising, and Sustaining

The two programs highlighted above are examples of the continuing attempts of the ECC leadership to create and sustain the consciousness of the people. They reflect the difficulties involved in working with such a large, mobile congregation. Both were given much attention in print and oral announcements.

Whereas PPFF was taken directly into the homes of all members, the Ministry

Connexion has been advanced far less directly and intimately. Consequently, it was not surprising that though more than 95% of those surveyed have knowledge of PPFF and "Pink," only about 40% have a good understanding of the Connexion

(Survey, 1989). The additional step of taking PPFF directly to homes and making it a part of the new members’ training class appeared to have increased new constituents’ awareness of the program.

The Organizational Saga of Eastside Christian Church

Using the symbolic convergence theory, I have attempted to answer the query, "What kind of an organization are we?" (Bormann, 1988), or more specifically, "What kind of a congregation is ECC?" The answers included the fantasy themes and types, the rhetorical visions, and other components involved in fantasy theme analysis. These have been leading to the end results which

Bormann suggested, the organizational saga, or, according to Packanowsky’s terminology, the organizational culture. If the overarching rhetorical vision has been growth, the researcher contends that based on Merold’s concept of the 252

"want to’s," the key to the organizational saga and communication culture is expectancy.

There is an air of expectancy in every part of ECC’s program and has been since Merold arrived in 1969. The most important factor in the expectancy equation focuses on the need to evangelize the community and build the congregation. From the beginning (as far back as Dornette’s ministry), this has been the tenor. This is best seen through the worship and evangelistic efforts of the church.

Every worship time is filled with expectation. The congregation expects six basic components: good music shared by both "special singers" and choirs and upbeat hymns and praise songs sung by the congregation; Scripture readings and prayer; the Lord’s Supper; the collection of monies; a Biblical sermon; and an invitation to respond to that message will highlight the service. All other parts of the service center on the message and decision time. It is common for Merold to announce, "We are expecting people to make decisions during this service." Thus his preaching is so geared. Preaching has been described as "didactic" - with an emphasis on teaching those who are already believers - or "kerygmatic" - with the emphasis on presenting a message for non-believers (Dodd, 1950). Though the two can be combined in a single sermon, the emphasis is usually towards one purpose or the other. Merold’s sermons tend towards the kerygmatic

(evangelistic) side; his emphasis on "decision" time blends well into his approach.

The accepted fantasy theme of Merold’s Biblical preaching seems to arise from 253

this emphasis as well. Services where decisions are not made in response to the

Biblical message are noted more than those where decisions are made.

Beyond the expectancy that services will see decisions made, the

congregational saga anticipates that people will be evangelized in their homes.

Merold has taught that home evangelism is a prerequisite to the decisions which

will be made in services. Though he has pointed out that only about 10% of the

congregation can be expected to work in evangelism, outreach groups have been

active throughout his ministry (Merold, 1985).

Beginning with the call of the first associate minister in 1970, the outreach

program has been a part of this man’s responsibilities. George Potter led the

way, followed by Rod Hoschouer, and now Murray Hollis. The development of

"Project Lovetide" during the ministry of Hoschouer focused on the need for

trained workers with a specific plan of evangelism.

In addition to the trained evangelist, the fantasy theme of all members

inviting others has been sustained. Early in his ministry, Merold’s rhetoric

focused on people getting the names of prospects as an expected part of

membership (various Evangels dating from early 1970). The use of contests,

"wooden nickels," "Big Days," and other events has continually highlighted this expectancy. Most important, Merold has continually emphasized that staff is expected to do evangelistic work. At the most recent staff retreat (July, 1989),

Merold restated that expectancy to staff, noting that the recent downturn in numerical growth was due in part to the staffs not fulfilling this part of their ministry. 254

The expectancy culture has reached into the building and stewardship programs. The two programs have often been linked together. In their twenty- seven year history, there has almost always been a plan to add more facilities.

From the first three units constructed in the mid-1960’s to the present vision of a family life center, ECC has sustained the rhetorical vision of erecting new buildings to expand their programs. Consequently, the expansion of buildings and programs has been coupled with the need to increase the financial base and support of the ministry. Merold has often said something like, "We must have additional monies to provide additional programs and space for the additional people that we need to be reaching." All of this creates the expectancy that more money will be needed to accomplish the task. This is seen in the annual "Victory

Sunday" programs, but was especially highlighted in the PPFF campaign.

The past has focused on the expectancies which the congregation has envisioned and accomplished. At a time when the efforts have seemed to reach a flat spot in terms of growth, the note of expectancy is heard again. The latest efforts include Merold’s fantasy theme of creating "satellite churches and Sunday schools" from which to expand the ministry. The most recent staff additions, Mac

Wright and Ed Mereno, will be responsible for building this new vision of growth and expected numerical increase. Coupled with the MC, these efforts are the latest elements of the expectancy saga.

Merold has created the saga that the congregation expects to grow because it "wants to." Every effort has focused on that theme. The past is memorialized around it, the present emphasizes it, and the plans for the future point to the 255

theme. Merold's most persistent verbal and nonverbal messages have been that

"God expects the church to grow and so do we." He likes to talk about the "want

to's," where the most important idea is that we want to do a task. And as long as

the congregation "wants to" grow, then nothing will keep it from happening.

Sum m ation

This chapter has attempted to use the symbolic convergence theory of

rhetoric to identify the organizational saga of a growing congregation. ECC has

produced an organizational saga that has allowed its people to have great

expectancy for the present and future. It has produced rhetorical visions, positive fantasy themes, and has established an identity around a leader who is very much a part of their overarching rhetorical vision. They are positively inseparable:

ECC is Ben Merold and Ben Merold is ECC. This positive rhetorical vision allowed the congregation to progress throughout its thirty years, growing from 100 to nearly 5000 members.

In the final chapter, I will attempt to make observations and conclusions about both the DACC and ECC. I will seek to make generalizations about what

1 found, focusing on how rhetorical vision and organizational saga impact churches and their potential for growth. I will attempt to place the impact of visionary rhetoric into the other factors which bring about church growth. The question originally asked, "What can be learned about the process of church growth from a rhetorical study using Bormann’s fantasy theme analysis?" will be addressed. Finally, I will offer suggestions for further research. These are 256 preliminary findings. Communication is vital to the growth of any church. The significance of visionary rhetoric and positive symbol system must be fully understood. CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSIONS OF THE RHETORICAL STUDY OF

EASTSIDE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AND DEL AMO CHRISTIAN CHURCH

This project began with a basic question and several corresponding queries about rhetoric and church growth. The initial question, What can be learned about church growth from the perspective of a rhetorical study?, has yet to be answered. I have already addressed several of the other questions: What realities have led to the fantasies and rhetorical visions of Eastside Christian Church and

Del Amo Christian Church? What organizational saga and communication cultures have been built as a result of the fantasies and visions? How were the congregations -- the basic rhetorical communities -- formed? The major part of these questions were discussed in chapters V and VI.

The second set of questions asked about consciousness creating, raising, and sustaining in Bormann’s methodology. How have the fantasies, visions, sagas, etc., changed? What other measures besides numerical growth have influenced each congregations’ transitions? These were addressed while building the congregational sagas (Chapter V and VI).

257 258

Questions that were not addressed directly, although some hints should have been obvious, were raised about variables leading to growth beyond the rhetorical visions of the congregation. I will offer possible answers and solutions about some of these factors at ECC and DACC in this chapter also.

The final ancillary question sought to define and/or describe the lessons learned that could be used to enhance the knowledge and growth of other congregations: What are the benefits of this study to the understanding of rhetoric and church growth, and are there relational implications between the two? If, as

I have assumed, there has been a shortage of studies relating communication processes to church growth, has the study added to the body of knowledge? This will be the most critical question raised as I return to the base question, What can be learned about church growth from the perspective of a rhetorical study?

The "Enabled" Organization

According to Bormann (1987), the "enabled" organization, i.e., congregation, should be growing. Packonowsky (1987) would call it the

"empowered" congregation. Essentially, both writers have suggested that any organization -- in this case a church - is aided by the use of an "enabling symbol system" (Bormann, 1987) or "empowering communication culture" (Packanowsky and O’Donnell-Trujillo, 1983 and Packanowsky, 1987). Though they are not in total agreement on either the vocabulary or certainty of Packanowsky’s six "rules," both writers concluded that the rhetoric and the rhetorical processes producing the symbol systems within organizations have a significant impact on the 259

"enabling" and "empowering" of that organization. Others have offered alternative terminologies (See Chapter IV) though the essence appeared to be closely aligned: successful organizations build on positive rhetorics and strong organizational communication saga. These comprise the symbol system.

In this chapter, I will be using terms interchangeably. "Symbol system" will include all created realities -- including fantasies, fantasy themes, rhetorical visions, and the organizational saga - which the organizations have used to promote their rhetorics. They are both verbal and nonverbal.

Since I have depended primarily on Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory and fantasy theme analysis, I will retain terminologies supporting ECC as the "enabled" congregation and DACC as the "disabled" congregation in this study. If numerical increase is the major criterion on which judgments about church growth are made and decrease implies a lack of church growth, then the enabling and disabling categories are practical. The question and place of the enabling and disabling symbol systems in the causality remain.

The "Enabling" Ideal in the Causality of Growth

In Chapter III, I contended that at least nine principles of church growth should be examined, including:

1. Growing churches are marked by strong leadership.

2. Growing churches are marked by positive visibility in their communities.

3. Growing churches have active lay involvement beyond the leadership

level. 260

4. Growing congregations have adequate facilities and good parking.

5. Growing churches place a high priority on evangelism.

6. Growing churches plan for growth.

7. Growing churches appeal primarily to a single class of people.

8. Growing churches have a defined theological interpretation of the Bible.

9. Growing churches have positive purposes and goals.

What was not said, but was implied, is that growing churches communicate. With

no more than one or two exceptions, the nine principles listed above are a part of the rhetorical process.

