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LESOTHO Maseru

Copyright © 1984 by the African-American Institute, Inc. AMERICA'S MARCH-APRIL 1990 LEADING MAGAZINE VOLUME 35, NUMBER 1 ON AFRICA

A Publication of the RT African-American Institute

The : A Hero's Welcome 4 African-American Institute Update 5 Chairman Maurice Tempelsman Editor: Daphne Topouzis President Vivian Lowery Derryck De Klerk's Rubicon 13 Publisher By Patrick Laurence Frank E. Ferrari Interview Editor-in-Chief The Reverend Allan Boesak: The People's Demands 17 Margaret A. Novicki By Margaret A. Novicki Managing Editor Alana Lee South Africa Associate Editor Marked for Murder 22 Joseph Margolis Joy in Jo'burg Page 13 By Patrick Laurence Assistant Editor Daphne Topouzis A Family Reunion 26 By Peter Tygesen Editorial Assistant Russell Geekie Namibia Contributing Editors The Development Challenge 29 Michael Maren By Colleen Lowe Morna Andrew Meldrum Art Director Interview Kenneth Jay Ross President Kenneth Kaunda: Seeking Solutions in Southern Africa 32 Advertising Office By Margaret A. Novicki 212 949-5666. ext. 728 Interns Troy Browne Hannah Searing Southern Africa's Elder Statesman 36 Carol Chen See Jill Slattery By Guy Arnold Michael Freeman Abigail Stanley 's Foothold Kirsten Schwilfe Steven Williams Comoros I'agf 29 Paradise I^ost 37 Africa Report (ISSN 0001-9836). a non-profit magazine of African affairs, By Aidan Hartley is published bimonthly and is sched- uled to appear at the beginning of Algeria each date period at 833 United A New Face for the FLN 41 Nations Plaza. New York, NY 10017. Editorial correspondence and adver- By Hugh Roberts tising inquiries should be addressed to Africa Report, at the above Human Rights address. Subscription rates: Individ- uals: USA $24, Canada $30, air rate 'Hie Africa Watch Agenda 44 overseas $48. Institutions: USA $31. By Andrew Meldrum Canada $37. air rate overseas £55. Second-class postage paid at New York. NY and at additional mailing Environment offices. POSTMASTER If this maga- Forecasting Africa's Future 47 zine is undehverable. please send notice to Africa Report at the above By Nick Cater address. Telephone: (212) 949-5666. Copyright • 1990 by The Afncan- A Mercenary Affair The World Bank Amertcan Institute. Inc. Page 37 A New Development Compact? 50 By Colleen Lowe Morna To Our Readers: Due to the adoption of a new production system, we have Mugabe's Folly? 54 advanced the publication sched- By Andrew Meldrum ule of Africa Report by one issue. The Land Dilemma 58 Thus, the first edition of 1990 is March-April, rather than January- By Guy Arnold February. Your subscription has Culture been adjusted so that you re- ceive all the issues you have Cinema from the Sahel 62 ordered. By Daphne Topouzis A National Treasure 64 Photo Credit: By Howard Schissel The cover photograph was taken At the Movies Annual Index 67 in by Impact Visuals. Page 62 A Hero's Welcome he skies over suddenly 'Today, the majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize that opened up, letting loose a heavy has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass downpour on the crowds gath- actions in order to build peace and security. The mass campaigns of defi- T ered outside the modest Man- ance and other actions of our organizations and people can only culminate dela home, as hundreds of miles away, in the establishment of democracy. Nelson, hand-in-hand with wife Win- nie, was striding to freedom, at the 'The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still continue today. gate of Victor Venter Prison in Paarl. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate con- In Africa, the rains are an omen— ducive to a negotiated settlement would be created soon so that there may a traditional sign of good fortune and no longer be the need for the armed struggle. a cause for celebration and thanksgiv- 'Today I wish to report to you that my talks with the government have ing. Hence, in the black been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. We have which Nelson Mandela called home not as yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. 27 long years ago, there could have "I wish to stress that I myself had at no time entered into negotiations been no better benediction on the about the future of our country, except to insisl on a meeting between the event, nor portent of its significance. ANC and the government. As Mandela's stately and elegant "Mr. de Klerk has gone further than any other Nationalist president in form emerged to greet a global taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there are further audience little prepared for the poignancy the moment was to hold, steps as outlined in the Harare Declaration that have to be met before emotions ran high, from irrepressible negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin. joy to tears of sorrow at the sight of a "I reiterate our call for inter alia the immediate ending of the state of man who had suffered under the cru- emergency and the freeing of all, not only some, political prisoners. elty of apartheid perhaps more than "Only such a normalized situation which allows for free political activity any other, yet had emerged with his can allow us to consult our people in order to obtain a mandate. The people dignity and commitment ever need to be consulted on who will negotiate and on the content of such stronger. negotiations. Negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the February 11, 1990, was a day backs of our people. It is our belief that the future of our country can only many had hoped, prayed, and worked be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a nonracial for, but few had expected to occur so basis. precipitately, nor unfold quite so majestically. The suddenness of F.W. "Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the de Klerk's announcement of Man- overwhelming demand of our people for a democratic, nonracial, and uni- dela's imminent release only served to tary South Africa. There must be an end to white monopoly on political heighten the drama of the event as it power. And a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic sys- transpired before our eyes on televi- tems to insure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed and our sion screens around the world. society thoroughly democratized. And nothing could have been more "Mr. de Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the moving than the sight of the aging, dangers of a public figure not honoring his undertaking. But as an organi- bespectacled black nationalist, finally zation, we base our policy and strategy on the harsh reality we are faced unfettered and no longer silenced, with, and this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the delivering with presidential authority Nationalist government. his first public address in decades, before hundreds of thousands of sup- "Our struggle has reached a decisive moment. We call on our people to porters in front of Cape Town City seize this moment so that the process toward democracy is rapid and unin- Hall. terrupted. We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer The euphoria will soon die down, wait. Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. and South Africans, black and white, 'To relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to will get on with the long, arduous pro- come will not be able to forgive. The sight of freedom looming on the hori- cess of negotiating a new future for the zon should encourage us to redouble our efforts. It is only through disci- nation, but nothing will erase the plined mass action that our victory can be assured. memory of that historic day in Febru- "We call on our white compatriots to join us in the shaping of a new ary when a true hero finally made his South Africa. The freedom movement is the political home for you, too. We walk to freedom. We excerpt here Nel- son Mandela's speech in Cape Town call on the international community to continue the campaign to isolate the on February 11, 1990. apartheid regime. To lift sanctions now would be to run the risk of abort- ing the process toward the complete eradication of apartheid. Our march —Margaret A. Novicki to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way. "Universal suffrage on a common voters roll in a united, democratic, and nonracial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony."

AFRICA REPORT • March April 1990 IIIIII

N THE NEWS Mandela Release: The Beginning of the End of Apartheid? As the world watched in amaze- South Africa appears to be a more vul- facilitate exploratory meetings between ment. Nelson Mandela was freed after nerable and humble edifice, and white the ANC and the gove~nment which 27 and a half years of imprisonment on South Africans listened carefully to will pave the way toward dialogue. February II, 1990, opening a new what Mandela had to say. Until de In his contacts with the government. chapter in South Africa's history. See- Klerk's February 2 speech before Par- Mandela allayed the fears of white ing the 71-year old, gray-haired Man- liament, the ANC was banned, consid- South Africans about the future and dela exit the grounds of Victor Verster ered a terrorist organization seeking the acknowledged that whites want consti- Prison was intensely moving, not only installation of a Marxist dictatorship. tutional guarantees which will prevent as an event in itself, but also as a fore- Today, the ruling National Party views the black majority from dominating. taste of what is to come—(he end of the ANC as a political force to be reck- He has continually reassured the white while supremacy and the creation of a oned with and Mandela a valuable community that they will be safe in a non-racial democracy in a country with mediator. black-ruled South Africa: "Whites are three centuries of white domination. fellow South Africans and we want However far-fetched it would have Optimistic about Negotiations them to feel safe and [to know] that we seemed only a few months ago, Man- Mandela acknowledged that he had appreciate the contribution they have dela's liberation effectively signalled held secret talks with top officials of made toward the development of the the beginning of the dismantling of the South African government over the country," he said. apartheid and the transition to black past three years, including Justice Min- The black leader is optimistic that majority rule. ister Kobie Coetsee, Constitutional negotiations between the government The breadth of his first public speech Affairs Minister Gerrit Viljoen, former and the ANC will begin soon, and has from Cape Town's City Hall, before an President P.W. Botha, and F.W. de said that the ANC will give up the exuberant crowd of South Africans, Klerk. These discussions, however, did armed struggle if the state of emergen- was impressive: Mandela stood firm in not in any way compromise his posi- cy is lifted and a few other conditions his opposition to apartheid, but adroitly tion, but rather helped to transform the are met: "If the government gives us praised the integrity of President de political climate in Pretoria and to the opportunity, if they normalize the Klerk; he called for an intensification of 1 political 1 situation, we are ready to the armed struggle, but was eager to make a positive contribution toward the poini out that violence could be aban- peaceful settlement of the problems in doned if certain of his conditions were this country." met; he confirmed the ANC's commit- In turn, only two days after Man- ment to black majority rule, but was dela's release. Gerrit Viljoen disclosed quick to reassure white South Africans that Pretoria foresees the end of white that they would be protected: and while rule over the next five years, hinting he urged the continuation of sanctions, that South Africa's next general elec- he renewed his commitment for negoti- tion will be undertaken with universal ations with the while minority. suffrage. "I have fought against white domi- Mandela's daunting task is only nation and I have fought against black matched by de Klerk's steep road domination. I have cherished the ideal ahead. Will the black leader be able to of a democratic and free society in maintain unity within the ANC and which all persons live together in har- bring together the old guard leaders mony, and with equal opportunities. It with the young militants? Can he help is an ideal which 1 hope to live for and the anti-apartheid movement reach a an ideal for which I am prepared to consensus? Will he be able to carry out die." said Mandela during the Rivonia a negotiated settlement and lead the Trial in l%4. Upon being released, he country toward true democracy? Will reiterated these words, which sounded he compromise on the subject of as forceful and relevant in February nationalization of key industries, 1990 as they did back then. Only this including banks and mines—an issue time, in the wake of the sweeping which is deeply disturbing to the busi- changes initiated by de Klerk, fortress ANC celebrants: "Africa it >s ours!" ness community?

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Part of the answer to these questions ANC. The following year, he, along inciting a strike the previous year, he can be found in Mandela's strength of with Sisulu. Tambo and others, were was sentenced to five years hard labor. conviction during the struggle against arrested. The famous Treason Trial that In July 1963, nearly all Umkhonto we apartheid in the 1940s and 1950s, as followed charged Mandela with con- Sizwe leaders were arrested in Rivonia well as in his remarkable resilience spiring to overthrow the state and con- and tried for treason. Mandela admitted throughout his years in prison. For. demned the ANC as a violent, commu- to attempting to overthrow the state and even though he was kept behind bars nist-backed liberation movement. pleaded guilty to sabotage. He and for nearly three decades and his words, However, the court could not prove that Sisulu, , Raymond Mhla- voice, and image were banned, Man- violent means had been used, and thus ba. , Elias Motsoaledi, dela never ceased to be the most pow- acquitted the accused. Andrew Mlangeni, and Denis Goldberg erful symbol of opposition to apartheid The year 1960, which signalled the were convicted and sentenced to life South Africa has ever known. Even beginning of decolonization in Africa, imprisonment. maxi- more importantly perhaps, Mandela was also the year of the Sharpeville mum security prison was to be Man- personified the future for many black massacre and the imposition of a state dela's home for more than two decades, South Africans. of emergency in South Africa. Mandela but his struggle did not end there. He was one of 20,000 people arrested dur- studied vociferously, became the pris- "The Struggle Is My Life" ing the demonstrations. He was oners' spokesman, and undertook to educate them politically—thus the Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela comes released from prison in 1961, after prison's nickname, Mandela University. from a Tembu ruling family in the which he enjoyed a brief period of free- Transkei. After attending a Methodist dom. He took an active part in the All- Mandela served 18 years in Robben school, he went to Fort Hare College African Conference in Pietermaritzburg Island, following which he was trans- where he enrolled in a bachelor of arts which called for the creation a new ferred to near Cape program from which he was suspended republic for all South Africans instead Town. In 1985, President P.W. Botha for organizing a boycott of the Stu- of a white Boer polity. Mandela called offered Mandela his freedom, in return dents' Representative Council, which for the creation of a national conven- for his renunciation of violence. The had been stripped of its authority. tion "of elected representatives of all black leader refused the president's While in , he befriended adult men and women, on an equal offer and confirmed he would continue , who encouraged him to basis, irrespective of race, color or to do so until the authorities began to study law. In 1944, he joined the ANC creed, with full powers to determine a dismantle apartheid and to extend full and with the help of Sisulu, Oliver new democratic constitution for South political rights to black South Africans. Tambo and others, formed the group's Africa." The National Action Council A year later, Mandela fell seriously ill youth league, of which Mandela was formed, which Mandela led as sec- with tuberculosis and was transferred became general secretary. retary, and a general strike was pro- to Victor Verster prison farm in Paarl, posed in the event the government did Initially, the ANC's methods of north of Cape Town, where he lived in not agree to a representative national a white warden's house. protest were peaceful. But when convention. apartheid was adopted as official policy Mandela was instrumental in secur- of the Afrikaner Nationalist govern- The state responded with fresh vio- ing the unconditional release of Walter ment in 1948. Mandela pushed for mil- lence and Mandela had to go under- Stsulu and four other ANC prisoners in itant action such as strikes, boycotts, ground. On May 29. 1961, a stay-at- October 1989, after a meeting with and acts of civil disobedience. In 1952, home was organized. This was a turning then-President P.W. Botha. Two months he helped organi/e the Defiance Cam- point in Mandela's thinking, for it was later, the ANC leader met with the new paign against selected repressive then that he came to the realization that president. The fruits of their talks were . He was tried dur- non-violent protest was futile: "The no doubt reflected in de Klerk's his- ing the same year and imprisoned for time comes in the life of any nation toric February 2 speech before Parlia- nine months. After his release, he when there remain only two choices: ment that unbanned the ANC and 60 became president of the ANC in the submit or fight. That time has now other political organizations and lifted Transvaal, and was declared a banned come in South Africa. We shall not sub- restrictions on 374 people. Mandela's person confined to Johannesburg. The mit and we have no choice but to hit release was imminent, but the world ban was renewed for an additional two back by all means within our power in held its breath for a whole week before years in 1953 and Mandela was defense of our people, our future, and de Klerk announced on February 10 ordered to resign from the ANC. our freedom." The only alternative was that Mandela would be released from His popularity continued to increase armed struggle and Mandela helped prison the following day. as a result of the legal practice he set found , the military Finding a solution to South Africa's up with —the first black wing of the ANC. which launched future and agreeing on a political sys- legal practice in the country. As attacks on government installations. tem that will encompass the rights and lawyers, they defended victims of Mandela briefly travelled in Africa interests of blacks. Coloureds, and apartheid and were constantly harassed and Europe, met extensively with whites will be a path full of obstacles. by the security forces. politicians, and received some military But if there is one person who can help The 1955 Congress of the People training. As soon as he returned to materialize "universal suffrage on a led to the drafting of the Freedom South Africa, however, he was arrest- common voters roll in a united demo- Charter, which was adopted shortly ed, allegedly on a tip by an informer in cratic and non-racial South Africa." it thereafter as official policy of the Natal, in August 1962. Charged with is Nelson Mandela. •