Another factor of causality must be considered; it is less directly related to communication. "Enabling" a congregation in a rapidly growing area is significantly easier. As was pointed out by Wagner and others (see Chapter III), churches located in older, more settled, or culturally changing neighborhoods have been greatly "disabled" because of the declining local membership base. As this chapter progresses, I will attempt to demonstrate the enabling symbol system, when tied to other factors, has assisted ECC’s growth and hastened DACC’s decline. Although primary attention will remain on the components of fantasy theme analysis, other factors certainly have affected each congregation’s created realities. As noted in Chapters III and IV, any evaluation of rhetorical findings from the organizational documents have enhanced credibility when supported in a variety of ways (Cherwitz, 1980). 261

Thesis Statement

My research findings suggest strong evidence for concluding that the building and communication of an organizational saga and its accompanying symbol system will have considerable effects on a volunteer organization like the church. When the saga and symbol system are positive, the congregation will be

"enabled;" if negative, the church will be "disabled.”

The Impact of the Communication Sagas on ECC and DACC

Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory suggests that much of what is considered reality is, in fact, created reality contained in a rhetoric and/or symbol system (Bormann’s fantasy typologies). This foundational premise maintains that the fantasies which are created and chained out into the congregation are probably more important than the realities on which they are built. Yet Bormann would probably agree with Hikins (1989) that without the "realities," the organizationally produced fantasies could not be maintained and substantiated.

With Hikins (1989), I agree that realities are very much involved in the outcomes of the two congregations. The realities play a vital part in creating the fantasies on which the congregations are built. The realities of ECC include (1) the property was strategically located near a major freeway and a major university campus; (2) the congregation came into existence at a time when the cities of

Fullerton, Brea, Placentia, and Yorba Linda were among the most rapidly growing in Orange County; (3) the congregation had insightful lay leadership; (4) the congregation worked hard to reach its goals; (5) the professional leadership 262

was highly competent and possessed strong motivational skills; and (6) the

neighborhood around ECC has retained the ethnological makeup for the past

three decades. The realities of DACC suggest that (1) the congregation was

created just as the growth of Torrance peaked; (2) the congregation is not ideally

located at or near a busy intersection; (3) the congregation has not enjoyed a

forward thinking staff or lay leadership; and (4) the majority of the congregants

never established or worked to accomplish growth-oriented goals; and (5) DACC

is located in an ethnically changing neighborhood.

From these realities, I assume that the sagas and symbol systems were

generated. On the one hand, ECC’s organizational saga of growth has been

maintained throughout its thirty-year history. Conversely, DACC’s organizational

saga enjoyed a season when a growth fantasy enabled the congregation to move

forward. The fantasy changed as the last half of its history was marked by the

steady decline. It is not enough to say that the "created" fantasy themes,

rhetorical visions, and organizational sagas were the cause of any growth and/or decline. The fantasies reflect the actual modifications taking place within the congregation. However, it will be asserted that as the realities produced the symbol systems of each congregation, they provided a significant part of the momentum by which each was enabled or disabled.

Eastside Christian Church as an Enabled Congregation

I have concluded that the organizational saga of ECC has centered on an

"expectancy" rhetoric. Throughout its history, there has been a sense that something positive will happen. Can it be concluded that this rhetoric of 263 expectancy was created from nothing or was it created from a set of experienced realities? I suggest it was a combination of both. From the beginning Dornette built a rhetoric of growth and expansion; Merold sustained that vision. Both preached that the church is intended to grow numerically (and spiritually, although that measure has not been attempted in this study). Early on, Dornette identified growth with both ideas of people and buildings. These fantasies chained out to the people. Although they began as an average-sized Christian

Church, Dornette’s rhetoric maintained that growth was realistic and normal.

The resulting created symbol system enabled the congregation to move forward with a great deal of vigor and success. The following parts of that symbol system and their accompanying rhetoric demonstrate the congregation to fit within the context Bormann describes as enabling.

Dornette’s Rhetoric and Symbol System

Based on the space given to it in the Evangel, the number of sermons proclaiming it, and the emphasis placed on it during our interviews, Dornette’s primary symbol was "evangelism." Synonyms for evangelism include "calling,"

"outreach," and "visitation." Dornette’s rhetoric stated:

"Help make Eastside Christian known in your neighborhood."

"The church they know is where they’ll go."

'Tell someone about Eastside’s exciting program every day."

Slogans like these appeared in nearly every copy of the Evangel from 1963 - 1969.

Towards the end, the latter two phrases became the standards appearing at the top of pages 2 and 3 in every edition. 264

Sermon topics also demonstrated the priority; Dornette preached on

"What does it take to save a man?", "The need to evangelize," and "Winning the

world to Jesus." An article attributed to the chairman of the elders in the

February 1, 1965, Evangel announced that the year’s watchwords would be

"calling and fellowship." The accompanying campaign was called "Throw out the

lifeline" (January 26, 1965). The lead story in the June 17, 1965, Evangel

declared, "There were 32 people present to go calling last week. Our goal for

next month is 70." Dornette further contended that "Christians have an obligation

to win the lost. All must be involved in the outreach of the congregation through

evangelism." The most consistent reminder was inclusion of the names of persons

who joined the congregation on the past Sunday. Week after week, this

rhetorical strategy reminded the congregation that people were being reached as

a result of the visitations. Though world outreach was less emphasized, the

Evangel carried a monthly letter from African missionary Tom Thurman whose

family was supported by ECC. Thurman also returned to speak at ECC when he

was in the United States.

Closely associated with the rhetoric of evangelism was the emphasis on

numerical increase. Dornette focused his attention on increasing numbers.

Sunday attendances were included in the Evangel as a reminder that the numbers were increasing. However, that was only "the tip of the iceberg." Dornette’s personal comments called attention to the increase. One headline -

"ATTENDANCE JUMPS 25%" -- was followed by a lengthy article detailing the value of moving to two morning worship services to accommodate the increasing 265 number of people and to make certain that "visitors will not be leaving because they found no seats after the service was started" (Evangel. February 6, 1964).

For the third anniversary service, the headline declared, "33 PEOPLE

RESPONSIBLE FOR WORSHIP ATTENDANCE OF 330" (Evangel. April 25,

1964). Comments such as, "If we have 217 or more in total attendance, Russ will break a record over the preacher’s head,” appeared often. The symbol of increasing attendance dominated Dornette’s rhetoric.

The blending of outreach and numbers was used to promote the Sunday school symbolism. No less than once a year a major campaign was built. In

February, 1964, the campaign was called "Operation 200." The goal for the month was an average attendance of 200. That summer’s nine week contest featured space travel; the August 30, 1964, Evangel announced that "248 persons present had set an all time attendance record in Sunday school." Dornette’s

"College of the Bible" program was designed to attract more people with deeper study. In our interviews (1989), Dornette stated that he believed "a growing

Sunday school was the key to a growing congregation." This symbol was rhetorically stated in the Evangel and, according to Dornette (Interview, 1989), in worship.

Perhaps the most visible of all of the symbols of ECC were the buildings.

Though they began in a rented warehouse, Dornette constantly projected the need for building. The move from the borrowed space at First Christian Church,

Anaheim, to their own facility marked the "true beginning" of the church.

Although they had met for several months, the congregation’s anniversary is 266

linked to the first service in the Ash Street warehouse on May 6, 1962. However,

it was not until they occupied their own building some three years later that

Dornette announced that they were finally a real church. From the middle of

1963 until the end of 1966, the building program received more printed space

than any other item. Beginning with the announcement of the property search

committee in 1963, Dornette wrote often about the need to build. No headlines

were bigger and more boldly stated than those of April 11, 1965.

"NOW IT CAN BE TOLD"

"LOAN APPROVED"

"GROUNDBREAKING - APRIL 11"

This culminated with the November 4, 1965, headline that declared:

"ALL SYSTEMS ARE GO!"

This announcement was followed by a description of the nearly completed building and concluded with the announcement of the following Sunday’s sermon,

"Now let’s build the church."

Other symbols were important within the congregation as well. There was

a great deal of focus on the leadership of Dornette; an ambitious worker, he spent many hours visiting and promoting the congregation. He actively taught in the Sunday school program, often promoting his own class as the largest and the best. Absences from the pulpit were heralded with announcements like,

"Preacher returns to pulpit this Sunday."

Women’s activities were not highly publicized but were part of the growing ministry. The hiring of a young minister on a part-time basis demonstrated the 267

concern for a growing youth program. All services were heavily promoted as

signs of a healthy congregation. Giving was emphasized regularly though no

regular stewardship campaign was held. "Giving is worship," and "We need to

increase our giving to $1000 per week," were typical rhetoric of the promotions.

Dornette’s ability to motivate the congregation to greater goals diminished

shortly after the completion of the building. Although the rhetoric changed only

slightly, the same arguments seemed to falter with the apparent achievement of

the building symbol. Consequently, Dornette’s decision to leave did not devastate

the congregation. He had set the stage, but the new minister would move the

congregation into a period of significant growth on the established themes.

Merold’s Rhetoric and Symbol System

Soon after his arrival, Merold promoted the basic symbol system that had

enabled the congregation in the initial growth spurt but then faltered under

Dornette’s leadership. I do not feel I can accurately determine why this new energy was created. Sunday school contests, special promotions, building campaigns, and evangelism had stopped working successfully for Dornette. Yet

Merold expounded familiar fantasies and symbols. The "enabling" appeared to rest more with the spokesman than with ideas at this point. Merold’s efforts did not greatly alter the rhetoric immediately.

Evangelism became the focal point in Merold’s rhetoric. Though he dropped 'Tell someone about Eastside" shortly after his arrival, his evangelism symbols developed quickly. Personally, Merold set out to visit every member of the congregation (Interview, 1989). Further, the congregation established a 268 pattern of seeing every first time visitor as quickly. Merold has remained actively involved in the visitation although he is no longer the primary caller. Merold’s first staff addition, an Associate Minister, was responsible for outreach. A major task of the Associate Minister continues to be outreach and evangelism. There were regular calls for workers.

"WHEN WE GO - THEY COME! VISITATION! VISITATION! VISITATION!" headlined the September 7, 1972, Evangel. "Calling all callers" was the lead prior to the 1973 revival. Perhaps the most visible symbol was the number of additions on the past Sunday with the attendance figures on the first page of the Evangel.

A vital part of this symbolic rhetoric was to make visitors believe ECC was a friendly congregation. Merold has constantly emphasized that it did no good to invite their friends and neighbors or to do evangelism if the congregation does not warmly greet their newcomers. Merold has often contended that small churches remain small because they "are not friendly" (Merold videotapes, 1985).

A recent Evangel carried an article entitled, ’The smallest church in town," a letter writer stated that despite its size, "Eastside provided the warmest welcome of any congregation that we visited in the area." In one of her first "Pat-ters,"

Pat Merold noted that "Your enthusiasm is contagious. You are so friendly to visitors" (Evangel. September 9, 1969). Merold noted that

we must not let anything quench this great spirit [of friendliness]. We must continue to pray that "Eastside Christian" will be a happy, growing, soul-winning church (Evangel. May 8, 1969). 269

Twenty years later, in a special mailing to the congregation, Merold emphasized it

all again as he said,

It is time to create new programs for inviting. It is said that 77.6% of the people who visit a church for the first time come because some member . . . invited them. We must devise new programs for following up on visitors (Special Newsletter. Fall, 1989).

Another key symbol was the Sunday school. The use of Sunday school

promotions and goal setting has been used successfully by Merold. Four months after his arrival, he set in motion the "Red vs. Blue" competition for Sunday school. Within a year, he had engaged the congregation in a contest with his former congregation in Indiana. Building on the theme "Beat the Unbeatables," he led them to a victory and record attendances. In a recent article in the

Lookout. Merold contended that "Churches can get out of their carefully constructed ruts and start growing if they will just place emphasis on the Sunday

School" (Merold, 1987, p. 2). In our interviews, Merold noted that the expansion of other programs has lessened the emphasis on the Sunday school. He wonders if somehow this has made the growth slow (Merold interviews, 1989).

Attendance in all services has been emphasized. "749 Total Attendance

Last Lord’s Day Morning, Responses to Invitation," was the headline of his first

Evangel (March 30, 1969). Any special programs have attempted to broaden the base of attendance. Youth programs have been geared around sports activities like "Angel’s Day," summer trips, visits to Disneyland and other amusement parks, and seasonal promotions. Adults have been encouraged to participate in a variety of musical programs and special occasions like "Cowboy Sunday." 270

Merold noted that these types of events are designed to increase the numbers, but more importantly, as a means of bringing prospects to the services

(Interviews, 1989). Only after another staff member took charge of the weekly publication and the congregation was relying less on heavy promotional campaigns did the emphasis on numbers decline (Evangels, beginning in 1983).

Numbers remain very important, however. Though they are not placed on the front page of every Evangel, they are nearly always reported. They have been discussed at every elders and staff meeting I have observed. Merold maintains a large chart of weekly attendance in his office. He remains acutely aware of trends.

The most recent major mailing promoted numbers. This special edition noted the need for "pursuing the planting of new churches,” the need "to go off- site without Bible School,” and a reiteration that "we will not let lack of space retard our growth." The latest modifications of program, California Casual

Church and the satellite congregations, are efforts to increase numbers.

Though building programs have been an ongoing part of the Merolds’ symbol system, they have not taken on the significance as did the completion of the first structure. Announcements about buildings have been low key, even matter of fact. The February 15, 1973, Evangel announced that the

"Groundbreaking" for the new building would take place on February 18,

"weather permitting." In May, there was a short article noting that the building was progressing. In July, volunteers to complete the office were called. There is 271 no indication that the structure was "officially" dedicated or a special Sunday on which the congregation began using the building.

Further, in October, 1973, the congregation voted to expand the sanctuary to add more seating. Again, it was briefly announced and a congregational meeting called; the following week, an article presented the results:

Last Sunday our congregation voted to expand our present auditorium and parking. There was not even one dissenting vote and we thank God for unity and vision. This project will be financed by borrowing the money from our congregation at 7% interest. We hope many of you will respond to this program as quickly as possible (Evangel. October 18, 1973).

The special "Fall edition 1989" made one reference to additional buildings;

Merold noted that "(I)t is time to move toward the building of a family life center" and that the congregation would "go off-site for such a building if necessary." Though the congregation no longer invests a major portion of its energy to building programs, they have remained a constant need. Buildings have been a priority for the congregation, but they have not been highlighted with the same strong rhetoric as have the evangelistic programs or numbers.

Though Merold began by building on the Dornette themes, at least four major symbols have been added to the rhetoric and fantasies. The most significant has focused on stewardship. During the first year of his ministry,

Merold established the "Committee on Tithing," a group determined to generate commitments to the following year’s budget. The "committee" visited members’ homes explaining that the budget should be set at about $120,000 but that only the amount pledged would be the base. The second year saw the implementation of the annual "Victory Sunday." Each year the congregation pledges for the 272 budget during November. Merold preaches on stewardship during this time.

Sermon topics have included "In search of the best," "God loves the cheerful giver," "You can’t out give God," and "Freewill giving." It is not unusual to see the testimonies of parishioners in the Evangel. Members have talked about

"What giving means to me," "The blessings of giving," and "The joys of giving."

In a 1987 sermon on giving, Merold suggested:

There is such a tendency to reverse Biblical truth. We usually think that when we are faithful in spiritual things God will trust us with money or material things. Jesus taught just the opposite . . . He taught that God will trust us with the true riches (spiritual things) only after we have become faithful in material wealth. God’s Word is telling us tact many have no ministry with God because they are not faithful in giving money and handling it honestly (November, 1987).

Merold has promoted what could be described as the principle of the vicious circle. He says in essence: "We must bring new people into the church

(evangelism); if we have new people, we must have new programs; if we have new programs, we must have more workers; if we have more people and more programs, we will need more space (buildings); if we have more people and programs and need more space, we will need more money" (This essence of this idea has been found in newsletters and discussed in interviews with staff).

Members have accepted this vision and worked diligently to make it happen.

Since growth was expected, worship symbols were built around it. Leaders regularly note that people were expected to "answer the gospel invitation."

Worship is carefully structured to make the response natural and easy. Every aspect of worship leads to decision. Music, prayers, and preaching suggest decision. Following the Billy Graham model of invitation, members trained as 273 counselors pour into the aisles. The rhetoric is nonverbal but effective. No respondent makes the first move; they are followers. Most are not aware that the counselors are catalysts. The expectancy that people will respond results from visits to prospective decisions during the week. Most decisions are confirmed in advance. When Merold or another staff says that something exciting will be happening during this service, the reality has been planned in advance. One builds on the other. Afterwards, the Evangel announces the number (or names) of people who joined the previous Sunday.

The most visible part of the symbol system converges around Merold the preacher. Though he was generally a positive symbol, Dornette never reached the status of Merold. The Evangel regularly reported his upcoming sermon themes. Whether it was series about a Bible book or a series on "Bible

Prophecy" or the "Gifts of the Spirit," attention is paid to his preaching. The congregation responds to his presence and absence. Attendance will drop slightly if it is known that someone else is preaching (Outcome of attendance patterns between 1976-1977). Absences are followed by the common announcement that

"Merold will be preaching at all services this coming Sunday" or a similar statement. Few members criticized his preaching. The vast majority describe it as the "most consistently Biblical preaching" they have heard (Survey results,

1989).

Merold solidifies the congregational themes by his pulpit rhetoric. During stewardship emphasis, he preaches on giving. (The themes have been noted above.) In the past few years, he has focused heavily on the themes of service; 274 this coincides with the emphasis on programs added to help others. Sermon titles included "Why can’t you be an encourager?" focusing on Barnabus’ helping of the early church and the Apostle Paul. In a recent series he taught about the need

"to make faith an action" (Sermon series from James). The need for outreach is a constant theme. The sermon, "You are supposed to be salt," maintained that

Christians are always at work or they are not functioning according to their calling. To emphasize evangelism, he preached about "The reluctant witness" contending that Christians must overcome their fear so that they can effectively win souls. is a common theme. This was a common thread running through much of Merold’s pulpit rhetoric. One sermon, "How to kill a church without tFying," suggesting that failure to avail oneself of opportunities to grow spiritually will "produce an unfaithful member." This theme found its way into the Evangel as well. "October is . . . Loyalty Month" was the headline for a campaign that suggested that "people do not go to church as often as they think they do." We want you to check your church attendance in October and commit yourselves to being present for as many services as possible (Evangel. September

15, 1987). All such symbols clearly indicate the desire and expectancy of a verdict. The positive reality then generates more enabling symbols.

Finally, ECC has most recently sought to identify itself as a congregation dedicated to meeting the needs within the community. Though the first years produced a symbol system centered on the need to "evangelize the community" with little attention paid to the physical needs of the area, the past three - four years have added the symbolism of sharing beyond "saving souls." Today, ECC is 275

known for its Pregnancy Testing and Counseling Center, its ministry to the

homeless in Featherly Park, its determination to assist in other service projects as

needed by members and nonmembers. Merold has addressed this issue in

sermons like "What is the church?" where he purposed that the church is more

than a "set of doctrines." Recent publications have highlighted these types of

ministry. "The Samaritan Ministry" newsletter, begun in August, 1989, told of the

plans for helping the homeless, assisting with car repairs, and the collecting of

clothing, food, and other necessities to be readily available for those in need.

Their motto is "I was hungry and you fed me, naked and you clothed me . . . "

(Matthew 25). Many other new programs have come under the banner of the

"Ministry Connexion." Each month one of these programs has been highlighted in

the Evangel as a part of the rhetoric producing awareness. The reality is that

ECC is attempting to help; the created symbol system attempts to proclaim that

reality.

Throughout this dissertation I have attempted to show that the

communication saga is an important part of any volunteer organization’s ability to

be enabling. ECC’s saga of "expectancy" has helped produce and maintain the enabling power suggested by Bormann. Expectancy has been the major theme in

ECC’s ability to motivate its growth rhetoric. In the special Fall Edition, 1989,

Christian Education Minister Ralph Robson summed up the attitude towards growth well.