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 MOZAMBIQUE NIGERIA The ruling Frelimo party unveiled a President Babangida's end-of-year draft constitution in early January radical shake-up in government, the which, if adopted, will signal the most armed forces, security, and police has radical shift in the country's political greatly consolidated his power and course since independence. The new raised doubts regarding Nigeria's constitution omits any mention of Fre- return to civilian rule by 1992. Most limo and the working class as designat- SOUTH AFRICA controversial was the unexpected ed to play the "leading role" in state departure of key ministerial leaders, and society, and paves the way for a In a dramatic volte-face from ortho- including the president's number-two more participatory form of democracy. dox Marxism to political pluralism man, the highly respected Gen. Domkat Sweeping constitutional changes spurred by the collapse of socialism in Bali, minister of defense, chairman of include provisions for universal suf- Eastern Europe, the South African the joint chiefs of staff, and member of frage and a secret ballot in direct elec- Communist Party (SACP) has de- the Armed Forces Ruling Council. tions for both the president and parlia- nounced the one-party state as incom- Bali, who refused the portfolio of the ment; the right to have access to the patible with democracy, in favor of "a ministry of interior, has spoken oul courts and be presumed innocent until multi-party post-apartheid democracy against the president's "dictatorial" proven guilty; the right lo own private of organization, speech, thought, press, powers. land; freedom of opinion, association movement, residence, conscience, and The cabinet reshuffle caused angry and religion; and the abolition of the religion; full trade union rights for all demonstrations in the north by Chris- death penalty and the use of torture. workers including the right to strike; tians who are uneasy about the Amid a recent and unprecedented wave and one person, one vote in free and monopoly of power by the country's of strikes and labor unrest, the draft has democratic elections." Muslim majority (Bali is a Christian). also incorporated the right to strike. The shift, which is of crucial impor- Babangida has denied any religious Whereas the question of a multi-party tance given the fact that communists connection in the shake-out and claims system has been left open, the one free- hold key positions within the ANC. has he is concentrating power (he is now dom conspicuously missing from the been orchestrated by the secretary-gen- minister of defense and commander-in- draft is freedom of I he press. eral of the SACP, . who in his chief) in order to ensure a return to While President Chissano is openly policy paper "Has Socialism Failed?" democracy. in favor of a one-party state, he has radically reassesses the party's role The president was quick to down- recognized that the issue must be incor- while renewing his commitment to play the implications of the cabinet porated in the upcoming nationwide socialism. changes and asserted that "there are no constitutional debate. The South Af- The party's revised position reflects cracks" in his government, or a prob- rican-backed Mozambique National the changes—as yet uncertain—cur- lem between himself and Bali. Yet, the Resistance will most likely not be part rently under way in the strategic gravity of the criticisms levelled of the deliberations. alliance between the SACP. the ANC, against him was reflected in the cancel- and the Eastern bloc. lation of visits to the U.S. and Italy. ANGOLA SUDAN SENEGAL/MAURITANIA The withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola was temporarily suspend- Between 600 and 2,000 displaced Tensions between Senegal and Mau- ed in late January, following what the Nilotic Shuluk people were massacred ritania along the contested Senegal Cubans called "a deliberate terrorist and hundreds were wounded by Mus- River border escalated in early January attack" by 120 Unita rebels on Cuban lim Subha local militia forces in el- with renewed bloody clashes between soldiers stationed in Valle de Hanha, a Jebelein in late December, about 220 soldiers that threatened to develop into water pumping station north of Lobito. miles south of Khartoum, after an Arab open conflict. For the first time since in the southwest. Four Cubans were farmer was killed by his plantation the eruption of violence last April. killed and five were injured in the workers who refused to return to work which left hundreds of people dead and allegedly unprovoked attack. over pay demands and the observance thousands displaced on both sides, More than half of the 50.000 Cuban of the Christmas holiday. heavy artillery was used. The Sene- troops stationed in Angola have with- The Sudan People's Liberation galese government claims that at least drawn since January I9K9. in compli- Army, which claims to be fighting two civilians and two soldiers have ance with the New York peace accords against the domination of the mainly been killed. involving Angola. Soulh Africa, and Christian and animist south by the Mediation efforts have so far failed Cuba under the supervision of the Unit- Muslim north, accused the government to resolve the conflict and Mauritania!! ed Nations. Unita claims it was not of complicity, arguing that 90 Shuluk President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmcd aware that Cuban troops were near the were shot in a local police station Taya's recent interview with Jeune station, but Cuba has blamed the U.S. where they had sought refuge. The Afrique magazine, in which he squarely for continuing to back the rebels and Sudanese government has admitted to blames Senegal for the conflict, is only wants some assurance that its troops less than 200 deaths and has attributed further deadlocking an already danger- will not be subjected to further attacks. the massacre to inter-lribal feuding. ous stalemate.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 AFRICAN OUTLOOK Doe Foils Coup but Is Accused of 'Deliberate Genocide' More than 500 civilians have died, been no popular support for the NPFL. o 70,000 have fled to neighboring Cote The economy of Nimba county has | d'lvoire, and a further 13,000 have suffered heavily as a result of the on- | sought refuge in Guinea, following the going violence and iron ore production violence that erupted after a recent at the Liberian American Mining Com- attempt to overthrow President Samuel pany (Lamco) might decrease signifi- Doe. Some 5,000 Liberians have found cantly as a result. Similar fears exist themselves displaced and homeless with regard to timber, coffee, and within the country, while it is reported cocoa production in the region. This is that an additional 50,000 were hiding particularly dangerous in view of the in the bush. fact that the U.S., Liberia's longstand- Indiscriminate killings and atrocities ing ally, has reduced its assistance from attributed primarily to the army's nearly $500 million during the Reagan "scorched earth" tactics were reportedly administration to nothing, due to Doe's continuing in northwestern Nimba notoriously poor human rights record, county long after the- December 24 government corruption, and economic attempted coup d'etat, led by Charles mismanagement. Taylor of the National Patriotic Front of Observers agree that even though Liberia (NPFL), was quelled, according Doe: Losing credibility Taylor's aborted coup no longer poses to government sources. Refugees have opposition (the county was the home of an immediate threat to Doe's political given harrowing accounts of the army Thomas Quiwonkpa who led the 1985 survival, it is indicative of a serious using tanks and mortars, burning coup and Nicholas Podier who plotted political and economic crisis that the homes, and killing women and children, against the president in 1988), there has president might not be able to resolve.B as well as several people praying in a mosque. The confrontations quickly became ethnic in character and the army is being accused of carrying out a "deliberate genocide." Namibia Adopts New Constitution Taylor's reported 200 rebels are Gio, Nimba's main ethnic group, while —Hailed as Most Democratic in Africa President Doe's army are mostly After 23 years of armed struggle, system, with a bill of fundamental Krahn, like himself. Samuel Doe, an followed by a tense seven-month elec- human rights and an independent judi- illiterate master-sergeant who seized tion campaign, Namibia recently took ciary. The charter states that "the digni- power in a bloody coup in 1980 and two historic steps toward indepen- ty of every person shall be inviolable has survived a number of coup and dence. The first was unanimously vot- and no person shall be subject to tor- assassination attempts, imposed a cur- ing for a liberal democratic constitu- ture," and forbids discrimination on few on the Nimba region and dismissed tion. The second was accepting March the grounds of race, sex color, ethnic his interior minister for ignoring hints 21 as the date for independence—11 origin, religion, or social and economic of the uprising. days ahead of the UN target of April status. Namibia will also be the first The little-known rebel movement, 1—signalling the end of South Africa's country in Africa (with the exception which entered the border towns of 70-year rule and the liberation of the of Cape Verde) to abolish the death Butuo. Loguato, and the capital of continent's last colony. penalty. Nimba county, Sanniquillie, from Cote The People's The president will be limited to two d'lvoire and who have received mili- Organization (Swapo), which fell seven five-year terms in office. His power to tary aid and training from Libya, is not seats short of the 48 needed to write the declare a state of emergency, effective- part of the mainstream opposition. Tay- constitution unhindered, apparently ly abolishing the guaranteed rights of lor was head of the Doe government's worked a miracle of reconciliation with the constitution, is checked by a clause procurement agency and fled to the the six opposition parties. that requires the approval of the nation- U.S. after being accused of embezzling Namibia's constitution, which has al assembly. The 72-seat assembly can $900,000. The U.S. agreed to extradite been heralded as Africa's most demo- also veto the president's decisions. him, but he managed to jump bail and cratic, establishes a sovereign and secu- The charter stipulates that the eco- is now in Cote d'lvoire from where he lar republic founded on the principles nomic order is to be "founded on the oversees NPFL operations. This of democracy, social, economic, and principles of economic justice, securing explains why even though the region political justice, and the rule of law. Namibians a life of human dignity." has traditionally been a hotbed of The country will have a multi-party While land can be expropriated for just

8 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 'JMTE

NAMIBIA... continued compensation, the right to private prop- Egyptian Opposition Victory erty is upheld. Education will be free and mandatory for children up to 16, In an effort to limit political fallout, President Hosni Mubarak fired the highly but the right to private schools, favored unpopular Interior Minister. Gen. Zaki Badr, in mid-January, following the latter's by the 70,000 whites in Namibia, is admission of vote-rigging in the last parliamentary elections, his inflammatory respected in the constitution. Military statements against government and opposition leaders, and ruthless security crack- service will be compulsory, but a downs. The Badr affair, which mobilized Egyptian public opinion like no other clause will allow for conscientious event in recent years, marked the first time that the government has yielded to objectors. public pressure and is widely regarded hy the opposition as a prelude for greater Overall, constitutional deliberations changes in the country. proceeded smoothly, with the excep- During his four-year tenure, Badr had exercised his authority with a belliger- tion of one instance of serious dis- ence that had met with the tacit approval of Mubarak. The 1981 slaying of Presi- agreement which led to the adjourn- dent Anwar Sadat by Muslim extremists has been habitually invoked as justifica- ment of the constituent assembly for a tion for the iron-fisted treatment of the group. With abusive regularity, Badr week on January 12. Outraged mem- enforced emergency laws that enabled the security forces to detain suspects indef- bers felt that Vekeii Rukoro of the initely without charge and ignored scores of allegations made by human rights Namibian National From and Hartmut groups on the routine torture of jailed dissidents. Last year alone, some 10,000 Ruppel of Swapo had misrepresented Muslim extremists were arrested and 4.000 are still held without charges, accord- the assembly when advising the three ing to the editor of the opposition paper, Islamic Alliance. South African constitutional lawyers Badr provoked controversy when he admitted that he had prevented left-wing who drew up the charter. leader Khalid Mohieddin from taking a seat in the National Assembly during the The greatest controversy was over last elections. The minister's political demise was precipitated shortly thereafter the constitution's provisions to allow by the harsh words he leveled at Muslim militants. "I only want to kill 1 percent detention without trial and to postpone of the population," Badr was quoted as saying, raising concern that such remarks could provide the necessary fuel to reignite the fundamentalist movement. Badr's chilling remarks occurred less than a month after he was the target of an apparent assassination attempt. A bomb concealed in a truck exploded near the minister's car in the Abbasiya district of Cairo. The failed attempt was widely regarded as a reprisal for a crackdown the minister had ordered against anti-gov- ernment fundamentalist demonstrators at Assyut University, in which more than 70 people were wounded. Badr's hardline position became increasingly problematic in view of Mubarak's plans to adopt stringent austerity measures to revitalize Egypt's mori- bund economy. The government fears that implementing structural changes would enable fundamentalists to exploit popular dissatisfaction to gain broader political support. Mubarak is going to need all the help he can get from the opposition, which, encouraged by events in Eastern Europe, sees the time as ripe for further democratization.

to Mohanimedia in the south, could Nujoma: Learning to compromise Morocco's Close Call have seriously damaged the coastline, local elections for at least five years. About 70,000 tons of crude oil affecting vulnerable oyster beds, Although members of Swapo were —twice the volume leaked by the migratory bird reserves, and an impor- counted among the outraged, the con- Exxon Valdez in Alaska—were spilled tant breeding ground for pink flamin- troversial provisions were regarded as off the coast of Morocco by a crippled goes. There were also concerns that the clauses that the party generally sup- Iranian supertanker which suffered an oil slick would blacken Morocco's ported. explosion that tore through its hull about sandy beaches which attract thousands On January 31. Swapo's call for 400 miles north of the Canary Islands in of tourists each year. preventive detention was dropped, and late December. The accident left behind However, heavy seas and warm tem- the last obstacle to Namibia's constitu- a 185 mile-long oil slick which, experts peratures helped to emulsify and evapo- tion was removed. President-designate believed, threatened to create an envi- rate a large part of the spill, while Sam Nujoma went so far as to accept ronmental disaster of tragic proportions. 60,000 liters of detergents dissolved sections of the Democratic Turnhalle A false alarm was raised by environ- about 90 percent of the slick. The crisis Alliance's constitution, despite having mentalist Jean-Jacques Cousteau. who could have been averted if Spain and been a one-time enemy of the rival warned of a major ecological catastro- Morocco had allowed the leaking super- party. Swapo. which was committed to phe and accused the authorities and the tanker to be towed into port for repairs. a one-party state, agreed to a bicameral media of ignoring the incident until it As three tug boats led the ship to calmer parliament and proportional represen- was too late. The spill, which was only waters near the Cape Verde islands, tation, in return for an executive presi- 20 miles from the mainland and Morocco threatened to sue Iran's nation- dent who is sure to be Nujoma. • extended from Mehdia north of Rabat al oil company for damages. •

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 South Africa and Hungary: When Foes Turn to Friends Angered anti-apartheid groups have joint commercial and industrial ven- and outside South Africa when he said, watched South Africa waste no time in tures with South Africa, including a "One seriously questions the direction in taking advantage of the recent changes South African holiday resort in Hun- which Hungary wants to go if one of the sweeping Eastern Europe to end its gary, central bank cooperation, air trav- first countries it wants to have relations international isolation, make new polit- el, and a bus manufacturing deal. with is South Africa." Cachalia further ical friends, and normalize trade rela- According to The Washington Post, the warned lhat by establishing economic tions. The most unexpected diplomatic South African foreign ministry implied links with Eastern Europe. Pretoria was breakthrough came in early January that Hungary and South Africa have effectively undermining the internation- when Pretoria's Foreign Minister. carried on clandestine trade for some al sanctions campaign. "Pik" Botha, was received in Budapest time now, and that the trip was the Anti-apartheid groups are also furi- by his Hungarian counterpart Gyuna result of longstanding contacts between ous about South Africa's recent cam- Horn. the two countries. paign to attract skilled East German The surprise visit was the first to a As a member of the United Nations immigrants to work in South Africa, Warsaw Pact country by a South Special Committee Against Apartheid, despite massive black unemployment. African foreign minister in 35 years, Hungary has been condemned by South Africa has approximately 13.000 and there is speculation that it served to African states and anti-apartheid Poles, 3.000 Czechoslovaks, and lest the waters for improved relations groups throughout the world for its 10,000 Hungarians living within its with the Soviet Union. South African contacts with Pretoria. The Hungarian borders and many are staunch support- Radio quoted Botha as saying that the government had reportedly assured the ers of the establishment. The govern- two governments had "decided to cre- African National Congress only ten ment claims that the economy is lack- ate channels of communication that days before Botha's visit that it had no ing skilled manpower in virtually every could lead to diplomatic ties"—a state- plans for links with South Africa. sector. But black political groups are ment that was confirmed by Horn. The United Democratic Front's wondering why Pretoria, on the brink Hungary is apparently seeking to spokesman, Azhar Cachalia, echoed the of reform, does not make the upgrading expand trade links and begin several views of anti-apartheid groups inside of black skills a priority. • Somali Government Accused in 50,000 Civilian Deaths The battered presidency of Soma- tional community to exert pressure on lia's Mohamed Siad Barre received the Somali government to end its rule another blow with the recent release of of terror. Emphasizing the U.S.'s sup- a report by the U.S.-based human port of the regime, the group calls for rights group, Africa Watch, detailing an end to all American aid to the coun- widespread abuses by the government try, arguing that in its absence, Barre during the 19-month-oid civil war. "will be forced either to relinquish The report, entitled "Somalia: A power or to take meaningful steps Government at War with its Own Peo- toward reconciliation and peace." ple," charges the regime with responsi- The release of the report comes on bility for the deaths of 50,000 to the heels of recent calls in Washington 60.000 civilians since hostilities broke for renewal of aid to the Somali gov- out between the government and rebels ernment. In December, a conservative from the Somali National Movement think-tank, the Heritage Foundation, (SNM) in May 1988. Another 400.000 issued a report arguing for the rein- people have been displaced within statement of aid cut off by the adminis- Somalia, while half a million have fled tration's decision in September to real- to neighboring countries. locate the $21 million in economic aid intended for Somalia to other countries In hundreds of interviews with Somali army: On the rampage refugees, the human rights group in Africa. That decision, and an earlier describes in chilling detail how the Originally confined to the north, the one in July 1988 which cut off $2.5 government, frustrated in its attempts abuses soon spread to the southern and million in "lethal" aid. were due in a to defeat the rebels, turned its guns central parts of the country. "Entire large part to extensive congressional against the civilian population. Accord- regions have been devastated by a mili- pressure over the past two years. A ing to the report, the army has engaged tary engaged in combat against its own spokesperson for Howard Wolpe, in systematic violence toward Isaak people, resembling a foreign occupa- chairman of the House subcommittee clan members in northern Somalia, tion force that recognizes no con- on Africa, said that the Africa Watch burning and bombing their villages and straints on its power to kill, rape or report would likely be the "death knell" detaining hundreds for suspected asso- loot," argues the report. on any calls to renew aid to the Barre ciation with the SNM. Africa Watch calls on the interna- government. •

10 AFRICA REPORT - March-April 1990 9 J3ATE

The Ferranti Affair American arms dealer James South African Rail Strike Ends: Guerin, who has had lucrative dealings with Annscor, South Africa's state-run A Hollow Victory? arms corporation, is currently the focus of a federal investigation and multi- A violent and bitter 12-week-long nationwide rail strike, led by 25,000 workers million dollar law suit. The founder of of the South African Railway and Harbor Workers' Union (Sarhwu), ended in late International Signal and Control (ISC), January after an agreement was reached with the South African Transport Services Guerin was accused in December of (Suts). At least 35 people died, scores were injured, and millions of rands worth of fabricating a defense com rue t with Bar- damages resulted from a dispute over wages and the formal recognition of the low Rand. South Africa's largest indus- union. The third rail strike in three years has been called the bloodiest and most trial company, in order to enhance the destructive incident of labor unrest since the miners' uprising in 1922. costing salability of ISC. The allegations have Sats an estimated $16 million from sabotaged rolling stock, and the workers been made by Ferranti International of another SI2 million in wages. Britain which purchased ISC two years In one of the most violent incidents, some 1,000 strikebreakers, armed with ago for S670 million. machetes, rocks, and Ferranli International maintains that knives, ambushed a train the falsified contract guaranteed Bar- in Germiston station, a low Rand's production of a missiles suburb south of Johan- system which, upon completion, would nesburg, that was cany- be sold to the Pakistani government. It ing 800 strikers on their has been reported that Guerin trans- way to a union meeting. ferred money between companies in The non-union workers, several countries, including South who were loyal to Sats. Africa, to create a facade of legitimacy entered the commuter for the phantom deal. The entire affair cars and attacked the JOHANNESBURG has left Ferranti International nearly strikers, leaving at least insolvent. seven men dead and IS Another of Guerin's apparent illegal seriously injured. Cosatu activities involving Pretoria has been characterized the attack exposed, as U.S. and British authorities as a "well-orchestrated are currently investigating claims that campaign of violence" JOHANNESBURG the arms dealer smuggled navigational and accused the police of complicity, claiming technology for combat jets into South South African trains: Back on track Africa. His privileged standing with that it encouraged the Pretoria gave rise to a federal probe in strikebreakers by firing teargas into the trains, and forcing the strikers into the vigi- the late 1970s which investigated lante ambush. charges that the Pennsylvania-based The negotiated package settlement allowed for the reinstatement of 23,000 dis- ISC was illegally transporting bombs missed strikers (a quarter of the total workforce), and recognition of the union. and guns to South Africa. The victory, however, is a hollow one, considering the devastating financial losses Sources close to Guerin say that the strikers suffered and the fact that their demand for a monthly minimum wage U.S. intelligence agencies exploited his increase from R600 (S240) to R1,500 ($600) is unlikely to be met. preferential relationship with the South There is speculation that Sats, a state-owned company, has been intransigent African government and that he served throughout the strike due to its pending privatization. The New Nation reported that, as an operative for the CIA for many according to union officials, Sats deliberately provoked the strike to trim the work- years, providing information on South force prior to privatization, in order to forgo negotiating retrenchment benefits. African political and military develop- ments, including Pretoria's efforts to develop nuclear weapons. an American national. Clyde Ivy, on its Thatcher call for an immediate investi- Guerin's influence extended as far as board. Ivy, who was part of the Kentron gation into Ferranti *s South African the White House. In 1975, President Missiles Company, a lucrative sub- connections. A spokesman for Ferranti Ford gave Guerin the authority to sell sidiary of the Armscor empire in the recently denied that the company was tracking equipment to the South African 1970s, secretly worked on South Af- '•knowingly involved with any illegal government as a means of monitoring rica's missile development program. He trade with South Africa." but the affair Soviet vessels in the Indian Ocean. began working for Ferranti Internationa! continues on both sides of the Atlantic. President Carter, however, scrapped the via the ISC and resigned from that com- In January, Guerin admitted before a deal. pany along with Guerin in May 1989. Pennsylvania court that he was aware Meanwhile, Ferranti International A British Labor member of parlia- that ISC was under investigation by the has been accused of breaking the UN ment and chairman of the Anti-Apar- U.S. for illegal shipments to South ban on arms exports to South Africa and theid Movement. Robert Hughes, has Africa after the takeover of ISC by Fer- imports from Pretoria and for allowing requested that Prime Minister Margaret ranli International. •

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 11 ZIMBABWE TOGO

Following two and a half years of The first privately operated duty- intense debate on the ecological sound- free export processing zones (EPZs) in ness of oil exploration in the Zambezi sub-Saharan Africa are scheduled to Valley, Mobil has secured oil rights in begin operating in Lome before the end Zimbabwe and Zambia, and operations of the year. EPZs are essentially indus- are scheduled to begin in April this trial parks which the government pro- year. The government has a vested vides with tax holidays and other interest in the deal, as it will have a 10 LOME IV incentives to mobilize new private sec- percent slake should oil be found in the After protracted and laborious nego- tor resources and initiatives for export region. The prospects of striking oil are tiations, the fourth Lome Convention firms, particularly in the processing estimated at about 25 percent, but was signed in mid-December between and manufacturing of goods. The pos- experts believe there could also be sig- the African-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) sibility of making the whole country an nificant reserves of natural gas. states and the European Economic EPZ is also being considered. The Zambezi Valley is a protected Community (EEC), falling short of the The project will receive aid from the world heritage area and much of it is Ecu 15.5 billion demanded by the ACP Overseas Private Investment Corpora- national park land, rich in wildlife. states, but still 20 percent higher in real tion and U.S. AID, which conducted Pressure from environmentalists in terms than Lome HI. with Ecu 12 bn. feasibility studies and selected Togo Zimbabwe forced the government last According to one ACP member. "There along with Cameroon, as the best suit- December to agree to allow Mobil to was nothing very diplomatic about how ed sub-Saharan countries for an EPZ. If begin operations only after the compa- we had to fight for every Ecu and every the project succeeds, EPZs are expect- ny conducts two environmental impact ton we finally managed to secure." ed to stimulate economic growth, pro- surveys and consents to using more France exerted considerable pressure vide employment, and greatly boost the costly exploration methods than on the EEC states to agree on the final private sector. Government-sponsored "vibroseis"—a technique which in- aid package and sign the pact, in view EPZs have met with great success in voives clearing forests and building of the fact that Lome III was due to Mauritius but have failed in Senegal. roads that has proven disastrous in expire on March 1. neighboring Zambia and Tanzania. For the first time. Lome IV is to last KENYA ten years and will include Namibia, GHANA Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. Kenya will be the first country in Other innovations include the designa- Africa to have a competitive second Ghana's gold sector is currently tion of Ecu 10.8 bn from the European channel television station when the undergoing a marked revival under the Development Fund (EDF) for non- Kenya Times Media Trust's (KTMT) influence of the government's free refundable grants rather than soft loans, station begins broadcasting, scheduled market approach, with production the incorporation of gold and uranium for February. increasing from 283.000 ounces in in the convention's minerals system, The project will team KTMT and 1983 to 429.463 in 1989. Sysmin, and the introduction of a British media tycoon Robert Maxwell, An $80 million gold mine—report- boosted Stabex package of Ecu 1.5 bn along with Rupert Murdoch's SKY TV edly the most sophisticated in the coun- (previously 925 inn), along with the and Ted Turner's Cable News Network try—designed to process just under a removal of mandatory reimbursement (CNN). SKY and CNN will provide billion tons of ore and yield 120.000 of Stabex transfers. programming around the clock which troy ounces per year, is currently under A new fund has been created to sup- will be received by a communications construction by Canadian Bogosu port structural adjustment programs satellite stationed over the Indian Ocean. Resources (65.5 percent owned by Bil- along wilh provisions protecting the The Kenya Broadcasting Corpora- liton International Metals, a Shell sub- environment, banning imports and tion, which until recently was state-run, sidiary), and is scheduled to begin pro- exports of toxic and nuclear waste. The and whose programs have been notori- duction in October. The Ashanti Gold- debt problem received '"political recog- ously poor in quality, has long held a fields Corporation is further expanding nition" at the negotiations, but ACP monopoly over television. With only its operations, Teberabie Goldfields of states did not succeed in persuading the 300.000 to 400,000 television sets, the U.S. are to begin production in EEC to assume an active role in reliev- there is some concern about the com- April, while two of the three mines of ing their debt burden. mercial viability of a second channel. the state-owned Gold Mining Corpora- While Lome IV has been described KTMT argues that if Kenya can sustain lion are reportedly up for privatization. as a modesl improvement over the pre- three daily competitive English lan- It is widely assumed that Ghana's vious convention, concern has been guage newspapers, it can also do with gold sector, which thrived in colonial expressed over the formidable chal- two TV stations. times but steadily deteriorated there- lenges Africa will face in the 1990s, Plans to install the transmitter on top after due to unfavorable market condi- particularly in view of political and of a 60-story Nairobi skyscraper tions and economic mismanagement, economic changes in Eastern Europe, (which was to serve as Kanu's head- could once again become central to the West European integration, and GATT quarters) have been abandoned, along country's economy, in view of the liberalization negotiations currently with construction of the controversial chronic crisis in the cocoa sector. under way. building.

12 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 ••mi

DE KLERK'S RUBICON By PATRICK LAURENCE

President F.W. de Klerk's February speech announcing the repeal of the ban on the ANC and other organizations and the release of Nelson Mandela was greeted with jubilation in some quarters, but with fury and apprehension in others. Reflecting the South African government's acceptance of the inevitability of negotiations with the black majority, the moves have brought the ANC to the political spotlight, but the way ahead remains uncertain.