In some ways we at Eastside are like Greg LeMond. The experts are telling us that continued growth for Eastside is impossible. "There are too many obstacles that stand in your way." "You have maxed out your facilities, the acreage is too small, and the future for continued growth is bleak." In other words, we are being told, 276 like LeMond, that we have exhausted our physical resources, that the course is too long, and that the path is too steep in order to be successful I do not know about you, but I for one believe that one of the reasons that LeMond won this year’s Tour De France was because of the encouraging words yelled by the Frenchmen for boldness.. . . May I suggest that one of the attitudes we will need in order to accomplish many of the things ahead us is "boldness, boldness, even this day, boldness."

Del Amo Christian Church as a Disabled Congregation

Though it did not set out to become a disabled congregation, DACC has,

in fact, fallen into that image. It was not, however, always the case.

When DACC began, it established several enabling organizational symbols.

From its earliest days when attendance ranged between 60 >75, Ashford

attempted to produce a rhetoric of growth similar to Dornette’s. His preaching

and other communications talked about the growth and building. Ashford

reported that from the first, he attempted to create a congregation "committed to

building a Christian Church on the west side of Torrance" (Ashford interview,

1989). This effort was geared to both evangelistic outreach and the placement of

a physical structure in that area. Because the group was partially composed of a

congregation (FACC) that had owned another property, it was two years ahead of

ECC in getting into their first structure. Though they built one of the proposed

two phases immediately, the Completion and dedication of their first structure

established them physically and symbolically in the community.

Ashford was then able to emphasize the need for evangelistic outreach.

Though Ashford had not retained his ministerial records, he reported that his preaching often focused on the need to "win the lost." Further, he noted that he 277 put a "calling program" into place and encouraged the members to participate.

Ashford recalled that "only two or three members could be counted on to visit" and that few seemed interested in inviting others (Ashford interview, 1989).

DACC never engaged in any special campaigns, such as Sunday school contests or special promotions, to increase their number. Growth was expected, but symbols which were known to produce growth were not created. Few of the Epistles reported attendance figures. New members were acknowledged but not headlined. There are no records of goal setting or participation in denominational attendance contests. DACC had a language of growth and even some rhetorical strategies, but it never became a symbol accepted or supported by the congregation.

The symbol system established during the Ashford years (1961-1969) centered around two major themes; the primary symbol was the building located at Emerald and Victor which indicated that a "church" was meeting. It was both an internal and external symbol of place. The second symbol was the social structure that was being maintained. This was an internal symbol which suggested an "us-them" relationship. Returning visitors could probably sense it; it was the false concept of "friendliness" described by Merold. How extensive it was is unknown. Since the congregation tended to be internally oriented, old friends from other congregations were accepted while others were probably overlooked.

The symbol system which centered around the established social order overpowered any symbols for outreach. 278

Ashford’s departure due to marital difficulties had an adverse affect on the congregation. I would speculate that his continuing on as minister in light of the awareness of his impending divorce and announced departure nearly a year before it happened created a symbol of mistrust and indecisiveness. It caused the congregation to drop from an average attendance of nearly 180 to below 140 during 1969. It was this symbol system on which Magnuson would be forced to establish his ministry.

Magnuson’s Rhetoric and Symbol System

Although the congregation had taken a downturn, Magnuson enjoyed a time of growth during the first few years of his ministry. Magnuson’s arrival sparked DACC. Growth occurred for the next five years; DACC established a reputation as a progressive and hopeful congregation in the midst of a county where declining churches were the norm. DACC was one of the few congregations in the county that was showing signs of vitality. An enabled symbol system focused on growth through youth and choirs.

In the early years of Magnuson’s tenure, DACC experienced increasing memberships, expanding attendance averages, and enlarging budgets. The staff grew from one full-time person to the full-time minister and two - four part-time persons. Growth was taking place but the reality and fantasy for growth lacked a zest for hard work.

Growth at DACC came from two major sources: first, many new members came from congregations in south Los Angeles closing their doors; second, new converts appeared to be young people (and their families) coming at the 279 invitation of the youth actively involved in the youth and choir program. Absent from growth were families coming as a result of an adult outreach program.

DACC appeared to be satisfied with their rate of growth, choosing not to develop a broader symbol system of increased numbers coming from the surrounding community. This has been shown as a problem of the congregation from the very beginning.

Magnuson came to DACC from several years as a "Youth Minister" and almost no experience in preaching. Though they had been advised that

Magnuson’s strength would not be his preaching (Norton interview, 1989), the winsome personalities of both Magnusons appeared to be the deciding factor in their selection. Further, their age fit the makeup of the community at that time.

Out of their background of youth and choir work, it was natural that the

Magnusons would base their symbol system on what they knew best. As was noted in Chapter V, Sue Magnuson was the vital symbol - what Bormann described as the "persona" - for this team. Chuck never attained the heroic image she enjoyed.

Under Magnuson’s leadership, the congregation built on four primary and inter-related symbols. The rhetoric of establishing a program on youth and music grew quickly. Within the first months, recruitment of choir members began.

Since they had arrived in the fall, they focused on the Christmas season. Though references in the Epistle are limited, there is at least one call for "volunteers who love to share their faith through music." The basic push was done during the announcement time. The rhetoric focused on the "ministry available through 280

singing God’s praises" (Magnuson interview, 1989). During the next two years,

additional choirs were added for the various groups. By the end of 1971, four

choirs symbolized the growth. On October 8, 1973, Magnuson sent a letter to the

Crenshaw Christian Church (which was closing) asking "if the Memorial handbells

are not promised, we would like to be considered, as we would certainly put them

to use with our four choir program that involves 100 people." Action by the board during this time included finances for new music, choir clothing, scenery,

lighting gear, and sound system. Additionally, the board was asked to grant permission for various choirs to perform in other churches. One set of minutes indicated that the choir was told to clarify "the host congregations’ position about dancing" since the leadership did not want people offended by the actions of Jr.

High choir (Board minutes, May, 1974). A bus was purchased to assist with the traveling.

Minutes from several months during 1972 - 1974 noted that additional workers in youth programs and Sunday school classes were needed. In

November, 1971, the board minutes indicated that a youth committee should be created; Dot Bird was selected as the "Youth Council Coordinator." By the middle of 1972 the leadership asked the congregation to make additional financial commitments to support the hiring of a youth minister. These important symbols suggested that the congregation was taking a high interest in youth.

Achieving the needed funds, Craig Wallace was hired (Board minutes, August,

1972). 281

Another important symbol for the congregation was the building. In 1972, a building committee was appointed. The board received reports and made plans for several different projects including work on the parking lot, buying property for additional parking, the purchase of adjacent property for the proposed "family life center," and the new sanctuary. When the estimates for the new sanctuary came in at over $300,000, the project was aborted. Every other plan seemed to be shelved at the some time. The September, 1973 board notes revealed that

"the architect’s bill as presented in letter of 9/13/73 billing to C. Magnuson with balance of $6241.40 be paid as soon as practicable." A second motion required that the architect be "notified of discontinuance of building program at this time,"

This vision was dead; however, the payment of the bill was a divisive issue for more than fifteen months. Though a smaller building program was undertaken in

1975, it required no visionary rhetoric.

The building remains an important symbol. The minutes from October,

1986 indicated that the "refurbishing committee" would oversee a remodeling of the building. The committee met with much resistance by spending $2800 for a decorator’s services. The board decided, however, that "the refurbishing committee should have exclusive authority over the refurbishing funds" and the

"right to maintain their own checking account" (March, 1989). The building itself is probably the most visible symbol of the congregation and the final vestige of a dying congregation.

I contended in my DACC saga that Sue Magnuson was the "persona" of the congregation during the early seventies. Though the place of "persona" is 282 usually assigned to the minister, Chuck’s symbolic power appeared limited. As the leader of the highly successful music program, she enjoyed much power. Her requests for monies for music, costumes, new programs (even "interpretative dance"), and paid musicians were all met (Board minutes, 1971 - 1975). Chuck

Magnuson was a part of the choirs, the bus driver, and symbolic leader, but Sue was the positive symbol. She attended many board meetings from 1970 - 1979 (a rare thing for a minister’s wife in our denomination) although always listed as a visitor. As she attended less often during the later years, her attendance was often associated with her requests. I have maintained that it was the denial of her request for a substantial raise (Board minutes, September, 1975) that saw the destruction of this major symbol.

The symbol system created out of the rhetorical visions between 1969 and

1975 consisted of the youth program, the choir program, Sue Magnuson, and the proposed building programs. Of lesser importance were the Christian Women’s

Fellowship, and Magnuson’s personal involvement in the Lion’s Club and the

Torrance Youth Athletics Club. However, as the realities of shrinking choir and youth programs, the inability to build the desired sanctuary, and the lessening involvement of Sue Magnuson took place, the rhetorical visions shifted from positive to negative. Magnuson’s preaching was secondary to music in worship.

By 1975, this weakness became a symbol of his inattentiveness to the church and his community involvement. Little by little, a fantasy theme of a church without the Magnusons was being created. These changing realities caused the enabling symbols to erode and the disabling system to set in. 283

The new symbol system was probably more nonverbal than verbal at first.

In 1976, six families left the congregation for other places. The October, 1976,

board minutes called for a congregational questionnaire to evaluate the minister’s

effectiveness. In part, the writer suggested that "many members believe that the

current minister’s effectiveness is questionable." He was becoming the symbol of

the slippage and the needed scapegoat. But the attitude was not directed at the minister alone. The elders were also blamed when no action followed. More members left.

Prior to 1976, only three meetings were cancelled for lack of a quorum.

By 1976, the minutes asserted that "board members were showing a lack of interest in meetings'* (November, 1976) and that no one seemed as interested in the work of the church. The disabling symbol system was suddenly suggesting that Magnuson was ineffective as a minister, the board was ineffective in dealing with him or any other problems within the congregation, that people were looking for new places to worship, and the church would continue to decline until something was done to stop the erosion.

Finally, two remaining symbols should be noted. It has been demonstrated that a part of the enabling symbol system of ECC was its hard work in evangelism. DACC never worked at evangelism. New members came more often from closing congregations (Annual reports, 1971- 1975) than from outreach. The only recruiters were among the junior high and high school young people. Outreach programs did little good. Consistently, board members were chided to join the visitation programs. Efforts lasted briefly, then died. One 284

notable example came in 1984 when the congregation joined in the community

wide "Project 84" program. Much money was spent sending out a professionally

printed newsletters to nearly 4000 neighborhood homes. Visits were planned.

The "Minister’s Reports" for the first four months of 1984 have notations like "all

of us must fulfill our responsibility to make our visits" (Minister’s Report,

February, 1984). The board minutes indicated constant confusion over visitation

cards and who was to do what. Though the program was designed to last through

Easter, DACC’s plan was to be a stepping stone to "new life." Mailings and visits

were to continue throughout 1984. However, no mention of the program is found

after April, 1984. The goal of ten new members fell ten short.

In 1989, the elders established another program in an effort to conserve

members. It lasted three months with no visits occurring. In September, 1989, a

member attending the board meeting again challenged their concern for

members. She maintained that ”1 was absent from the church for nearly four

months and no one called me or visited me" (Letter contained in board minutes,

September, 1989). As the interim minister, I have seen how this disabling symbol

system has discouraged more and more people, 1 have shared in their

melancholy and, in some cases, departure. Talk is of leaving, not staying.

Suggestions that "there is so little for us here" is heard from the few remaining young families. Though the Christian Women’s Fellowship and Prime Timers

groups are still active, all groups composed of younger families are defunct.

One last attempt to create an enabling symbol system was quickly killed.

When two of the young elders sponsored an effort to "strive to get things going 285

again," an older elder suggested that "their plan was not complete enough" and

that they needed to "have it completely developed before he would get involved

with it" (Board minutes, May, 1989). At the November, 1989, elder’s meeting, the

older elder wondered why it had not developed and "hoped that someone would

take the lead." He deferred from any action because he was "too old and had too

little energy to pursue such a program but would support them." However, in the

intervening month, one of the two young elders had moved and the second one

stalled since he and his family were also considering leaving (Personal notes and

observations, elder’s meeting, November, 1989).

Perhaps one of the most damning signs of a disabled system is its inability

to create any new fantasies which would enable the organization.

After building a congregation with positive rhetoric and symbol system for

the first fifteen years, DACC created a negative rhetoric of ineffectiveness and

discontent. The resulting symbol system has disabled the congregation to the point where it is struggling for its very existence. At this time, the leadership is seriously considering another merger to preserve what is left of its disabling social order communication saga. But my observations of the proposed merging congregation is that it also brings an equally disabling system and that a "miracle" would be needed to create the rhetorical visions and enabling symbol system to restore two dying churches. 286

Similarities and Differences BetweenECC and DACC

Since both congregations grew from the restoration movement begun in

the 19th century by Alexander Campbell, there are many similarities in their

rhetorics. However, the outcomes are diametrically opposed in terms of both

reality and created reality.

Similarities

Both ECC and DACC have similar roots and theological conviction based

in their heritage. As pointed out in the historical portion of the this paper (See

Chapter II), the restoration movement came to California during the gold rush days. As Los Angeles and Orange Counties grew in the 1800’s and 1900’s, several congregations were established in both counties. ECC and DACC were established as a part of the growth taking place in the late 1950’s. Though each had a different reason for beginning, both had similar beginnings with an established nucleus of people led by an established and well respected minister.

Each had members coming from other congregations and each began in rented quarters.

Both congregations began with the basic fantasy of reaching their neighborhoods. Both also immediately created a fantasy theme of building appropriate structures for worship and church related activities. Both possessed the same rhetorical scenario of "winning the lost” and "building God’s church."

These are highly generalized symbols.

Both congregations accepted the key rhetorical components established by the Christian Churches. Initiation rites required that candidates be adults, be 287 willing to state their faith, confess their belief in Jesus as the son of God, repent of their sins, and be baptized by immersion. Both accepted members on their statements of faith and an immersion performed by another church. Both congregations were non-denominational and believed in local autonomy; governing boards consisted of democratically elected elders and deacons. Both congregations chose and supported their own minister(s) and missionary enterprises. Both participated in the North American Christian Convention and received most of their literature from the Standard Publishing Company of

Cincinnati, Ohio. Both congregations propagated their Biblical orthodoxy.

ECC has had two primary rhetors (preachers) in its history: Dornette and

Merold. DACC has been ministered to by Ashford and Magnuson. Although I am currently serving as DACC’s minister, I am the part-time interim. Thus, for all intents, both congregations have been served by only two ministers. The congregations are nearly equal in number of years of service.

Finally, both congregations have created fantasy themes, rhetorical visions, and congregational sagas that nearly perfectly reflected their on-going realities.

ECC’s expectancy saga and its accompanying symbol system have caused that congregation to expand over the years. The saga and symbol system of a society attempting to preserve itself has guided DACC. Each lives out its saga in its daily existence, positively or negatively. 288

Differences

But just as there are numerous similarities, there are an important number of differences which have proved significant in more than just the enabling and/or disabling power of the groups.

The most obvious of the differences relates to the ultimate and current outcomes of the congregations. ECC currently has a membership of nearly 5000 and an average worship attendance of nearly 2400 in six different worship services. DACC has a membership of less than 100 and averages about 60 in its one worship time. ECC has consistently had 300 - 400 new members join their congregation in the past few years while DACC has experienced about 100 new members in the past decade. This also means the differences in budgets, staff, programs, volunteer hours, building size, and debt load.

Further, the congregations created and expressed self-images in symbol systems that have been diametrically opposed. ECC verbalizes itself as "A busy church . . . Always serving." Its attitude sustained their rhetorical visions which attracted new people by the diversity of their programs; they continually detailed their outstanding music, the quality of preaching, and the momentum that was appropriate to the growth that is experienced. DACC’s negative rhetoric is of

"who will leave next" and "how are we going to survive," tell of years of decline, an inability to attract new people (including a new minister), a music and youth program that "used to be," and the suggested merge with another congregation to survive. 289

Symbol systems about attitudes towards leadership reflected the positive and negative self-concepts. ECC rhetoric communicated a strong commitment to both its lay and professional leadership. Merold has been esteemed as the "chief executive officer" in charge of the staff and the day to day operations of the church. He has been allowed to select and has surrounded himself with competent lieutenants carrying on the mission and purpose of the congregation both in his presence and his absence. The lay leaders were highly respected members who were usually leaders in their community as well. Several are doctors, lawyers, educators, and business leaders. It is a symbol through which the people report, "We trust our ministers and elders" (Eastside survey, 1989).

The DACC minister has been considered the CEO, but the negative rhetoric has suggested that "Magnuson was not qualified for the position" and "We need a new man to get back on our feet." Though charged with day-to-day operations,

Magnuson was never fully vested with the appropriate authority to do the task.

Ironically, he was given access to the checkbook. Staff selections made by the elders and mandated minutely detailed monthly "Minister’s Reports" suggested that the staff was untrustworthy. The lay leadership has not been held in high esteem and generally viewed as "unavailable when needed" and unconcerned.

Whereas the role of elder at ECC has been viewed as an honor to be earned, the role of elder at DACC has been regarded as a duty for which men must be recruited.

But the two greatest differences came in the areas of beginnings and continuations. In their beginnings, the congregations arose from vastly difference 290 circumstances which appear to have influenced their futures. ECC was started as a result of the perceived theological liberalism of Fullerton First Christian

Church. The departure of ECC’s founders was quickly linked to a rhetoric

"asserting their intentions to remain true to the Bible." This early fantasy type has permeated ECC’s existence and life. The ECC founders focused on

"protecting the truth of the Bible." DACC founders appeared to have instituted a church to protect their social order. Though I am hard pressed to show specific rhetorical content other than the nonverbal messages demonstrated in Chapter V, the idea of the "pancake house gang" and "prime timers" suggest sociability. The question of Biblical truth has never been an issue; they believed they possessed it.

But with the encroachment of the minorities into the south Los Angeles neighborhoods, it was the church property and the rhetoric of place which were in jeopardy.

Second, the two congregations appeared to differ significantly on their willingness to reach out actively evangelistically into their neighborhoods. From the beginning, ECC was enabled by a rhetoric of outreach. The earliest Sunday school teachers were charged with "finding students to fill their classes."

Members were admonished to "bring friends and neighbors." Visitation was a high priority for many ECC founders. They had a message that not only needed to be protected but needed to be shared. From the beginning, members have made visits on recent new attendees. In the expectancy saga, this was the breeding ground of the decision assumption. Both Dornette and Merold preached "Christian must share their faith;" the people have responded well 291 through most of their history. DACC never appeared to have such an outreach mentality. The symbols were always shared, but no one acted upon them. As has been noted earlier, the people waited on others to do the work. The lay leaders assigned the task to the minister; the minister slowly lost interest because he received no help. Since they already believed they possessed the truth, they did not feel constrained to defend it before others or spread it to their neighbors.

And with other congregations closing around them, growth at DACC was a built- in benefit.

The combination of these factors can be transformed into a scenario which perhaps best explains both the organizational sagas and the outcomes of the two congregations. ECC was born with a determination to create a rhetorical vision centered on the Bible. It was taken seriously at every juncture. It became the heart of the congregation as it was activated around some of its most significant fantasies -- evangelism, teaching, stewardship, service, and sacrifice for the good of the church. Though ECC remains a largely white, middle to upper-middle class congregation, it is clearly a replication of the neighborhood surrounding it.

DACC was born with a determination to rebuild itself in a protected environment where those unlike themselves could be held at arm’s length.

Though they are now located in what is rapidly becoming an Oriental community, they have not attempted to reach out to them. Though they could arguably say that they do rent their building to a Chinese congregation, there have been almost no attempts at working or worshipping together. The Chinese Christians are viewed more as tenants than brothers and sisters in Jesus. The new residents 292

in the area, however, are Japanese, not Chinese. DACC has not taken on the identity of its surrounding community or fulfilled its fantasy to evangelize it.