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 13 r. (Jerrit Viljoen, South level, it was right—de Klerk did not tack from the battlefield to the politi- Africa's minister of constitu- specifically ask for a mandate to cal arena, from armed struggle to D tional affairs and confidant of repeal the bans on the prohibited negotiations. President KW. de Klerk, observed: organizations during his campaign These events constituted markers "We will have to orientate our con- for the September (i election. on the way leading to de Klerk's stituency." Nobody disagreed. The election propaganda of de February 2 speech, but they do not The silver-haired Viljoen was Klerk's ruling National Party {NP) explain why he walked clown the addressing scores of journalists in on the ANC was consistent with its road or why he travelled with such the wake of de Klerk's astonishing long-held view that the ANC was a haste. Two considerations played a February 2 policy speech. In it, de "terrorist" organization. The NP primary role in his decision. Klerk revoked bans on the African insisted that there could be no deal- The first lay between the lines of National Congress (ANC), its ally, ing with the ANC until it renounced de Klerk's speech. It was that legal- the South African Communist Party violence. Seen in that light, Viljoen's ization of the outlawed organizations (SACP), and its rival, the Pan statement about having to "orien- had become indispensable to fulfill- Africanist Congress (PAC). He also tate" NP supporters to the new posi- ment of the government's aim of committed himself to the uncondi- tion was nothing if not an intellectu- negotiating a settlement. Like the tional release of the jailed ANC lead- alized understatement. release of political prisoners and the er. Nelson Mandela. There were, however, develop- return of exiles, it had become a pre- Even seasoned journalists gasped ments in the brief five months condition to the participation of cred- in amazement as they read copies of between the September election and ible black leaders in the negotia- the 14-page speech behind closed de Klerk's February speech which tions. It was set as a condition even doors, a condition imposed by the by leaders perceived as "moderate" authorities to ensure that de Klerk's or "responsible," among them the speech was not leaked before it was Even seasoned resourceful and tough-minded Chief delivered. De Klerk had been much journalists gasped (whom the more daring than they had anticipat- government tried unsuccessfully to ed in his quest for a political settle- in amazement, as lure to the negotiating table for five ment to South Africa's conflict. they read copies of years). De Klerk spelled out his motiva- the 14-page speech De Klerk had one important trait tion for repealing the 40-year ban on which helped him make the neces- the SACP and the 30-year ban on the behind closed sary deductions and decisions. It ANC and PAC in a few crisp sen- doors. De Klerk had was his training as a lawyer at tences. been much more Potchefstroom University for Higher "Today's announcements, in par- Christian Fducation. The university ticular, go to the heart of what black daring than they has long acted as the custodian of a leaders—also Mr. Mandela—have had anticipated in philosophical tradition encapsulated been advancing over the years as in the Afrikaans word konsekwent. their reason for having resorted to his quest for a The word translates as "consistent" violence," he said in an address political settlement or, in a wider sense, as being true to one's principles. which delighted most South to South Africa's Africans, particularly the unenfran- The underlying principle in de chised blacks, but horrified mem- conflict. Klerk's case was a commitment to a bers of the vociferous right-wing. negotiated settlement. If it was nec- "The government wishes to talk prepared the way—and perhaps essary to unban the ANC, for exam- to all leaders who seek peace. The unconsciously conditioned—NP sup- ple, to realize the principle, the kon- unconditional lifting of the prohibi- porters for the momentous events sekwent politician would take the tion on the said organizations places ahead. step. everybody in a position to pursue Stated briefly, they were: the free- The NP's defense of its action, in politics freely. The justification for ing of the eight top political prison- face of cries of betrayal from the CP, violence...no longer exists." ers in mid-October, including five was classically kon- The right-wing opposition Conser- men who were jailed for life with sekwent. The defense Rl,artion to de vative Party (CP) charged that de Mandela in June 1964, the open re- took the form Of a Klerk's speech Klerk did not have a mandate to take emergence of the ANC as a de facto syllogism: The NP in J»hiinm>s- such "outrageous steps." On one if not de jure organization, with its asked for and wasburn: "The released leaders campaigning pub- address Patrick Laurence is a specialist writer on the licly under ANC and SACP flags,an d given a mandate to delighted most Johannesburg Star, South African correspon- negotiate a settle- South Africans dent H/'HU' Kconomist, and a contributor to declarations by The (iuardian oflumdon and The Irish Times. generals that the ANC was switching ment; the path for- ^un"nfran- ward was blocked by chised blacks" 14 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 JkMf . •-. .-u-s an obstacle, the banned organiza- move was not seen as a clever ning power. tions. Hence, after weighing the risk stratagem, but a giving way before De Klerk's calculated decisions, of removing it against the perils of strength, he explained. revealed on February 2, were influ- leaving it, they levered it out of the The CP's immediate aim was to enced by another component—they way. force the government to hold a gen- might lead to the easing of interna- De Klerk was elected as South eral election. It planned to do so by tional sanctions and a vote-catching Africa's president in the September holding a series of rallies and protest improvement in the economy. His 6 general election. He became the marches to show the strength and action was preceded, it should be first member of the minority Gere- depth of feeling against de Klerk's remembered, by a decision to formeerde Church or "dopper" to policies. A massive strike by CP reduce the length of military service hold such high office since Paul members in key industries, in the from two years to one, a measure Kruger, the 19th century Boer patri- airways, in the hospitals, and even in which did him no harm. arch who was president of the old the schools, was kept in reserve as a The ANC's immediate reaction to South African republic. contingency measure if the massed de Klerk's initiative was cautious. President Kruger, like President ranks of CP protest failed to per- , director of the inter- de Klerk, was konsekwent, when, in suade de Klerk to call an election. national department, described it as 1899, the British presented him with There was threatening talk, too, of "half a step" in the right direction. the choice of submission or resis- the nearly 100 municipalities con- Winnie Mandela labelled it a "half- tance and he chose to resist. Nearly trolled by the CP cutting off essen- measure," and Walter Sisulu, Man- a century later, on Friday, February tial services—water and electrici- dela's co-prisoner until last October, 2, 1990, de Klerk was trying to halt ty—as a demonstration of the party's gave it a qualified welcome (he the drift to another war. The ghost of power. Behind that, hinted indirectly, regretted that Mandela had not been Kruger was there as a reminder that was the last option—armed resis- freed immediately, that the state of if de Klerk's invitation to negotiate tance. emergency had not been lifted, and was spurned, the demands of being The CP strategy of forcing de that not all political prisoners were konsekwent might point in a different Klerk to call an election appeared to freed). direction altogether. rest on a false premise. De Klerk The ANC was understandably There was, however, a second was certainly committed to submit- wary of de Klerk. No doubt it more immediate calculation in de ting whatever constitution he negoti- reminded itself of the old adage Klerk's February 2 decision. He rea- ated with black leaders to the white about the leopard not changing its soned, as his speech made clear and electorate for approval. But he could spots. But if it drives too hard a bar- his cabinet colleagues stressed, that do so by way of a referendum rather gain or if it gives de Klerk little or events in Kaslern Europe and the than a general election. Barring a nothing to take to the white elec- Soviet Union showed that commu- completely unforeseen development, torate by 1994 (the latest possible nism was on the retreat. The ANC, de Klerk was virtually assured of vic- date for an election or referendum), with objectives of nationalizing tory in a referendum. it could contribute to his defeat. By a mines, banks, and "monopoly indus- In the last general election, de strange irony, the ANC might have try," and its "revolutionary ally," the Klerk's NP obtained 48 percent of become an important variable in de South African Communist Party, the vote, the CP 31 percent, and the Klerk's fate. should, the government reasoned, be liberal-leaning Democratic Party The ANC, however, has to consid- made to come out into the open and (DP) 2\ percent. In a referendum, er another possibility: de Klerk defend their "untenable" socialist ide- the DP, which long ago campaigned might succeed in drawing Buthelezi ology. As Adriaan Vlok, the bespecta- for the unbanning of the ANC and into the government, thus strength- cled minister of law and order, told the unconditional release of Man- ening his hand immeasurably if he journalists: "I cannot see a better dela, would certainly urge its follow- did so while the ANC sidelined itself time to allow people to see that com- ers to vote for de Klerk. To defeat by adopiing an inflexible stance. A munism is a dying ideology." the government in a referendum, the long and bloody struggle, stretching Koos van der Merwe, chairman of CP would have to persuade another into the next century, might lie the strategy and information com- 20 percent of the electorate to vote ahead. mittee of the Conservative Party, for it. The chances of doing that Chief Buthelezi's words had an saw the government's action in dif- were negligible. ominous ring for the ANC: "He [de ferent imagery. "They are trying to With the approval of the white Klerk) has fulfilled all my conditions get the bully into the ring and defeat electorate, de Klerk could introduce for negotiations and so I'm ready to him there," he said. "ITiey think by a new constitution designed to negotiate. If the ANC isn't ready, that unbanning the ANC and the SACP, accommodate black political aspira- is their problem...We have got our they are making them weak. But tions; In so doing, he could alter the organization and I don't see why we they are only strengthening them." rules of the game radically and elimi- should sit around wailing for them to In the townships, the government's nate forever the CP's hopes of win- get their act together." O

16 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 •HI T R V W The Reverend Allan Boesak: THE PEOPLE'S DEMANDS

MARGARET A. NOVICKI

Although many observers, inside South Africa and without, were taken by surprise by the boldness of President de Klerk's February speech, several of the demands of the Mass Democratic Movement remain to be met in order for a climate for negotiations to be created.

In this interview undertaken just prior to Nelson Mandela's release, the Reverend Allan Boesak, president of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches and one of the founders of the United Democratic Front, relates his conversation with the then- imprisoned ANC leader only days after the speech and explains where the government's initiatives fall short of the demands of the black majority.

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 17 Africa Report: What is your assessment of the measures out- with arson and with sabotage and so forth? And it raises the lined by President F.W. de Klerk in his February 2 speech? Are other problem as to what the ANC [African National they significant steps toward meeting the demands of the Mass Congress] is to do. The exiles cannot simply return now Democratic Movement? because so many of those who have been part of the military Boesak: I think that what Mr. de Klerk has said is indeed a wing of the ANC will be unsure as to what will happen to significanl move toward meeting some of the demands that them once they are back. have been set by the movement here. Most surprising of all It also raises a particular problem for Nelson Mandela in was the unbanning of the political organizations. We had terms of his release. He did go to jail for sabotage and was more or less expected the lifting of restrictions on the organiza- found guilty by the South African courts, but he has been told tions and people, but it was still nice to hear. The problems he will be released unconditionally. At the same time, a man that remain concern mainly three areas. One is the fact that like [chief of staff of the ANC's military wing], if he the state of emergency has not been completely lifted and that walks across the border, can theoretically be arrested and sent means that it is not true that there is now a free and open cli- to jail. That is the kind of contradiction that creates difficult, mate for political discussion and political participation. The difficult dilemmas for everybody concerned, and Mr. de Klerk state of emergency is a serious impediment to political partici- has not been helpful there. In fact, he has really exacerbated pation of all people of all levels. the problem. Another remaining problem is that of the political prisoners. And the other difficulty that remains is the Fact that he has What we had wanted was the unconditional release of all not in any way addressed the issue of the dismantling of political prisoners. Mr. de Klerk now has made certain cate- apartheid. He has not said any meaningful thing about the gories of political prisoners—some of whom will be released, scrapping of the laws, he has not given a clear undertaking or others pardoned, others may go back to the courts on appeal, a statement of intent that this parliamentary session or the next others will remain in jail—and that creates a number of diffi- one will deal with the scrapping of the laws. In fact, what we culties. For instance, on what basis does he decide that a pris- are seeing now is a kind of entrenchment of laws like the oner whom we see as a political prisoner is not a political pris- Group Areas Act, and while the Separate Amenities Act will oner, but actually a kind of common criminal who had to do probably be scrapped in one way or another, the Population

SAY* Registration Act remains totally untouched. That must be seen a devastating statement for Mr. de Klerk and his government. as a major obstacle, and that is why black people have said What Winnie Mandela had said and that's where the misun- we welcome the speech, we have described it as bold, coura- derstanding came in, is that he said he would not leave prison geous, and hopeful, but it clearly still falls short of creating the under any circumstances unless those conditions are met. He kind of climate in which genuine negotiations can take place. said, "If they release me, I will go, but then I will talk about the And so we are saying that we have made a breakthrough, but fact thai they have not been able or willing to meet the condi- we still have a very, very long way to go. tions that we have set." Africa Report: Do you think that de Klerk has a strategy Africa Report: What are those conditions as he stated which is ultimately leading toward meaningful negotiations? them? Boesak: It is difficult to say. I still fail to see where he is Boesak: One condition obviously has been met—the unban- going because if you lift the state of emergency only partially, ning of the ANC. The other two have to do with the uncondi- and you make a decision about the political prisoners that is tional release of the political prisoners and the complete lifting full of hesitation and equivocation, you must know that the of the state of emergency. release of Nelson Mandela in turn, about which you were Africa Report: How did Mandela characterize the moves clear, has now become a difficulty. Mandela himself says: "I that de Klerk has made and is he more optimistic about negoti- have set certain conditions for my release, the movement has ations beginning in the near future? set conditions for my release. If those conditions are not met Boesak: Mandela did say that the climate for negotiations and they do release me, I will be obliged to make a statement has not yet been created. He thinks that Mr. de Klerk clearly about what I think of the South African government and its made a step in the right direction and he encouraged him by ability to do what is necessary, especially in terms of condi- calling the speech "courageous, bold, and hopeful." But I tions that are eminently reasonable and that are not impossi- ble to meet." don't think he believes that the time is right for the movement to go and sit down and talk with Mr. de Klerk. He still believes That has to cast a shadow over what Mr. de Klerk has been that a number of issues have to be addressed and he is very saying. How can you not Fulfill certain of the basic conditions and still hope that a man like Mandela, whom they know by now, through so many years of discussions with him, whom "THE TIME TO CONSIDER LIFTING they know will not compromise on his principles, will simply say, "Let's forget it. I will walk out of here and I will not bother SANCTIONS WOULD BE WHEN THE the South African government"? That is impossible to believe. SCRAPPING OF APARTHEID IS Furthermore, you have to ask the question: Where are we DEFINITELY IN PROCESS, AND WHEN going from here? If Mr. de Klerk makes these announcements and yet he says nothing about the problem of dismantling THE NEGOTIATION PROCESS COULD apartheid, surely he has to know that-for the international com- munity and for us, it is not going to be enough. So you cannot BE DESCRIBED AS IRREVERSIBLE. IT expect, for instance, a serious debate on the lifting of sanc- WOULD BE A GRIEVOUS MISTAKE TO tions if you have not met those basic conditions, and if you have not addressed the central problem of the dismantling of Do IT BEFORE THAT TIME." apartheid. clear—and I was gratified to find that we agree on this—that I really don't think that there is a clear-cut strategy. I think in order for negotiations to get off the ground, there has to be they are very much feeling their way and then they take a step an opportunity for the people in a democratic fashion to elect and they run into obstacles and then they decide to deal with those people whom we want to represent us at the negotiating that and take another step. It may very well be the best thing table and to give them the mandate with which to negotiate. I for the government to do from its point of view, but I think they think he knows that the South African government is not yet at are in danger in running into a number of difficulties at so that particular point, and my guess is that he will work toward many levels that they may not be able to control everything. getting the South African government to make sure thai these Africa Report: You met with Nelson Mandela on February steps are taken so that they can begin seriously negotiating. 6, and there has been some confusion as to whether he set But he is clear that there have to be negotiations between conditions for his release. the government and the movement and he is very clear that Boesak: What he said was: "I we have to move as rapidly as possible toward an open, non- have set my conditions, but my racial South Africa. He speaks very movingly about reconcilia- release is the responsibility of the tion and about the needs to assure whites of the fact that we South African government. The onus are working toward a common future and to make them M Nels

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 19 Boesak: If somebody said that in terms of within the ranks of next parliamentary session that he will address any of the the ANC, that is pure mischief-making and that is the kind of apartheid legislation? remark that brings back in my mind all of the old cynicism Boesak: If he does, it will be a surprise. And maybe he loves about the South African government and the National Party to work like that, not saying anything and just springing some- that we have become used to. It really lowers the standard of thing on people. He has not given any indication that he will debate that we have seen between the day the State President deal with the scrapping of those laws, and so it really will be made the speech and now. a surprise if he does that. I can only say that he has not men- Secondly, if that is their excuse, then they might as well tioned group rights in the same way as we have become used keep Nelson Mandela in jail forever because the only place to. What he has done is to mention "protection for minorities." where he is going to be completely safe is going to be in Those are some of the things, together with his vision that he prison. If they can't control their white people, then it means spelled out, that sound so much like our vision, and yet we are tha! Nelson Mandela will never breathe free air outside of Vic- not sure whether it is in fact that. These are some of the things tor Verster Prison and if that is an excuse, then the South that need to be cleared up with Mr. de Klerk as soon as possi- African government owes it to us to make an unequivocal ble. We need to go and talk with him to find out what he statement and say: "Because we are afraid that there are means now. Has there really been a shift in thinking from white people out there who will kill him," (there will always be group rights to minority rights? Is minority rights simply a new white people who want to kill black people, especially our phrase for group rights? leadership, and they have proved it] "we don't intend to My idea about minority rights is absolutely clear in the release Mr. Mandela at all." There is no way they can give South African environment here. I am classified as being part him a complete guarantee of safety. of a minority. I have no desire to have special privileges Africa Report: Was this just equivocating on their part? enshrined in the constitution for the minority that I am part of. I Boesak: Yes, that's right, and if this is indeed the line that believe that any constitution must only work with an they are taking, it awakens all the mistrust that one used to entrenched bill of rights for individuals and that bill of rights have in them and that would be bad politically. It is poisoning enshrined in the constitution arid backed by an independent the climate here. If they don't release him soon, then it could judiciary. But again, it can also mean that they are back with create the kind of backlash in the black community that would the old, hollow-sounding argument that everybody in South not be good for the political process in this country. Africa is part of a minority. We are all minorities. If that is Africa Report: The U.S. government said that although it is where they are now all of a sudden, it would be a very weird encouraged by de Klerk's moves, the administration doesn't jump backwards, and certainly not helpful in the present politi- feel that the government has met the conditions for lifting of cal climate in which we are trying to move forward. sanctions. What is your view of American policy at this point? Africa Report: What has been the overall reaction within Is it playing a positive role? the country? The Conservative Party wants new elections. How has de Klerk's speech been 'aken overall by whites and Boesak: If that is the view of the U.S. administration, it is blacks? indeed a positive role that they are playing because our view is very clear that we have not seen that ail the conditions have Boesak: In general, the whites have welcomed it. Some may been met, and clearly we have not even begun with the dis- be more shocked than others The right-wing of course is mantling of apartheid, nor has the negotiation process even extremely angry, but that was to be expected. In the black started- We must keep in mind what happened in Namibia. At community, there was jubilation in terms of the unbanning of one point in 1978, everybody thought that the independence the organizations and the lifting of restrictions on persons and of Namibia would be a serious item on the agenda and that organizations. But there was a far more sober assessment of the South African government could be trusted in working what happens now, because it is one thing to say that the toward that agenda- Then all of a sudden, they found a way, ANC is unbanned, but that doesn't mean a thing. The exiles when international pressure on that issue in 1978 was cannot return now and we may now walk with the flag, but relaxed, of dragging this thing out for another decade. There we walked with the flag anyway when it was illegal, so that was an intensification of the war, there was unnecessary doesn't make any difference. The only real live symbol of the bloodshed, and so forth. meaning of the ANC back home is Nelson Mandela, and he is still in jail. We don't want this to happen in South Africa. The time to consider lifting sanctions would be when the scrapping of Apart from that, we listened to the speech and there was apartheid is definitely in process, when there have been elec- jubilation and there were motorcades and people danced on tions through which the people can appoint their own repre- the beach until 3 o'clock in the morning. But they went home. sentatives to sit around the table with whomever from the gov- And they went home to separate group areas. They went ernment side, and when the negotiation process could be home to the squalor of the townships and they went home to described as irreversible. When that happens, and it really the tensions of the police still present in the townships. And the depends on the South African government how soon that will kids went to school on Monday with the same discriminatory be, that would be for us the time to begin to consider whether educational system and the same lack of books and facilities sanctions should be lifted. It would be a grievous mistake to and the same bad buildings. The speech lifted hopes, bul has try and do it before that time. not touched in any way any of the harsh and ugly realities of Africa Report: Despite these moves, do you think de Klerk is the apartheid system. That is what black people could under- still clinging to the group rights idea? Do you expect in the stand much better and much quicker than white people in gen-

20 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 eral and the members of the press who were just here for the help carry the bricks and mortar, through your financial, politi- excitement for a little while. That is the difference between cal, and diplomatic support, to build new walls of apartheid in their assessment and our assessment. South Africa, or at least to keep the old wall standing? We It is gratifying for me to see that the press, unlike 1983 and have seen the dictators fall in Eastern Europe. Ceausescu was previous years, has quite quickly come to a more sobering gone in a matter of days and everybody rejoiced about that. kind of assessment and analysis of the strength of the speech, By what logic are they happy about the rapid fall of dictator- the possibilities of the speech, but also the weaknesses and ships in Eastern Europe and they turn around and tell us that shortcomings. That is going to be very helpful, even to Mr. de Mr. de Klerk needs another five years, or two years? Klerk and his government, to see how the international commu- These are the things that de Klerk is banking on. And we nity has been able to keep its equilibrium as far as that is con- just have to find a way of making him understand that that is cerned. not on. Just as he hoped that the release of the eight would Africa Report: Is there more unity now in the Mass Demo- cratic Movement, by virtue of the release of the ANC leaders, or has il posed new problems? "THE SPEECH LIFTED HOPES, BUT Boesak: Again, it's a question of both. It has created more unity and more enthusiasm. They did bring inspiration with HAS NOT TOUCHED IN ANY WAY ANY them. In terms of the masses, there is more unity now than ever OF THE HARSH AND UGLY REALITIES before. Of course, it brings problems, but these are problems that are almost natural in such situations. The ANC leaders OF THE APARTHEID SYSTEM. THAT IS have been to jail for so long they are all older men. The ques- WHAT BLACK PEOPLE COULD tion, therefore, is what exactly is their role now? And that relates not only to what their role and place within the UNDERSTAND MUCH BETTER AND organization is. We accept them as leaders, there is no doubt MUCH QUICKER THAN WHITE PEOPLE about that. The ANC had a structure up until 30 years ago. You cannot have that same structure with the same political AND THE PRESS WHO WERE HERE function in 1990. That's impossible. But in order to give any JUST FOR THE EXCITEMENT." sense to that, they have got to be back home. These are things that we can really only talk about logically once they are there. stop the Commonwealth and change its mind, so he will hope My fear is that things will happen so fast, so much will hap- that the release of Mandela will create that space for him. And pen at once, and the pressure will be enormous, that we'll that should not happen. If nothing else happens, de Klerk will have to deal with a million things at the same time, and we unleash such feelings of frustration and bitterness fhat nobody may not be able to simply because nobody can deal with this will be able to control them. Whether the man has the vision much at once. In a sense, we have much greater support than or the understanding to see these things clearly, nobody the South African government will ever have, but we will have knows. less organization because the government has been in place Africa Report: Do you think the ANC leadership has suffi- for 40 years with every single instrument of power at its beck ciently fleshed out its positions so that if tomorrow de Klerk and call. We will have to build almost from the very begin- was to say, 'Let's sit down around the table and start negotiat- ning, as far as organizational structure is concerned. It's a ing,' they would be ready to do it? daunting task. We will just have to find the energy. Whatever Boesak: I don't know. All I can say is I hope so. The worst differences there may be, it will be disastrous for us to allow thing that could happen is for de Klerk to do something like the process wilhin the movement to cloud our common vision that and for the ANC then to discover that they are not really and lo incapacitate us when it comes to dealing with the basic ready. But that is almost a kind of worst-case scenario. If the problems. We will not have time, literally, to fight with each ANC is not ready now for this kind of ihing, then everybody is other if these things begin to happen. If we do that, we might in deep trouble. I would hope lhat thev would be ready to as well give up and tell de Klerk that we will deal with him 1 5 respond to any such action from the side oi the government. years From now, so just go ahead and run the government. One thing, though, that we all have to learn—the ANC, the Africa Report: What will be the impact of Nelson Man- MDM, and everybody in South Africa—is that the most fatal dela's release? mistake would be for us to sit and wait until Mr. de Klerk does Boesak: One never knows, you see. My fear is that de Klerk something and then react. If we do not find ways and means will try to say, "Releasing Mr. Mandela is in itself such a won- of creatively taking the initiative at almost every level now, derful thing that I deserve five years more." And I am afraid inside and outside the country, then we're going to find our- that these people in the Western governments will allow that to selves in deep trouble. And then de Klerk will probably be happen, because there is still an underlying racism in the for- able to coast along. A lot depends on the imaginative leader- eign policies of the United States, Britain, and Germany. ship that must now come to the fore within the MDM and the I have looked at what has happened in Eastern Europe ANC. And it's clear that the time for rhetoric is over: Sloga- with some wonder. We rejoice about that. But we have to ask neering is childish, posturing is only partly helpful, and it is the question of these people [in the West]: How can you time for rather calculated political thinking and for bold, imag- rejoice in the falling of the Berlin Wall when you continue to inative political action. )

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 21 SOUTH AFRICA

MARKED FOR MURDER By PATRICK LAURENCE

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Allegations that the South African police operated a secret death squad to eliminate outspoken foes of apartheid have been circulating for years. With recent revelations supplied by former members of the assassination team and widespread demands for an independent inquiry into police activities, an investigation has finally been launched, in a reversal of the government's initial posture.

s 1989 drew to a close, South Deductions from the clues found than 40 times. Nofomela's statement Africa's influential Afrikaans on the long, grisly trail of unsolved was consistent with the autopsy A daily newspaper, lieeld, pub- assassinations in South Africa and its report. "We all stabbed him several lished the photographs of six promi- neighboring states had pointed for a times. He immediately died [but| we nent South African political figures long time in the direction of killer carried on butchering his body...We across its front page. They were units operating with official protec- removed Mxenge's items of value, arranged like a series taken in rapid tion or, at the least, with official con- like money and a watch, in order to sequence from the same camera. nivance. simulate a robbery." Below them was the sensational But. on October 20, these deduc- Nofomela's affidavit concluded headline: "Order of Death." tions hardened, in the minds of with the admission that he had been It was an incongruous list: It many opponents of the government, involved in eight additional assassi- ranged from President F.W. de to incontestable conclusions. On that nations: All the victims, except one, Klerk, the skillful defender of neo- day, South African newspapers pub- were members or suspected mem- apartheid, to Archbishop Desmond lished details from an affidavit of an bers of the African National Tutu, the tireless foe of apartheid in ex-policeman on death row. Congress. The exception was the all its forms. The policeman, Butana Almond brother of an ANC man who, accord- But, Beeld informed its readers, Nofomela. declared under oath that ing to police records, blew himself the men were all targets of secret he had been a member of a security up while planting a limpet mine near ultra-rightist assassins, known as the police hit squad. It was a name-nam- a cinema in Pretoria. The assassina- Order of Death. Its disclosure came ing affidavit. He identified the com- tions, Nofomela averred, look place after the arrest of five ultra-rightists mander of the squad as Capt. in three neighboring countries suspected of involvement in political Johannes Dirk Coet/ee. The squad, —Botswana, Swaziland, and assassinations. he added, operated under the super- —as well as in South Africa Many observers, foreign and vision of a senior police officer. Brig. itself. local, were unimpressed by the sen- Willem Schoon. Nofomela's statement provoked sational revelation: To them, it Nofomela went on to give a widespread reaction, even though smacked of obfuscation and disinfor- detailed account of how. in 1981, the the possibility had to be conceded mation. News of the hitherto squad carried out orders to murder that he had invented the whole unheard-of Order of Death came in a well-known civil rights lawyer, Grif- macabre tale to escape the hang- the midst of growing suspicions of fiths Mxenge. According to man's noose. the existence of a secret police Nofomela, the Mxenge clogs were To anti-apartheid activists, it was assassination squad or squads poisoned, and Mxenge was inter- proof of what they had always sus- whose task was to eliminate anti- cepted on his way home, taken at pected. Their views were ably apartheid activists. pistol point to a nearby sports stadi- expressed by Dr. Max Cole.man of Patrick iMitrence is a specialist writer on the um, and stabbed to death. the Human Rights Commission after Johannesburg Star, South African correspon- An autopsy showed later that the May 1 murder by unknown gun- dent o/Thi' Economist, and a contributor to The Guardian ofhmdon and'Y\w Irish Times. Mxenge had been stabbed more men of Dr. David Webster, a univer-

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 23 sity lecturer and long-time foe of the toughest policemen specializing only an "anti-terrorist unit." Its task, apartheid. Blaming the murder on in operations against "terrorists" the public was assured, was to inter- death squads, Dr. Coleman said out- from the ANC and the rival Pan cept and capture infiltrating guerril- right: "There may be no more prof- Africanist Congress were renegade las, not to shoot them, except in self- itable place to start [the search] guerrillas or, in the parlance of the defense. than within the ranks of the police security forces, terrorists who had The Human Rights Commission themselves." been "turned." offered another perspective. It com- The authorities responded quick- Coetzcc's damning testimony piled a long list of 49 assassinations ly too. Nofomela was granted a stay against the police on the Mxenge and 160 attempted assassinations, of execution—he had been sen- murder was confirmed within a few dating back to 1977. These were tenced to death for killing a days by David Tshikalanga, another characterized by two factors: The farmer—pending the report of an ex-policeman who had served with victims were nearly all left-wing investigation into his allegations by activists and—with one excep- the attorney-general of the Orange tion—police investigations did not Free State, T.M.McNally. Deductions from the result in the trial and conviction of The next installment came a clues found on the the killers. month later. On November 20, the long, grisly trail of Later, in November, the Indepen- Afrikaans "alternative" newspaper, dent Board of Inquiry into Informal Vrye Weekblad% published a detailed unsolved assassina- Repression released a report provid- interview with Capt. Coetzee, the tions in South Africa ing "significant corroboration" for man named by Nofomela as the Nofomela's allegations. The board commander of the death squad. For and neighboring was established on the initiative of once, the adjective sensational was states pointed in the the general secretary of the South justified. Coetzee confirmed African Council of Churches, the Nofomela's account of the killing of direction of killer Reverend Frank Chikane. The cler- Mxenge. units operating with gyman was himself the target of an His finger jabbed and pointed, official protection or unknown assailant—his clothes metaphorically speaking, in the were impregnated with a highly direction of the police throughout at the least with toxic substance and he fell desper- the interview. He blamed the police official connivance. ately ill several times while on a trip for several unsolved assassinations first to Namibia and then to the Unit- and implicated them indirectly in the Nofomela and Coetzee in the alleged ed States. murder of well-known activists in police death unit. Like Coetzee, he The board's investigators includ- neighboring countries, including at took the precaution of going into ed two professors of law and two least two women. hiding after offering the public a human rights lawyers. They identi- The women belonged to a politi- glimpse into the Machiavellian fied five episodes in which the cal species despised—and underworld. alleged police hit squad was involved feared—by the establishment: Police reaction was quick and and found substantial corroboration whites who dedicate their lives to sharp. Coetzee's charges were for Nofomela's charges in each case. the fight for a new, non-racial order labelled "untested and wild." His On the murder of the human in South Africa. They were Dr. Ruth flight from South Africa was seen as rights lawyer, Griffiths Mxenge, the First, wife of the general secretary of an attempt to avoid questioning board noted that Nofomela's state- the South African Communist Party, about his allegations, not an elemen- ments were substantially corroborat- and Mrs. Jeannette Schoon, a mem- tary precaution to avoid retribution ed by those of two co-members of ber of the exiled South African for disloyalty. Vrye Weekblad was the same unit, Coetzee and Congress of Trade Unions. Both chided for publishing "one-sided Tshikalanga. were killed by parcel bombs; the one allegations." Another attack in which Nofomela that killed Schoon and her daughter, But, critically, the police did claimed to have participated was in Katryn, was, according to Coetzee's acknowledge the existence of a spe- Swaziland in 1983, when the "death account of police machinations, cial farm where policemen and cap- squad" crossed the border to "hit" a meant for her husband, Marius tured guerrillas who had reneged on house occupied by ANC cadres. The Schoon. "the struggle" were trained in house was attacked with grenades "I was in the heart of the whore," counter-insurgency. and small arms; at least two ANC Coetzee said. "I was the commander Selected journalists from the men were killed in the attack. of the South African police death South African press were invited to According to Nofomela, he acci- squad." visit the farm and talk to the repen- dentally shot one of the squad mem- His disclosures included another tant terrorists. They dutifully report- bers, Jeff Bosego, in the foot during long-suspected fact—that some of ed that there was no death squad, the attack and then drove him to a