Further, the willingness to move from one congregation to another in the midst of problems has been a part of the nonverbal rhetoric of DACC’s struggle.

I discovered that former members preferred to move on rather than stay. It does not appear to be stretching the issue to suggest that the willingness of so many to leave their former congregations and drive several miles for worship did not change when the going got rough. Though more people leave ECC in a year than attend DACC, the turnover is less noticeable since the size of the congregation has been maintained.

These basic differences have resulted in the great demarcation between the two organizational sagas. ECC’s culture of expectancy has created a people- based rhetoric; DACC’s culture of societal protection has generated a property and buildings rhetoric. Though I would not contend that ECC has been unconcerned about its physical plant and believe it has created a fantasy type around buildings, it has never been the primary symbol under Merold’s leadership. Announcements of most plans appear to have been in a matter-of- fact manner and erected for the purpose of "creating new programs for people."

DACC has created a rhetoric, though unintentionally, highlighting buildings and maintaining properties and ignoring people and programs. Board discussions have dealt with property issues in 80 - 90% of their business motions since 1976 (Review of board minutes between 1976 - 1988). Since the DACC properties represent the social order of the congregation, this symbol system 293

demonstrates the highest priority. People will readily come to work on the

building but will not work at evangelism or programs with the same intensity.

ECC has never had enough room and has always had to make their buildings do

more than they were designed to do. The more pressing issue is whether and how continued growth can take place on the limited acreage. Symbolically

DACC’s empty structure is something of a paradox; it is the congregation’s focal point, but remains empty and unused except for a few hours each week. ECC is a beehive of activity. One can find activities from 8:00 a.m. until 9:00 p.m. daily.

Whereas ECC must constantly remodel because of wear, DACC is remodeling because the building is showing the evidence of old age.

All of these factors continue to be maintained through the organizational sagas. ECC continually anticipates the next exciting turn of events; DACC holds on to their past and waits for the present order simply to fade away or be merged into a new social order.

Other Factors Impacting the Enabled and

Disabled Congregations

ECC was one of the first congregations among Christian Churches which utilized the church growth principles. At least two members of the congregation,

John Schmidt and Medford Jones, had done extensive studies at Fuller

Theological Seminary. Jones, President of Pacific Christian College during the

70’s, taught church growth at Emmanuel School of Religion, Johnson City,

Tennessee. He was the force behind the creation of the Graduate School of 294

Church Growth Dynamics, a part of PCC. Schmidt used ECC as the subject for a

paper he wrote for his church growth classes at Fuller (1975)* Consequently,

Merold and his staff enjoy expert help in implementing church growth principles.

Merold is now recognized as an authority himself, both in the principles and practices of church growth. His videotape series (1985) has enjoyed wide distribution. DACC, on the other hand, has never shown an awareness of these findings. Almost without exception, they represented the opposite characteristics.

Their inattention to the principles may have been a significant factor in their short lived growth.

Church Growth Principles

It is now appropriate to turn attention to the principles of church growth as a causal factor.

The first principle is growing churches are marked by strong leadership.

Leaders are generally viewed as forward thinking, visionary, risk takers, willing to lead by service and example. Merold and his staff have provided the ingenuity for innovative programs. Lay leadership has been unafraid to take risks with staff proposals. Utilizing such cliches as "challenges are simply opportunities," they have moved out in hiring staff, establishing stewardship and building campaigns, trying unused and untested programs in a desire to see growth happen. "We will not let this property keep us from growing" has been the second most repeated phrase* Conversely, DACC’s leadership moved with caution. In the first building campaign, most monies were available from the sale of former properties. The second and third campaigns were not undertaken until underwritten. The 295

unwillingness to take the risks kept the church from building their new sanctuary,

parking lot, and family life center. While ECC leaders have shown the strength

of risk taking, DACC leaders have not. The most intriguing question about

leadership centers on the ministers. From all appearances, I would conclude that

Domette and Merold comprised a more dynamic leadership tandem than did

Ashford and Magnuson. Would the congregations, especially DACC, have experienced a different outcome had the leaders served the others’ church?

The second principle, growing churches were marked by high visibility in their communities, also distinguishes the two congregations, ECC is visible in the media. Merold is heard daily on a local radio station. Othersuch programs have been used. ECC people have maintained an active participation in the Salvation

Army Christmas collection as bell ringers. ECC has participated in area wide rallies like the Billy Graham crusade. Members of ECC are well placed within the business of the community; there are doctors, dentists, lawyers, realtors, bankers, educators, and other key business leaders in the community. They serve on community boards and in political posts. One family was honored on a national television program because they assisted the mother of a child nearly burned to death by his father. Community leaders confirmed their awareness of

ECC and its programs. They expressed particular appreciation for ECCs prison ministry and support for the homeless.

Among DACC members, the most visible person in the community was

Magnuson, noted for his work with the Lion’s Club. This activity was deemed

"too time consuming." Though one member was fairly well known because of 296

political connections in the area around his former congregation, his visibility in

Torrance has been minimal. Visits with key leaders in the Torrance area failed

to produce persons with more than a passing knowledge of the congregation; this

was limited to "a building located near the library" and/or a knowledge of

M agnuson.

Growing congregations have active lay involvement. ECC has worked

diligently to involve people quickly into the overall program of the congregation.

As described above, the Ministry Connexion is one of the latest efforts to put

volunteers to work. Many are involved in choirs, teaching programs, and nursery

work. DACC did well in this area early on, but in recent days, there has been a

dearth of willing workers. Generally one hears such comments as "if no one else

will do it, I guess I will." The image now is that the few people who will do

anything will become so overloaded that they will burn out. It is built on a firm

reality.

This paper has made much explanation about the priority of evangelism

(Principle 4). Again, ECC has expected the congregation to evangelize while

DACC has never undertaken a successful evangelism program.

Principles six and nine both addressed the issue of planning; growing

churches plan for growth with positive purposes and goals. ECC has always had carefully prepared short and long range plans and set goals each year.

Campaigns and special programs have marked their ministry from the beginning.

Even as the congregation has surpassed parking and seating capacity, they have pushed for ever higher numerical goals and expected them to be reached. In 297 contrast, DACC has infrequently made short or long range plans, preferring to operate on the moment or "by the seat of the pants" (Norton interview, 1989).

Few goals have ever been established beyond the completion of the buildings.

Though I suggested that the congregation plan special events around their recent thirtieth anniversary, nothing was done. ECC celebrated their twenty-fifth anniversary with year- long events, culminating in a huge banquet and celebration. They produced a symbolic slide presentation and memorial anniversary book.

Finally, the one additional principle noted in this final chapter referred to being in "the right place at the right time." An enabling power to the alert congregation is its ability to build its membership at the same time the surrounding community is growing. As was noted above, Torrance exploded in the 1950’s, while the congregation was not established until 1960. ECC was established during the peak of the growth of Fullerton and its surrounding communities. When Merold arrived in Fullerton, his home was separated from the church property by orange groves and he traveled to the building by two lane roads. Today, Merold passes no orange groves, lives in a densely populated neighborhood, and must travel on four and six lane roads to get to the building.

His home is separated from the building by a major freeway and several apartment complexes. The present battle for ECC is to maintain its growth in what has become a non-growing, even declining, neighborhood. Although located near West High School, DACC never cracked into its neighborhood in a significant manner. Though there are families nearby, they are a small minority 298

of the population. Now as the area is becoming more Oriental and the members

nearby are well into their twilight years, the possibility of reaching the

neighborhood is greatly weakened. DACC seemed to arrive about five or ten

years too late; but more significantly, they never affected a penetration into their

neighborhood.

The Significance of Fantasy Theme Analysis.in

Church Growth Study

When I raised the original question of what can be learned about church

growth from the viewpoint of a rhetorical study, I chose fantasy theme analysis

because it seemed to blend into two church growth principles. The first is that

growing congregations are marked by good communication. Second, growing

congregation possess and present positive images of themselves to their

constituents and their communities. Both of these fit well into symbolic

convergence theory since Bormann maintains that organizations with enabling

symbol systems will be living. Viability is linked to both good communication and

the ability to create, raise, and sustain a positive consciousness. By combining the

two fields of study, I have reached the following conclusions.

1. Like all organizations, churches create organizational sagas. These result in communication cultures. They are supported by the rhetorical claims that they make for themselves in what has been termed the "symbol system."

These symbols form the communication to both internal and external audiences. 299

This is the means by which I determined that symbolic convergence had taken

place at both ECC and DACC.

2. Congregations have certain realities on which created messages are

based. Though in the early stages of their existences the realities were evolving,

the created fantasies, rhetorical visions, and symbol systems greatly influenced

their self-images. It appears that reality creates the rhetorically based symbolic

system, but once in place, the rhetoric generates additional realties, which in turn

emables, empowers, enlarges, or modifies the symbol system, and on and on.

Rhetorical adaptations are both based in reality and created perceptions.

3. The sagas and cultures of the congregation will serve as the means by

which new people are introduced into the congregation. If that rhetoric is

positive, new congregants will tend to be positive; if negative, the same. Thus a

continuum will develop and, in all likelihood, will eventually control the mind and

direction of the collective. Negative symbol systems may, however, simply keep

people from joining.

4. The leadership will probably use its political strength to maintain

control of the congregation using the sagas and cultures. The created symbol

system become a dominant power for leaders. Consequently, if the sagas and

cultures become energies which are disabling, leaders can disable and probably

kill the congregation by their control of the symbols. If leaders are managing an

enabling symbol system, they should produce growth and health.

5. Symbol systems will contain nonverbal components which play a significant part in the sagas. ECC has always been pressed for space, had 300 enthusiasm for its expanding programs, and overt friendliness - verbal and nonverbal. Since the decline began in 1976, the nonverbals at DACC have included people departing to new places, empty buildings, and diminishing programs. There is little enthusiasm.

6. Though an organization can move from an enabling to disabling symbol system with relative ease, the reserve process will be much harder. Once the disabling symbol system has been established, it easily turns itself into more disabling symbols.