24 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 hospital in South Africa, where he Nofomela mentioned as having and to holding an inquiry at the was treated. belonged to or being involved in the same time," Manoim said. "It is clear Independent investigation by the assassination squad." from the revelations so far that the board established that Bosego was The board called for a full and allegations are very widespread, treated for a bullet wound in the open judicial inquiry into the alleged which is precisely why it is neces- ankle at the hospital on the day men- activities of the death squad, noting sary to hold a commission of tioned by Nofomela and that he even that the McNally investigation was inquiry." used his police medical aid card to an inter-departmental inquiry Among those detained for ques- get free medical treatment. behind closed doors. In calling for a tioning in connection with assassina- A third event involved the alleged full judicial inquiry, the board was tions were two ex-policemen, Ferdi assassination of Japie Moponye, the but echoing a demand which was Barnard, who was jailed in 1984 for brother of an ANC guerrilla. being voiced across the nation. the murder of two suspected drug Moponye, Nofomela averred, was The call, however, fell on deaf addicts, and Calla Botha, a provincial arrested outside a building society in ears. After the McNally report was rugby player. Krugersdorp where he worked as a completed early in December, it was Opposing a court application for security guard and taken for interro- handed to the Minister of Law and the release of Botha, a senior police gation to the death squad headquar- Order, Adriaan Ylok, and President officer, Brig. Floris Mostert, named ters at near Pretoria. de Klerk. Then came de Klerk's Botha as the "handler" of Donald There, according to Nofomela, he announcement: He would not Acheson. An Irishman, Acheson was was beaten up and shot through the appoint a judicial commission of arrested in September for the mur- head at close range by Maj. Kugi'tH1 inquiry in open court into allega- der in Namibia of Anton Lubowski, de Kock of the South African police, tions about the existence of a police the first white man to be appointed to prevent him from identifying his murder unit. to the executive of the black nation- tormentors. Nofomela was, however, indicted alist organization, Swapo. Investigation by the board con- for the murder of Mxenge and a war- In anti-apartheid circles, the firmed that Moponye was indeed rant was issued for the arrest of detention of two ex-policemen did employed at the building society Coetzee. It seemed, some observers not generate confidence in the police named by Nofomela. Moponye's reckoned, that Nofomela and Coet- investigation. Instead, it fuelled sus- family affirmed that he had been zee were being punished for their picions that there was a conspiracy detained by the police in May 1985. disclosures. The failure to appoint a to blame the assassinations on rogue He was never seen again. The .build- judicial commission meant that their policemen who were operating with- ing society described him as a "reli- superiors, all policemen, would be out orders from above. able good worker." The board report investigated by fellow policemen. As De Klerk's initial decision not to noted: "His salary was paid into his Peter Gastrow of the opposition appoint a commission of inquiry account but has been untouched and Democratic Party noted, the public- served as a prelude to the obfuscato- remains there." was not confident that the police ry disclosure by the police that The fourth incident was relatively would investigate themselves thor- he—and the Defense Minister, Gen. insignificant; it involved harassment oughly. Magnus Malan, and Foreign Minis- of an activist. Nofomela, according President de Klerk defended his ter Pik Botha—were on the same list to his own account, stole the decision not to appoint a commission of targets as Archbishop Tutu. It activist's car on the instructions of of inquiry. "Justice must be done as might have confused the general his superior officers. He found live quickly as possible," he said, noting public, but it did little to enhance the chickens in the trunk. The board that: "A judicial commission can take reputation of the police among anti- established that the activist, Hoff- months, if not years, to reach its final apartheid activists. man Galeng, reported the theft of conclusions. In the meanwhile, a cli- But shortly before his watershed the car and claimed for six chickens mate of suspicion can develop, some- February speech, de Klerk suc- on his insurance. thing the country can ill afford..." cumbed to national and international The last action reported by Hence his preference for "the tried pressure and appointed a judicial Nofomela was far from trivial. It and trusted prosecution mechanism commission of inquiry into the resulted in the death of four black of the state." squads. The commission, headed by youths from the township of Norman Manoim, a lawyer work- Justice Louis Harms, was mandated Chesterville in Natal by AK-47 bul- ing with the Board of Inquiry into to investigate murders which were lets. In his statement, Nofomela Informal Repression, countered by committed to advance political ends. named the hit squad members who pointing out that the appointment of Its terms of reference were thus went out on a mission that day. a judicial commission of inquiry did wider than the actions of the alleged Examination of the inquest file not preclude individual prosecutions. police death squads; the purported showed that the men who gave evi- 'There would certainly be no bar police assassins, however, fell within dence were "all people that to conducting criminal prosecutions the ambit of the inquiry. ' )

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 25 SOUTH AFRICA

A FAMILY REUNION

By PETER TYGESEN

ot even a tropical rainstorm could dampen the high spirits at International Airport as African Nation- In January, ANC veterans Govan Nal Congress (ANC) veterans Govan Mbeki, 79, and Mbeki and Walter Sisulu, recently Walter Sisulu, 77, proudly hugged their exiled sons, Thabo released after more than two and Max, amid a shower of reporters' flashbulbs. Teenagers at the time of their fathers' imprisonment in decades in prison, flew to Lusaka to 1963, the two sons are now themselves high-ranking ANC be reunited with their sons and with members. Foreign Affairs Secetary Thabo Mbeki is widely the exile wing of the liberation tipped as a leading contender for the ANC presidency. But those who predicted the younger Mbeki would be next to fill movement. A week-long meeting, ailing Oliver Tambo's shoes did not take into account that Wal- rather than highlighting generational ter Sisulu might assume an important role or (hat Nelson Man- differences, demonstrated the dela would soon be released. The elder Sisulu and Mbeki also held an equally emotional ANC's unity of position regarding reunion with their own generation—with acting ANC President the likelihood of negotiations with Alfred Nzo, Treasurer-General Thomas Nkobi, and the rest of the old-boy comrades who fled South Africa in the 1960s to the government. set up the ANC in exile. Our correspondent talked with The Pretoria government has long been hoping to discern a split between the ANC veterans and the presumed hotheads of Walter Sisulu just prior to his the younger, exiled wing. But the week-long consultation in departure to Lusaka about the Zambia showed no sign of cracks in the ANC. Instead, the prospect of being caught flat-footed by fast-moving South prospects for talks with the South African President F.W. de Klerk seemed to unite the old and African government and the state of new leadership even further. efforts to unite black South Africans The exiled even admitted their relative impotence com- pared to the well-organized internal opposition, when they across the political spectrum. stated that the initiative of the opposition now rests mainly with

26 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 The reunited ANC leader- a united "Congress for a ship meeting in Lusaka Democratic Future" in Decem- (Walter Sisulu at center): "The prospect of being ber, where 5,000 delegates caught flatfootcd by fast- swore allegiance to a common moving South African Pres- stand against the government. ident F.W. de Klerk Though reluctant, Azapo even seemed to unite the old endorsed the ANC's plan for and new ANC leadership even further" negotiations. Forced by this show of strength, the Pretoria govern- ment made an about-turn and faced realities. It is now solidly preparing its white electorate for a completely new look at the ANC. Branded "terrorist" and "communist" extremists less than a year ago, the ANC is now widely accepted as the main negotiating partner for the white minority government, eager to drag the country out of its economic, moral, and political cul-de-sac. Thus, the granting of passports so the recently released veterans could visit the ANC in Lusaka, the unbanning of the ANC and other organizations, and the sub- sequent release of Nelson Mandela. But whereas Pretoria's motto seemed to be: If you can't ignore them, at least try to split them, the historic reunion in Zambia showed no sign of any immediate success in that strat- egy. Events are rather poinfing to a situation where the old guard will take up leadership posts they had to deposit when incarcerated so many years ago. They are experienced men indeed. Walter Sisulu was elect- ed ANC secretary-general in 1949. Together with peers Man- dela, Mbeki, and Tambo, he radically updated the organiza- tion, which was still rooted in an "Uncle Tom"-style tradition of pleading with the white baas for reason. Sisulu then decisively led the ANC through its "golden peri- od" of the 1950s, when it became a broadly based mass organization, whose non-violent actions against still new the forces Inside South Africa. And when the week of reunion apartheid attracted thousands of angry and eager supporters. and discussions ended in a full-scale summit of frontline state When their success ultimately led to the banning of the ANC presidents, the ANC delegation was led by none other than in 1960, Sisulu continued steering it in hiding for three years, Walter Sisulu. until its underground headquarters were unearthed by police As expected, the frontline leaders once again backed the in 1963. ANC's plan for a negotiated settlement to end apartheid, but While in jail, Sisulu and Mandela were continually consult- they stressed the need for further pressure on South Africa to ed by the external wing and by the slowly recuperating inter- establish the necessary "climate for negotiations." nal opposition whenever questions of grand strategy arose. Even though the pace of de Klerk's promised perestroika is Many of today's young anti-apartheid leaders spent time in jail not nearly as breathtaking as the winds sweeping Eastern with the veteran activists in Robben Island prison, dubbed Europe, it is still brisk enough to require the ANC to be constant- Mandela College by the youngsters. When they "graduated" ly vigilant. De Klerk was sworn in as president only six months to active service in the 1980s, they went on to form potent ago, and at that stage his government clearly aimed to circum- organizations: the community-based anti-apartheid umbrella, vent the ANC by finding other black negotiating partners. Cabi- the United Democratic Front (UDF), and its giant trade union net ministers stated endlessly that South Africa could consult with counterpart, the Congress of South African Trade Unions many other "black interest groups" besides the ANC. (Cosatu). They built and directed the biggest surge of revolt But the government's strategy collapsed long before Christ- and defiance South Africa had ever witnessed, and by Octo- mas. The ANC successfully enlisted support for its stance from ber last year, internal and international pressure against the several homeland leaders, most notably Gen. Pretoria government forced it to release Walter Sisulu with of the Transkei, the first homeland to be granted "indepen- seven co-prisoners. dence," and previously Pretoria's solid ally. Pressing the gov- Sisulu returned triumphantly to his modest red brick Soweto ernment further, the ANC and its internal allies in the trade house, where the ANC's black-green-and-gold banner has unions and democratic movement succeeded in forging an waved defiantly ever since. unprecedented unity among the anti-apartheid forces. They Africa Report spoke to Sisulu on the eve of his departure to persuaded rival organizations such as Azapo to participate in Lusaka in January. The grey-haired, bespectacled leader responded to questions with the vigor and insight that indicat- Peter Jygesen is a Danish journalist who has followed events in Southed he was never out of the political fray even though impris- Africa since 1980. He freelances for the Danish Broadcasting Corpo- oned. Sisulu indicated that real negotiations might be on the ration and contributes regularly to the Danish Weeken-avisen and vari- ous Scandinavian papers and magazines. agenda this year:

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 27

^ "I expect us to make quite some headway in 1 990 in creat- Cosatu has a million members, while the [PAC-oriented] Nactu ing what we have termed a climate for negotiations. We are less than 250,000. Now that camp is even split in two—one talking about lifting the emergency, unbanning the ANC and which is in favor of working with us, and another opposed. other organizations, withdrawing the army from the townships What kind of force is that? A not very relevant one. and releasing political prisoners, and halting all political trials Africa Report: How do you see the release of Nelson Man- and executions. As soon as these problems have been tackled, dela in this process—what will happen when he comes out? then we begin talking. Sisulu: Firstly, do not expect any dramatic turn of events. But "These demands are accepted as reasonable the world the ANC will advance further. Mandela's name has become a over. I even ihink the government regards them as reasonable, household word throughout South Africa, and therefore it will at least they have made no substantial objection to this. It have an added impact on the mobilization. seems that they consider there is sense in our demands, and Mandela might be able to persuade Buthelezi. In fact, if being cautious, I think we will have most of this solved this anybody can, he is the one man who might be able to. And year. he will undoubtedly have considerable effect on the situation "This, of course, is not coming automatically. The Boers will in the other homelands. never make any positive change without pressure. All the foun- Africa Report: Why? dations of apartheid are still fully intact. Even though de Klerk Sisulu: In the first place, there has always been a personal has succeeded P.W. Botha with a much more open and relationship between Mandela and Buthelezi, and with Zulu sophisticated style, we have not as yet seen any change of King Zwelithini and the king's father. Mandela was the old policy. But the National Party is no longer free to do as it king's lawyer, and the present king and Buthelezi's wife have pleases. It is no longer backed by a unified white population known Nelson since they were small children. They grew up and it is no longer able to stamp out opposition. It must consid- with respect for Nelson. Besides, he is of royalty, which mat- er the entire situation and must react corresponding to its ters to Buthelezi and the king, and it also matters to other desired position in Africa, in America, and in Europe." homeland leaders. Africa Report: Of your demands for a "climate for negotia- Africa Report: What would you like to see such talks with tions," which will be the most difficult for Pretoria to meet? Buthelezi produce? Sisulu: One of the difficulties for the government, and I don't Sisulu: The immediate result which I would like to see tomor- know how much serious thought they have given this, is the row is the ending of the bloodshed in Natal between his question of a ceasefire. Only when that agreement has been Inkatha supporters and the UDF/Cosatu. This has now claimed made can they really make progress. In practical terms, lifting more than 2,000 lives. It is the question of really getting peo- the ban on the ANC must be followed by a ceasefire. Other- ple committed to peace, and not saying one thing and doing wise, how can members of our armed wing in Umkhonto we another. Buthelezi is the man who can stop the killings. We Sizwe surface and enjoy the unbanning? And what about our had a month where talks [between Buthelezi and the UDF] soldiers abroad? were taking place and the killings dropped to a very, very low Africa Report: Does that mean the return of all exiles is a level. That is the kind of thing I am looking forward to as precondition for negotiations? immediate results. Sisulu: Yes, of course! They must be here, the ANC must be Africa Report: Support for the South African Communist in a freer position in all matters. Just like the National Party Party is growing fast these days, especially among the youth. can come together, call meetings, and discuss issues with They have a rather different political attitude from the old everybody. There must be no restrictions, so all our people guard ANC. What do you think of this development? must be here, from outside and from jail, and only then can Sisulu: That is what happens in a revolutionary situation. we really begin to think of sitting down in negotiations. When in any country the situation reaches a revolutionary situ- Africa Report: If you should succeed in this, it seems you ation, the people are inspired by revolutionary ideas. And must forge a higher degree of unity among the opposition. what could be more revolutionary, especially in South Africa, PAC/Azapo, and some of the homeland leaders, especially than the Communist Party? This will influence the situation and Zulu leader Gatsha Buthelezi, are not pulling in your direction. the young people. And the more hostile the regime is to com- How can you achieve this? munism and the like, the more the younger people are interest- Sisulu: That is why you must regard the Congress for a ed in it. The regime has been pjshing people into the Commu- Democratic Future in December as of significance. It was a nist Party. success in spite of the fact that the pan-Africanist groups did Africa Report: And what do you think about that? not throw in their lot. But for Azapo to have come into this lot Sisulu: Well, it is not the direction I personally prefer. In the is a great achievement. They have got a history behind them, ANC, we want the young people to understand that national and they have done things. It was important to see that we revolution must mean national democracy. But I don't believe now can work with them So we are making some progress in in pushing. I think the ANC must be accepted as the national this field. liberation movement. Then, after liberation, the Communis! The question of unity is closely linked to the question of rele- Party can go its own way and develop if it wishes. vance. You really never get an ideal situation. The PAC [Pan I actually think we have clone remarkably well in this Africanist Congress] is not significant. Look at the situation in respect. The labor movement is aiming at socialism, and has South Africa—where do you see the PAC? They have, for stated this clearly; yet they accept that the correct direction is instance, not even been able to call a mass rally in the country the direction of the ANC. after we opened up the possibility. Now this is, of course, in On top of this: We are not isolated from the world. We contrast to Azapo, which does have some influence of a kind, have had the experiences of Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanza- though small. It means a great deal, especially in the labor nia, Angola, and of Eastern Europe. Of course, we are taking movement. And yet, when we look at the greater picture, those lessons into account. O

28 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 THE DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGE

By COLLEEN LOWE MORNA Blessed with an abundance of minerals and other natural assets, Namibia and its people were kept deliberately underdeveloped by South Africa. While long-term prospects look bright, the new Swapo government will have to carefully balance existing economic relationships with the need to redress past imbalances.

itli the lure of a modern-day Botswana—Africa's most booming try dependent. The well-watered Kl Dorado, Namibia is economy—Namibia has a population Caprivi strip alone, experts say, W attracting fortune-seekers, of about a million, living in a huge, could probably feed the nation. big and small. From African profes- mineral-rich country. Unlike Botswana, Namibia is also sionals, to Taiwanese businessmen, Although Namibia's diamond blessed with a sea coast, boasting to would-be South African sanctions reserves are now only reckoned at some of the richest fishing grounds busters, all are apparently convinced 10 to If) years' worth (though cur- in the world—even if they have been that—in Africa, anyway—Namibia is rent exploration at sea could lead to sorely abused by a motley bunch of where the action will be in the 1990s. a revision of that eslimate), the coun- fishing pirates during South Africa's Undoubtedly, the long-term try boasts some of the richest urani- occupation. prospects for Africa's youngest um deposits in the world. Namibia's And. with its good communica- nation look most appealing. Like agricultural potential, it is thought, tions system—thanks, in part, to the has been deliberately underestimat- needs of the South African Defense Colleen Lowe Morna is a Zimbabwean free- lance journalist based in Harare. ed by South Africa to keep the coun- Force—Namibia has the basis for a

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 29 sound manufacturing sector, which percent of the country's GNP flows Swapo economic secretary Ben South Africa also kept deliberately to foreign bank accounts in the form Amathila says Swapo will have to small while it ran the show. of profits, dividends, remittances, determine "what we can live with Add to this, the smoothness with and capital transfers. and what we can't." However, as the which Namibia's United Nations- Hxpectations are naturally run- government will be seeking to join supervised elections took place, ning high among Swapo supporters, the IMF and World Bank, as well as Swapo's conciliatory attitude and who consist mainly of the urban to open up commercial borrowing pledge that no private property will poor and peasant farmers. But cam- options overseas, such a course be nationalized, and it is not hard to paign promises will now have to be could backfire. see why businessmen are beating a balanced against immediate econom- Like Zimbabwe, which eventually path to Windhoek. ic problems, the need to ensure paid back every penny the Ian Smith According to the country's regis- increased productivity, as well as to government borrowed to stay afloat, trar of companies, some 521 new work out a next-door neighbor policy Swapo may be forced to swallow its companies signed up in the first 10 with South Africa. pride. months of 1989, compared with 276 Unfortunately for Swapo, there Meanwhile, in one of the cruelest for the whole of 1988. Most of these, won't be much cash in the till to help ironies of the transition period, the the registrar told Africa Report, are make things easier when indepen- withdrawal of the SADF from the cither local or South African. For- dence occurs on March 21. South north, where it is estimated to have eign companies—mainly from West Africa, which used to provide some spent 240 million rands annually, is Germany and the Far Fast—are 25 percent of Namibia's budgetary causing serious problems. "Their waiting in the wings to register as requirements, has been gradually pulling out has affected the economy soon as the country formally cutting this allocation, and will halt it tremendously and in an adverse becomes independent. altogether from next fiscal year. way," notes UNTAG's Halim. Beneath this rosy picture, howev- There are some questions surround- "Income has gone down drastically er, are several immediate concerns ing what proportion of this went into and unemployment has gone up." which—against the backdrop of the financing the war effort, and Namib- UNTAG special representative high expectations built up among ian economists generally agree that Martti Ahtisaari has been "insisting ordinary Namibians—could make South Africa's annual "grant" was with the South Africans that during 1990 one of the most trying years for not conducive to good fiscal manage- the transitional period they are the new Swapo government. Indeed, ment. responsible for the welfare of Un- as Omar Halim, UNTAG deputy "We should see the [withdrawal] people in [Swapo's northern director in charge of development, as a blessing in disguise," says stronghold of] Ovamboland," Halim puts it, "There will be many Fanuel Tjingaete, associate profes- says. But, he adds, "South Africa has tightropes to walk." sor of economics at the Namibian not been willing or able to maintain Like Zimbabwe in its last few Academy. "We really need some fis- this expenditure." years before independence, Namib- cal discipline here because we have To add insult to injury, until South ia's economy has recently been per- been living beyond our means for Africa officially ceases to administer forming sluggishly, with an average quite some time. This should be an the territory on Independence Day, annual growth rate of over 3 percent. eye opener to policy-makers." donors can't step in either. UNTAG Namibia's impressive-sounding But the rather sudden cutback, is trying to bridge the gap temporari- income per capita of nearly $2,000 coupled with Pretoria's refusal to ly by borrowing from future UNDP masks gross inequities. Some 6,000 guarantee government loans, funds earmarked for Namibia to take white farmers own 60 percent of the restricting commercial borrowing in care of the most pressing needs in land. Whites, who comprise 6 per- South Africa, has led to cutbacks in Ihe north—manning the control tow- cent of the population, claim 65 per- social services. This may have to ers of four airports, and replacing cent of all private property. They continue in the short term—at a SADF forces who performed civilian earn 10 times more than blacks in time when the government is under duties in the health and education urban areas, and 25 times more than its greatest pressure to redress past sectors. blacks in rural areas, for whom imbalances. One advantage of independence, social services have been seriously Namibia also inherits an 800 mil- says Swapo's Ben Amathila, is that neglected. lion rands debt, incurred on its the government will be able to dis- Almost all of Namibia's efficient behalf by South Africa. This consti- mantle South Africa's 11 apartheid- communications network leads to tutes 3.4 percent of GDP—a small style ethnic administrations, estimat- South Africa. Up to now. South proportion by African standards. ed to have employed about half the African and Western multinationals But, because Swapo suspects that 40,000-strong civil service. "Depend- have exploited the country's fish and most of the debt went toward financ- ing on the efficient administration mineral resources with little restric- ing the war effort, it presents a that we would like to put in, it may tion. Swapo estimates that up to 35 moral dilemma. be possible to make some savings,

30 AFRICA REPORT • March-April '990 given the duplicity of the South extend credit, marketing, and exten- sion of South Africa, Namibia is not a African administration," he says. sion facilities to peasant farmers, in formal member of the Pretoria-cen- Hul, notes Halim, with unemploy- an effort to increase their productivi- tered Southern African Customs ment running at 40 percent, it will be ty as well. Union at the moment. To placate difficult to lay off such large num- Swapo has similarly said that it South Africa, and because SACU can bers. "These people could be will not nationalize the country's dia- be a cheap source of revenue in employed in development projects," mond and uranium mines, despite times of budgetary constraint, the he said. "But they will require a allegations of overmining and sanc- country is expected to apply for whole new training." lions-busling in the past. However, it membership. "There are high expectations will seek participation in these ven- But, says Tjingaete, who did his among our people-, and there are a lures. doctoral dissertation on Namibia's lot of programs which the govern- Swapo will inherit the majority economy, "just looking at objective ment has promised," adds Amathila. share of voting rights on the board factors, we would be well advised to "We know thai development pro- of Rio Tinto's Rossing uranium mine. pull out of the rand monetary area grams cannot possibly all be and has held informal talks with De and have our own central bank and financed internally from our Beers Consolidated Diamond Mines currency." Remaining tied to South resources. There is certainly room on purchasing shares in the compa- Africa's currency, he says, means for external assistance." ny. These companies are well aware that "whatever South Africa decides, UNTAG held a major consultative thai there will be new minimum we are automatically pulled along, conference with donors in Oslo on wage laws and legislation covering even when that is not the opportune September 19-21, and is urging that workers' rights. Ilk-gal practices of thing for us." donors consider giving budgetary as the past, like transfer pricing, are Walvis Bay presents the more dif- well as project support to Namibia, also likely to come under greater ficult, and ultimately most crucial. at least initially. Halim expects that scrutiny. test for Namibia in its formative "aid will pour into Namibia once the A key, longer-term objective will days. Clearly of little economic bene- country becomes independent." be diversification of the present eco- fit to South Africa, Pretoria's main Many Namibians, however, fear nomic base. Extending the country's reason for reasserting a claim to the that developments in Eastern fishing rights from the present 12 to harbor on the basis of an archaic Europe will detract attention from 200 nautical miles off the coast will colonial agreement in 1976 was to the country. Former colonial power be a top priority. But experts warn maintain a foothold in the country West Germany, for example that because of the level of depletion after independence. By 1981, Walvis —expected to have been one of in the past by pirate ships from Bay boasted one of the largest con- Namibia's main benefactors—is cur- South Africa and East and West bloc- centrations of military forces and rently quite wrapped up with the countries, Namibia may have to wait equipment anywhere on the conti- crumbling of the Iron Curtain. patiently until the stock has been nent. Namibian economists, like Professor built up again before going out fish- Two options arc- now being con- Tjingacte, also believe that if there is ing. Joint venture agreements with sidered: developing alternative ports one lesson the country can learn foreign fishing companies will also to Walvis Bay, or regaining control of from its predecessors, it is to rely have to be entered into. the enclave. The first offers little first on its own strengths. "We With manufacturing only account- hope. Namibia's only other should not get ourselves into the aid ing for 5 percent of GDP—thanks to port—Euderitz Bay—sits on a rocky syndrome," he says. South Africa's dumping policies bed which would cost millions of dol- But maintaining, and indeed —investors will also be encouraged lars to excavate. increasing, economic growth will to pursue value-added manufactur- And there is a strong consensus, entail some political compromises. ing industries like food processing across the political spectrum in In the agricultural sector, for and beneficiation of minerals. Forg- Namibia, that South Africa must be example, Swapo has vowed to break ing transport links with and joining made to relinquish its absurd claim. its food dependence on South Africa, groups like the nine-member South- "It is a very serious matter for us," and aim for full food self-sufficiency. ern African Development Coordina- explains Tjingaete. "Walvis Bay That means—like Zimbabwe—tread- tion Conference (SADCC) will be belongs to us, and we want it back." ing cautiously where land reform is crucial to diversifying trade links. Swapo, suggests Amathila, is pin- concerned. Already, the party has However, delinking with South ning its hopes on South Africa's said it will not nationalize any white Africa, which still controls Walvis growing and desperate need for farms, and will only seek to buy Bay—Namibia's only deep-water friends. "South Africa right now commercial farm land which is not port—and the country's financial wants international recognition," being used productively. sector, will have to be clone with cau- says the Swapo official. "It can't hope But, following Zimbabwe's exam- tion. to get that while hanging on to this ple, the new government will try to Because it was run as an exten- colonial heritage." O

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1990 31 T R V W

President Kenneth Kaunda: SEEKING SOLUTIONS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

By MARGARET A. NOVICKI

In this interview, conducted prior to the unbanning of South African political organizations, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda articulates Africa's perspective—a combination of optimism and wariness—regarding the Pretoria governments efforts to end apartheid. He also explains the background of the Gbadolite accord on Angola, revealing the story behind the collapse of the agreement between the Luanda government and Savimbi's Unita.

32 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Africa Report: Last August, you met with then-Acting Presi- is doing. Almost at every stage where he has taken some dent F.W. de Klerk, who outlined to you his plans for reform in action, I have sent a message encouraging him. I remember South Africa. Is his vision satisfactory to you in terms of what last time was when he met with his own right-wing opposition we can expect in South Africa? leader, a former policeman, and that same day he allowed Kaunda: First of all, there is no denying that great things are Nelson Mandela to meet with a leader of the PAC [Pan happening in southern Africa today. What do I mean by this? I Africanist Congress]. I sent a message to him that that was am looking at Namibia. It is a big dream come true. We are very important, because part of this movement must aim at all now praying that the program toward independence will reducing sources of conflict by people meeting in all sorts of remain on course. The reports we are receiving show clearly places. In that way, people will learn what others are thinking that everybody is cooperating. That is a major step in the right about the changes that should take place and so on. So that is direction, and we are all very happy indeed. moving in the right direction. Insofar as South Africa itself is concerned, obviously a num- Certainly he needs to do more than that. There is need to ber of questions remain unanswered. At my meeting with Mr. lift the state of emergency. He needs to unban the ANC de Klerk on 28 August 1989, I asked him many questions. [African National Congress], PAC, and other mass move- Among them were: Are you just another Botha, or are you the ments. He needs to free Nelson Mandela and all other remain- Joshua we have been waiting for? Those questions can only ing political prisoners. He needs to call back Oiiver Tambo be answered by Mr. de Klerk's words and deeds. and the others. He needs then to summon an indaba. Dia- What has he done so far to indicate which way he is logue should begin in earnest. It is from that dialogue that they going? First and foremost, he left a copy with me of what he will be able !o work out a new course of action. So I would refers to as his five-year plan to abolish apartheid. As I told hope that the steps he has started will take him to something him, I do not think he has more than two years to go. If he more serious. Every journey begins with one step, but he has does not do anything during that period, he will.be overtaken to move very quickly because he does not have very much by events. An explosion will then become inevitable. No think- time. ing person wants to see that happen, so all of us are working Africa Report: Is the ANC's Harare Declaration the proper very hard to try to avoid that. basis for negotiations to get under way? Apart from the fact that he does not have the five years he Kaunda: In fact, that is the main reason I and President is talking about on his hands, he is talking about group inter- Mugabe are here [in the United States]. We are hoping that ests. I do not think that the people of South Africa today are this document will be supported by consensus by everybody, looking for group interests. They are looking for the real thing. so that the secretary-general of the UN can then take this doc- In fairness to him, he has released Walter Sisulu and other ument to South African leaders, and by leaders I mean not political detainees. In fairness to him, he has allowed mass ral- only Mr. de Klerk, but also Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, lies to take place in South African cities for the first time in Archbishop Tutu, Chief Buthelezi, the whole lot of them, the more than 20 years. Well done. He has declared that all the PAC, UDF, and so on, so that they can begin working out their beaches will be open to everybody. He has allowed that cer- own way of discussing the future of their otherwise great coun- tain amenities will now be open to all the people of South try. Africa. Africa Report: Are you optimistic about efforts to unite black But the question is: Is that what sent Oliver Tambo into exile South Africans in light of the Conference for a Democratic to wage a liberation struggle? Was it just to open the beaches Future? Is there a trend toward unification of positions of black to everybody that sent Nelson Mandela to life imprisonment? South Africans? Far from it. They are not working for group interests. Group Kaunda: I personally would pray for that. It is something interests is another word for apartheid continuing. Apartheid which must be done. Speaking from my own country's experi- is for destruction, not reform. Therefore, when President de ence, at independence, we were a multi-party state. The major Klerk talks about group interests, he is not destroying groups were the party which I am privileged to lead and one apartheid, he is reforming it. He is trying to bring it out in new led by the veteran nationalist, the late Harry Nkumbula. Every clothes, so to speak. That is not the answer to the problem. general election or by-election, we bashed heads across the You need to get that pus out of the wound completely and the poiitical divide, and unfortunately we had bodies to bury only way to do that is to conduct a major operation. I hope he because of political differences, until he and I reached a deci- is the surgeon we are waiting for to conduct that operation. sion that we must come together and stop this nonsense. Fortu- The patient is very sick and we need action. nately, we came together and from that time on, it has always These great men did not go into prison, into exile, did not been peace. Every election, there is peace. But ours is a popu- wage armed struggle in order that they shall swim together lation today of only 7.6 million. How much more complicated with everybody else. They are asking for one thing: one per- will that be in South Africa? son, one vote, universal adult suffrage. And as long as that I would hope that those who are boycotting this type of get- doesn't come about, we can expecl no peace in South Africa. together will think twice and come and join that truly great We can only expect an explosion, and that is not what any movement. If you want to change the name of the organiza- sensible person wants to see. I don't know whether Mr. de tion, if you don't want the ANC, very good, let them change Klerk will do the job or not. We must wait. But neither he, nor it. But it is important that they all come together and speak any of us, have that time on our hands. The people are in a with one voice. It will serve them very well in the future. hurry. The young Sowetans were walking yesterday, today Africa Report: Do you detect any significant differences in they are running. the Bush administration's policy vis-a-vis South Africa and Africa Report: Do you expect meaningful negotiations to southern Africa from that of its predecessor? take place soon, or are these changes still cosmetic? Kaunda: Yes and no. Yes in every other situation except in Kaunda: I want to believe that de Klerk is serious in what he Angola. That's where the no is coming from. When I was