7. The congregation’s symbol system will be a factor in its long term effectiveness. Bormann suggested that the rhetorical consciousness of any group can be created and raised with reasonable ease but that it is difficult to sustain over a long period of time. DACC, according to church growth findings, is the more typical of the normal pattern of growth shown in Chapter III. ECC has rebuilt its fantasies and visions successfully.

8. DACC was caught in a "seductive" growth pattern in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s. The growth that was experienced during this increase came from closing congregations rather than evangelism. Though both DACC and ECC benefitted from new people coming from other parts of the country, ECC’s growth was clearly an outreach to people from other denominations or without church backgrounds. Nearly 40% of the people who responded to the ECC survey indicated a non-Christian Church background. DACC’s growth came more from the south Los Angeles churches than any other place (DACC Survey results,

1989). When the members of the defunct churches were finally settled, DACC 301 growth stopped. And when the decline began, these were the first people to move on.

9. The final conclusion is perhaps not as certain as those already listed but is deeply disturbing to me. After nearly twenty-five years in church work and more as a minister’s son, I have learned that one of, if not the most, prevalent symbols in evangelical Christendom centers on buildings and debt. For years, it has been suggested that the growing churches are in debt, i. e., they are in debt because of the new structures signifying their growth. When a congregation is not engaged in a building program and not in debt from a building program, it is a sign of death. If one were to test that against DACC, it would appear to be a safe conclusion. Though DACC appeared to be a disabled congregation prior to wiping out its debt in 1984, I have contended that their failure to risk the major building expansion was a major factor in their impending demise.

What is even more critical faces ECC. After years of expanding their ministry, including the erection of several major and minor structures, this congregation has reached a point where building prospects are limited. Knowing that they are severely hampered by their space limitations, Merold has continually said that "property will not keep the congregation from growing." This was said as recently as mid-September as a special stewardship newsletter again made this claim (September 15, 1989). Linder Merold’s by-line, it was announced that the congregation would not be stopped in its growth by the limitations of property and that people should be in prayer about the adjoining land now owned by a

CSUF fraternity. But as has been shown in the growth charts in Chapter II, 302 growth has flattened out in the past few years. The question that can be raised, but not answered definitively is, "How important is a building program to the growth of ECC or any congregation?" Within the primary symbol of the

American church, the reality may be more damaging than one would hope or desire.

Epilogue

Church Growth from the Perspective of a Rhetorical Study

Perhaps the most significant finding of this study centers on the cyclical effect which transpires when an enabled congregation creates a positive self- image and symbol system. This cycle includes all components of symbolic convergence theory from the fantasies to the organizational saga and its symbol system. Once the symbol system is created, it positively reinforces the congregation so that it feeds on itself to enhance the realities of growth even more positively. The realities produced an enabled symbol system further generating growth which reinforces the reality even further. Though I would not call this a self-fulfilling prophecy, it has many similarities. A congregation must have more than a rhetorically constructed saga to produce the advance, it must also be realistic about paying the price to make it happen. Repeated often enough, the realities and fantasies blend in such a way that they are carried by the momentum. Further, reality and symbolism become nearly inseparable. This is E C C ’s story. 303

Conversely, the disabled congregation builds a symbol system of defeat and further disables itself as it believes its rhetoric. Thus as it declines, it creates an ever more destructive symbol system; finally, it cannot recover. This is DACC’s story.

The still unanswered question for ECC centers on its ability to pursue its vision of unstoppability in light of its now limited space. Can Merold’s "our property will not destroy our growth” symbol carry the congregation forward?

Will the implementation of satellite congregations produce the desired results?

Can lesser building programs and remodeling programs carry the congregation as effectively as major programs? Merold is sixty-three years old and though he has no plans of retiring in the near future, his time and effectiveness are limited.

Will his replacement be able to carry the banner as well as he? Will new and replacement staff be as effective as present staff? Church growth principles suggest that ECC has reached a "middle age status;" it is becoming a congregation at risk.

Potential Teaching Values from the Research

Having raised the question, "What teaching values can be learned?," I must now attempt to address the critical question. The teaching values were generated by combining the principle of the positive self-image from the many church growth tenets (Chapter III) with the symbolic convergence and communication theories (Chapter IV). I believe four principles stand out as most important.

1. The most valuable lesson suggests that enabled churches’ symbol systems communicate positive self-images. Though congregations have grown without the 304

knowledge of the self-image principle and others have probably grown in spite of violating the concept, most growing congregations have knowingly or unknowingly maintained a high self-esteem. This can be demonstrated by defining the rhetoric of an enabling organizational saga and communication culture. ECC’s continual positive self-image has allowed it to create an enabling symbol system, sustaining it long after the rhetorically created and raised earlier fantasies and visions had diminished. DACC was enabled as long as it possessed a positive self-image and an enabling symbol system, but was disabled quickly once the negative self- concept toward sour.

2. The second teaching value was the validity and value of discovering the congregation’s symbol system. Coming to grips with the potential effects of that symbol system of the enabled or disabled congregation cannot be minimized.

Though Bormann’s symbolic convergence theory and fantasy theme analysis methodology has proven beneficial to this research and would be highly recommended for other such projects, the more important factor would be determining whether the organizationally created saga and communication culture are enabling or disabling. Here Packanowsky’s sue rules (1988) are helpful. They include:

1. Distribute power and opportunity widely

2. Maintain a full, open, and decentralized communication system

3. Use integrative problem solving

4. Practice challenge in an environment of trust 305

5. Reward and recognize people so as to encourage a high-

performance ethic and self-responsibility

6. Become wise by living through, and learning from, organizational

ambiguity, inconsistency, contradiction, and paradox.

Though I agree with Bormann’s observation that the rules are not fully tested and would also add that different organizations might be empowered differently than the Gore Corporation, they are still important to the research of an organization’s communication culture. They provide a touchstone on which future studies can be measured.

3. The third lesson is contained in the symbol systems themselves. In the church, one of the lessons focuses on the importance we have placed on our building and building projects as a measure of success and/or failure. Though I am not suggesting that church should not have building programs or own property, I am convinced this has been too great of a symbol of success. If, in fact, a part of the negative turn at DACC was related to the inability to create the vision for the new auditorium, and that one of the great fears of ECC is their lack of building space, it symbolizes for both a clear linkage to success and expansion of facilities. As noted from my unscientific observations, this image has been propagated by many denominations in their training programs. Church growth writers have maintained that buildings and facilities are vital (See Chapter

III).

4. The last lesson is generated from the third. Congregations must create symbol systems focusing on people, programs, and service more than on buildings 306 and grounds. This will be especially true in areas like southern California and major metropolitan areas where the cost and availability of land could force new congregations to begin and remain in warehouses or other rented quarters for many years. Even a long term fantasy or rhetorical vision of "our own place of worship" may be too much. Consequently, new fantasies and rhetorical visions must be created to build the enabling self-concept that can propel a congregation.

Though some areas of the country may enjoy the luxury of an expensive vision of buildings and parking lots, the cost of such may need to be reduced to the point where world evangelism can become a more realistic and vital symbol than "our own place of worship."

For older congregations, the discovery of their symbol system may be a turning point leading them from death to life. Or, as at DACC, it may simply be a confirmation of an impending demise. The rhetorical analysis does not offer any better picture for them than does a church growth study. In cases like ECC, the lessons may suggest refocusing their visions before it is too late. Merold is attempting to create a vision of growth through the creation of the satellite churches. At question is whether the fantasy of ever increasing buildings and grounds can be diminished to the point where a new rhetorical vision can overtake it. The "we will not let this property keep us from growing" rhetoric will be put to its greatest test during this present fantasy. Only time will judge.

For newer congregations, the lesson will be that discussed above: the ability to create and sustain an enabling symbol system sans the rhetoric and fantasy of building a permanent place of worship. This will be an unbelievably 307 difficult challenge in a culture that has maintained the symbolism of the water tower, the grain elevator, the school building, and the church spire as the sign of a community. But all that has changed. High rises and sky scrapers are taller than grain elevators and water towers; schools have consolidated to produce better education; few churches build spires. The image of church must become more focused on service and people rather than on buildings and grounds. New congregations, especially in urban areas, must learn this lesson and create their symbol systems around such fantasies and dreams that will enable them without the old image. The lesson from DACC is clear; a building does not a congregation make.

The teaching value for the rhetorical community focuses on the usefulness of symbolic convergence theory more than on any major discoveries. As usual, the detractors can clearly say that I could have found the same data and reached quite similar conclusions with another methodology. That point is not argued.

The fact remains that fantasy theme analysis has helped produce the symbol systems behind the congregations’ organizational saga and communication culture.

It has also proved helpful in showing that the church growth principle regarding the need for a positive projection of congregational self-image is highly important to the growth (and or demise) of a congregation. Ultimately, I have demonstrated that these two congregations have used certain realities to create their fantasy themes, rhetorical visions, and organizational sagas. These have produced the symbol systems. This principle seems to apply further than just churches and other volunteer organizations. The lesson of the enabling and 308

disabling power of rhetorically created and expressed symbol systems must be

soundly proclaimed.

Suggestions for Further Research

No qualitative research ever reaches a level of absoluteness; however, the

effort should focus on the highest level of reliability obtainable. This research

has attempted that. It is not, obviously, the final word in either the support of symbolic convergence theory or principles of church growth. It has for the first time attempted to blend the two heuristic devices into a single project.

Consequently, the first suggestion for further research centers on additional projects with churches of the same and different sizes, locations, denominations, etc., to locate new details and either support or disprove the conclusions of this project. Perhaps the first such project should focus on a "stagnant" congregation, one that has remained at the same number for an extended period of time. The question might focus on the principle that congregations are either growing or declining. What would be discovered about enabling/disabling symbol system in a congregation which has remained the same size for five to ten years?

Two, the testing of the specific rules for an empowering organization set forth by Packanowsky could prove to be a beneficial study. Though 1 was unable to obtain the desired details of methodology from Packanowsky, there appears to be enough similarity to ethnological methodologies to make such a test possible.

Again, a variety of congregations could be studied and one could propose alternate rules as a means of controlled testing. 309

Finally, the tracking of the same congregations, but especially ECC, over a long period of time as an occasional participant observer might prove beneficial.

Here I would consider such factors as the ultimate departure of Merold and other members of his staff, the changing leadership, the problems relating to overuse of the building, the changing society, the complete development of all available land, and related matters. Since history has shown that congregations go through certain life cycles and ECC is generally considered to be at its peak, how can the congregation continue its positive saga and enabling symbolic system to prevent the predicted downfall.

Like all research, there is a beginning and an end. For me, this is the completion of a phase. Located so near ECC and continuing my ministry to the

DACC for a few more months, will give me the opportunity to track their stories.

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Bormann, E. G. (1985a). The Force of fantasy: Restoring the American Dream. Carbondale: The Southern Illinois University Press.

Bormann, E. G. (1985b). Symbolic convergence theory: A communication formulation. Journal of Communication. 25, 128-138.

Bormann, E. G. (1988). "Empowering" as a heuristic concept in organizational communication. In J. A. Anderson (Ed.), Communication yearbook. H (pp. 391-404). Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

Bormann, E. G., Howell, W. S., & Shapiro, G. L. (1982). Interpersonal communication in the modern organization (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.

Bormann, E. G., Koester, J. & Bennett, J. (1978). Political cartoons and salient rhetorical fantasies: An empirical analysis of the ’76 campaign. Communication Monographs. 45. 317-329.

Bormann, E, G., Kroll, B. S., Watters, K., & McFarland, D. (1984). Theoritical visions of committed voters: Fantasy theme analysis of a large sample survey. Critical Studies in Mass Communications. 1, 287-310. Bormann, E. G., Olson, G., Percy, M. B., & Tremaine, R. (1985). A fantasy theme analysis of the Growe-Boschwitz senatorial campaign in the Minnesota state election of 1984. Speech Association of Minnesota Journal.12, 39-60.

Brown, W. R. (1983). Toward a complementary version of rhetorical-vision theory. Unpublished paper.

Cherwitz, R. A. (1980). The contributory effect of rhetorical discourse: A study of language-in-use. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 66, 35-50. 324

Cherwitz, R. A., & Hikins, J. W. (1986). Communication and knowledge: An investigation in Rhetorical Epistomology. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.

Chesebro, J. W., Cragan, J. F., & McCullough, P. W. (1973). The small group technique of the radical revolutionary: A synthetic study of Consciousness raising. Speech Monographs. 4Q, 136-146.

Cragan, J. F. (1972). The cold war rhetorical vision. 1964-1972. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

Cragan, J. F. (1975). Rhetorical strategy: A dramatistic interpretation and application. Central States Speech Journal. 26. 4-11.

Cragan, J. F., & Shields, D. C. (eds.). (1981). Applied communication research: A dramatistic approach. Prospect Height, IL: Waveland Press.

Cragan, J. F., & Shields, D. C. Foreign policy communication drama: How mediated rhetoric played in Peoria in Campaign ’76. Quarterly Journal of Speech. 62, 274-289.

Cronen, V. E., & Pearch, W. B. The logic of the coordinated management: An open model of interpersonal communication. Paper presented at the International Communication Assoication Convention, 1978.

Cuber, J. F., & Haroff, P. B. (1986). Five types of marriage. In A. S. Skolnick & J. H. Skolnick (Eds.), Rethinking marriage, sexuality, child rearing, and family organization (5th ed.). Boston: Little, Brown and Company.

Dandridge, T., Mitroff, I., & Joyce, W. (1980). Organizational symbolism. Academy of Management Review. 5, 112-116.

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Deal, T. E., & Kennedy, A. A. (1982). Corporate culture: The rites and rituals of corporate life. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Deetz, S. (1982). Critical interpretive research in organizational communication. Western Journal of Speech Communication. 46.

Dodd, C. H. (1950). The apostolic preaching. New York: Harper & Brothers.

Dotlich, D. L. (1981). Worlds apart: Perceptions of opposite sex managers in three modern organizations. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota. 325

Doyle, M. V. (1985). The rhetoric of romance: A fantasy theme analysis of Barbara Cartland novels. Southern Speech Communication Journal. SI, 24-48.

Eyo, B. A. (1985). Quality circles, involvement teams, and participative management in the modern business culture: A study of the rhetorical visions of line-unit managers, employees, and facilitators. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

Fisher, B. A. (1978). Perspectives on human communication. New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., Inc.

Forace, R. V., Monge, P. R., & Russel, H. (1977). Communication and organizing. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Frost, P. J., et al. (Ed.). (1985). Organizational Culture. Beverly Hills: Sage Publishing.

Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Gioia, D. A. (1986). Cognitive-behavior connection: Attributes and verbal behavior in leader-subordinate interaction. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes. 37. 197-229.

Golden, J. L., Berquist, G. F., & Coleman, W. E. (1983). The rhetoric of western thought (3rd ed.). Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co.

Goldhaber, G. M. (1983). Organizational Communication (3rd ed.). Dubuque: Wm C. Brown Company Publishers.

Gronbeck, B. E. (1980). Dramaturgical theory and criticism: The state of the art (or science?). The Western Journal of Speech Communication. 44, 315- 330.

Hart, R. P. (1978). Beyond method: Reflections on visions, fantasies, and things that go bump in the night. Unpublished paper presented at the Speech Communication Association.

Hawes, L. C. (1974). Social collectives as communication: Perspectives on Organizational Behavior. Quarterly Journal of Speech. £Q. 326

Heisey, R.( & Trebing, J. D. (1983). A comparison of rhetorical visions and strategies of the Shah’s white revolution and the Ayatollah’s Islamic revolution. Communication Monograhs.5Q.

Hensley, C. W. (1972). The rhetorical vision of the Disciples of Christ: A rhetorical analysis of American millenialism. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

Hensley, C. W. (1975). Rhetorical vision and persuasions of a historical movement: The Disciples of Christ in Nineteenth Century American Culture. Quarterly Journal of Speech. 56, 250-264.

Hikins, J. W. (1989). Realism and its implications for rhetorical theory. Unpublished Manuscript.

Jablin, F. M. (1980). Organizational communication theory and research: An overview of communication climate and network research. In D. Nimmo (Ed.), Communication yearbook. 4. New Brunswick, NJ: ICA/Transaction Book.

Jablin, F. M. (1982). Organizational communication: An assimilation approach. In M. Roloff & C. Berger (Eds.), Social cognition and communication. Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

Jablin, F. M., Putnam, L. L., Roberts, K. H., & Porter, L. W. (1988). Handbook of organizational communication: An interdisciplinary perspective. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Karp, D. A. (1980). Observing behavior in public places: Problems and strategies. In W. B. Shaffir, R. A. Stebbins, & A. Turowetz (Eds.), Fieldwork experience: Qualitative approaches to social research, (pp. 82- 96). New York: St. Martin's Press.

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Koester, J. (1982). The Machiavellian princess: rhetorical drama for women managers. Communication Quarterly. 2Q, 165-172.

Koval-Jarboe, P. (1986). An analysis of organizational culture during change. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

Kroll, B. (1981). Rhetoric and organizing: The twin cities’ women's movement 1969-1976. Unpublihsed doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota.

Kroll, B. (1983). From small group to public view: Mainstreaming the women’s movement. Communication Quarterly. 51, 139-147. 327

Krone, K. J., Jablin, F. M., & Putnam, L. L. (1987). Communication theory and organizational communication: multiple perspectives. In M. L. McLaughlin (Ed.), Communication yearbook. IQ (pp. 18-40). Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

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Pacanowsky, M. E. (1983b). A small-town cop: Communication in, out, and about a crisis. In L. L. Putnam & M. E. Pacanowsky (Eds.), Communication and organizations: An interpretative approach (pp. 261- 282). Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.

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Interviews, audio-tapes, and video-tapes

Andrew, R. (1989). Interview.

Ashford, L. (1989). Telephone interview.

Benedict, D. (1989). Interview.

Boon, R. (1989). Interview.

Brookover, Don. (1989). Interview.

Charnell, L., & J. (1989). Interview. 330

Christie, L. (1989). Interview.

Cloer, R. (1989). Interview.

Dickey, D. (1989). Interview.

Domette, R. M. (1989). Interview conducted in two sessions.

Fox, S. (1989). Interview.

Geringer, R. (1989). Interview.

Hassoldt, A., & E. (1989). Interview conducted in two sessions.

Hollis, M. (1989). Interview conducted in three sessions.

Lozano, R. (1989). Interview.

Magnuson, C., & S. (1989). Interview.

Merold, B. (1988-1989). Interview conducted in eleven sesions.

Merold, L. (1989). Interview.

Merold, P. (1989). Interview.

Neuwanschander, T, (1989). Interview.

Nichols, T. (1989). Interview.

Norton, D., & E. (1989). Interview.

Purdom, H. (1989). Interview.

Ragland, L. (1989). Interview.

Rankin, N. (1989). Interview.

Robson, R. (1989). Interview conducted in six sessions.

Schoen, D. (1989). Interview. Van Geloff, A. (1989). Interview.

Welch, S. (1989). Interview.

Worsham, R. (1989). Interview. 331

Woods, W. (1989). Interview.

Focus interviews conducted with the following groups:

Members of the Ministry Connexion

Clerical staff of Eastside Christian Church

Selected elders of Eastside Christian Church

Ministerial staff of Eastside Christian Church

Audio-tapes of sermons associated with the Positive Past -

Fantastic Future Campaign, August - November, 1985.

Selected audio-tapes of Merold’s sermons, 1965 - 1989.

Video-tape of Merold’s twentieth-anniversary celebration, March, 1989.

Minutes of board meetings, Del Amo Christian Church, 1960- 1 1989.

Minutes of board meetings, Eastside Chrsitian Church, 1962- 1989.

Annual reports of Del Amo Christian Church, 1961-1988.

Annual reports of Eastside Christian Church, 1962-1989.