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1990 33 "The people ;ire in a hurry. The young Sowetans were walking yesterday, today they are running"

privileged to address the AIDS summit in Canada, I called on ment to the test. President Bush. The only question I asked was: Mr. President, On Angola, we are not moving together. I was very sad to are you lilting sanctions against South Africa or not? President hear of a CIA plane crashing in Angola, taking weapons to Bush's reply was an emphatic no lifting of sanctions. I said hur- Savimbi. I know that President Bush is under pressure. He has rah! So we are on the same wavelength there and it is very taken over from an extreme right-winger by the name of important. We need the U.S. to take that stance on sanctions. Ronald Reagan. So I want to give George Bush the benefit of We need to keep sanctions on together until 30 June 1990. the doubt. We ourselves—the frontline states and other African That date is very important because I want to believe that by countries—should be doing a liHe more. We believe in the that time, we will have found out precisely what President de independence of Angola as a country. We should be putting Klerk has in mind in South Africa. Is he playing with words or across our side of the story. We have not done that. We have does he mean business? left the field to Savimbi and his right-wing supporters. We can Give the man the benefit of the doubt. He is only a few never hope to change the situation if we don't canvass con- months in office. What is more, this period is going to show gressmen, various organizations for support. We must do that. him in real power, because he will have his own Parliament. In a way, we have nof helped President Bush to change posi- He led the National Party to victory, so that Parliament in tions, as I would like to believe he would like to do. South Africa is his own, not Mr. Botha's. We must give him a Africa Report: What is your view of recent efforts to restart chance to see what he is able to push through his own Parlia- negotiations between the Angolan government and Unita and ment by way of destroying apartheid. It is only fair that we what is the main obstacle at this point? give him the six months and then reassess the situation. Kaunda: There are quite a lot. President Bush has worked on That is where the power of the U.S. comes in. If by that both President Mobutu and Savimbi, and they are working time, de Klerk has not done what he promises to do to abolish together again. At the moment, I cannot say much until we apartheid, then it will be up to all of us to reassess the situa- have seen the report from our mediator, President Mobutu. tion and probably take this matter to the Security Council for Africa Report: It has been acknowledged, even by the Zairi- action and hopefully, there will be no dissenting voices insofar an government, that Savimbi was to blame for collapse of the as applying mandatory economic sanctions is concerned. I Gbadolite agreement, having agreed to temporary exile and hope, therefore, that Mr. de Klerk can do something during then denying that he had so agreed. Is that the major sticking this period so that we don't put President Bush and his govern- point?

34 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Kaunda: The best way of explaining this is to go back to 1 6 up, and they shook hands. We all clapped hands and shook May 1989. That day found a summit of the eight of us in Luan- hands of both men. da. President dos Santos explained to us what he had in mind As soon as I stopped talking, somebody took over the floor to bring peace to Angola. We all supported that. We decided and I was writing what they were saying, so I could not write that President Mobutu would brief President Bush and South what I had said myself. I am referring to this because those of Africa, and of course Savimbi. We agreed President dos San- my colleagues, our friends who have seen my minutes which tos would brief President Castro of Cuba. We agreed Presi- President dos Santos asked for, have not seen that part in the dent Mugabe would brief Margaret Thatcher of Britain. We minutes. The reason is that as soon as I stopped speaking, agreed President Nguesso of Congo would brief President somebody took over and I began writing what he was saying Mikhail Gorbachev. We agreed President da Costa of Sao without writing what I put in. And when I went back home, Tome and Principe would brief Chancellor Kohl. We agreed that had escaped my mind. President Bongo of Gabon would brief President Mitterrand. Fortunately for us, when I said what I said, the interpreter We agreed President Chissano would brief the Prime Minister said Savimbi is going to be exiled. President Chissano, who of Portugal. understands all those three languages, said, "No, President We also agreed that we would be reviewing the situation Kaunda did not say that. He said Savimbi will then choose of quarterly so that we would have to meet in Zaire some time in his own free will to leave Angola for 18-24 months or so." So August. But mid-June, President Mobutu sent me a message as when we met at the summit in Kinshasa, President Chissano chairman of those countries to inform me happily that he had reminded us of his correction of the interpreter. He was prov- made some progress he would like to report to us. So I called a ing to us that Kaunda did say what Savimbi has been deny- meeting for June 22 in Gbadolite. At that meeting, a number of ing. It was said, it was agreed, he was there himself and he things happened. One, President Mobutu as our host and medi- knows French, English, Portuguese. So that is the background ator summoned me to his office together with President dos to what Savimbi has been denying all along, saying President Santos. There he told us he was glad to brief us about his suc- Mobutu was a liar, an egoist, calling me the enemy of Angola, cesses. The Bush administration had accepted the approach and all sorts of names because I brought out the truth, as we which was agreed in Luanda. South Africa had agreed, Savim- were briefed by President Mobutu. This is exactly what hap- bi had agreed. Savimbi was reluctant to come, but he had spo- pened. ken to Assistant Secretary of State Cohen, who had prevailed Africa Report: Are you optimistic for a solution to the over Savimbi and Savimbi was coming. As we were discussing Angolan conflict? this matter, he was about to land at the airport. The agreement Kaunda: I don't know. People in public life must be opti- would entail cessation of hostilities, one. Two.. Savimbi would mistic all the time; otherwise they should cease to be politi- be offered something by the Angolan government, and he cians! O would fake that into self-imposed exile. He would go on his own free will, nothing definite about timing. Unita leader Jonas Savimbi: "He would go into self-imposed After that, the mediator would continue with talks between exile after being offered something by the Angolan government" the two sides so that the agreement which we reached our- selves, the program which was accepted in Luanda, would be fulfilled. So we clapped hands! Hurrah! And then it was agreed that our host would explain this to the other heads of state. In that request for me to call the summit, President Mobu- tu had suggested that he would like to invite a number of other heads of state so that they could witness the agreement being signed at Gbadolite. I said please go ahead. As a result, we had 1 8 heads of state there, plus the prime minister of Tanza- nia and the speaker of Morocco. The summit was called, we sent away all our foreign minis- ters except three interpreters, Portuguese, French, and English. I called upon President Mobutu to brief us on what he had achieved. He explained all that I have said, except the one about Savimbi deciding to go out in exile on his own. That worried President dos Santos. I could see him struggling, ask- ing question after question, and other leaders contributed, praising the efforts and the outcome, but President dos Santos was not happy. I could see clearly that the summit was going to break down unless that point came out of Savimbi choosing to go out into exile. I decided as chairman to write down notes of what my col- leagues were saying. When I decided that I should reveal this part too, it would then soften President dos Santos. I said that one point that President Mobutu has not added is that of Sav- imbi deciding to go into exile after being offered something by the Angolan government. That cheered President dos Santos, who then said: "Now I am ready to shake the hand of my compatriot," meaning Savimbi. He stood up, Savimbi stood

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 35 SOUTHERN AFRICA'S ELDER STATESMAN

•* ack in 1964, the new president of Zambia, Dr. Ken- bezi. 1974 was a breakthrough year following the April n neth Kaunda, had a row with U.S. President Lyndon B. coup in Lisbon. Once more, Kaunda acted as broker, this Johnson about the American intervention in the Congo time between Frelimo and the Portuguese as they sought an to rescue white mercenaries, arguing that it would encour- end to the Mozambique war. In October, Kaunda wel- age South Africa to intervene in the affairs of its neighbors comed a speech by South African Prime Minister John to the north. Subsequent developments have proved Kaunda Vorster in which he said South Africa would withdraw its right. Hardly noticed at the time, this row marked the begin- troops from the Zambezi if Kaunda would restrain the free- ning of a quarter-century of experience for Kaunda in deal- dom fighters. Dialogue got under way, with Vorster meeting ing with all the principal players in the southern African Felix Houphouet-Boigny in Cote d'lvoire and Kaunda send- saga. ing a representative to South Africa to discuss detente. Right from the beginning of his presidency, Kaunda had The climax of the Rhodesian war now approached and to contend with the ability of the countries to the south to from 1977 onward, Kaunda allowed Nkomo's Zapu to hurt his new nation economically. At independence in Octo- have bases in Zambia, a decision which led to reprisal ber 1964, a primary task for Zambia was to break free of raids by the Smith forces in 1978 and 1979, including air the economic controls then exercised largely through the raids upon Lusaka. Kaunda played a crucial role as host of great mining houses. On the eve of independence, he the 1979 Commonwealth conference, where he first met secured a first victory, regaining mineral rights then held by Britain's new prime minister, Margaret Thatcher. Half-way the old British South Africa Company (BSA). through the Lancaster House talks in London when deadlock Ian Smith's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) had been reached, Kaunda was called in to resolve it. This in Rhodesia on November 1 1, 1965, assisted Zambia in was a crucial turning point for the frontline states and led to breaking ties to the south, at least in part, as it was forced independence for Zimbabwe in 1980. to diversify away from trade with Rhodesia and applied From 1975 onwards, Zambia was to play a major role sanctions more thoroughly than did most other states. in exerting pressure on the Western Contact Group over From independence onwards, Zambia provided constant Namibia at a time when Swapo operated from Zambia, support for the various liberation movements, and this hospi- though later it transferred its bases to southern Angola. In tality made Zambia a prime target for Rhodesian, Por- 1982, Kaunda met with South Africa's President P.W. Botha tuguese, and then South African destabilization tactics. Offi- in an attempt to find a solution to regional security prob- cial Zambian policy has always been to allow transit to lems. He was criticized for doing so by other frontline lead- guerrillas and to permit OAU-recognized movements to be ers, but maintained his search for solutions. headquartered in Lusaka. By the mid-1970s, the MPLA, On the retirement of Nyerere as president of Tanzania in Swapo, the ANC, Zapu, and Zanu had offices there. Such 1985, Kaunda succeeded him as chairman of the frontline openly given support has led to frequent reprisals against states, a position he continues to hold. It is an exacting role, Zambia. for there is no formal structure for the cooperation of the The 1970s were to witness a long, difficult battle on a frontline states. There are, moreover, great differences of number of fronts. In 1970, in his capacity as chairman of emphasis and interests among ihe frontline states, so it is a the OAU, Kaunda traveled to Europe and North America in major task to ensure that they always present a united front. his efforts to prevent the sale of arms to South Africa. His The period of 1986 to 1989 was especially fraught with discussion with British Prime Minister Edward Heath was a dangers. It witnessed acrimonious debate in the Common- disaster, and President Richard Nixon would not see him. It wealth about the application of sanctions against South was hardly a successful tour, but Kaunda was learning what Africa, given Thatcher's opposition. Pressure for sanctions to motivated the Western leaders. be mounted were nonetheless pushed all the time, while In January 1971, Kaunda took the heat at the Common- Kaunda attempted to coordinate regional sanctions as an wealth meeting in Singapore, again on the issue of arms interim measure. Given the state of the Zambian economy, sales to South Africa. In these years, Kaunda learned just he has done well in this regard. how difficult it would be to persuade the West to change its The momentous events of the last two years (Kaunda attitudes toward the white regimes of southern Africa. By served as OAU chairman for a second time during 1987- October 1971, South African paramilitary units had crossed 88) have required immense flexibility and a constant readi- from the Caprivi Strip into Zambia in reprisal raids for Zam- ness to deal with South Africa, while at the same time never bian support of Swapo. Thus the Zambezi—Zambia's south- relaxing the pressures to which Pretoria so obviously ern frontier—had become the frontline demarcating inde- responds. pendent black Africa from the white-controlled south. And so it was fitting that last year Kaunda should host Throughout the 1970s, close cooperation with neighbor- the new South African leader, FW. de Klerk, in Livingstone ing President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania became a vital part on August 28. The meeting produced no surprises. But it did of Kaunda's tactics. In 1973, the two presidents initiated enable the two men to get one another's measure and in regular meetings to coordinate policy toward the south and terms of what lies ahead it is vital for Kaunda to know the they invited President Mobutu or Zaire to join them. It was a kind of man with whom he must deal. tactic to which Kaunda returned in 1989 when He has no illusions about South African intentions. Mobutu—who had long supported Unita in Angola—was Despite all the talk that has taken place in recent months, it invited to act as principal peace-maker between the is for Pretoria to undertake the fundamental steps to abolish Angolan government and Unita. apartheid. Meanwhile, the frontline has in Kaunda a chair- Tn January 1973, Smith closed the border with Zambia, man who has accumulated a greater store of knowledge forcing the latter to reroute northwards its monthly 27,000 and experience of the players in the southern African drama tons of copper exports. By that time, South Africa had an than anyone else. He will need it all. • estimated 4,000-5,000 troops deployed along the Zam- —Guy Arnold

36 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 PARADISE LOST

Camera pi x %AIDAN HARTLEY

The last white mercenaries have finally left the Comoros after a debacle in which President Ahmed Abdallah was murdered. The future of the island nation is by no means clear, however, although the infamous Col Bob Denard and his henchmen have forfeited their control over the country's political life. lossy portraits of President legionnaires poised to invade from resolving this situation here," he Ahmed Abdallah still hung on the neighboring French island of said without irony. G walls all over Moroni, but he Mayotte, and of a further 800 para- The politics of the Comoros have was murdered and buried on the troopers placed on alert in far-off been cruel and bizarre only the way neighboring island of Anjouan. The Reunion island. a small island's can be. This Comoran rumor machine, known as "It's a good number, no? All we archipelago of tiny volcanic islands "Radio Coco," had gone wild. It said need is for the Comorans to invite us off the coast of Madagascar has Abdallah had died grotesquely at the in," he said. But the rumors were been independent from France for hand of 'The Doctor," a mysterious that interim president Said Djohar just 15 years, and Denard and for- South African figure, and his body as was being held a virtual hostage of eign meddling have been associated it had been displayed to the grand Denard, and that when he met a with its power struggles all during mufti was fingerless and disembow- diplomat in private he clamped his this period. eled from throat to groin like a wrists together to show that he was Months after independence, chicken. imprisoned. Denard led his first coup against At the presidential villa, the bed- On the other side of Moroni, President Ahmed Abdallah, helping room windows were blown in, a South African trade representative to install the visionary young social- rocket-propelled grenade having Marco Boni was also embarrassed. ist Ali Soilih. The French mercenary been fired through them on the One of the mercenaries had left his left the islands for three years to night Abdallah died. Now, so people seaside house just before journalists embark on other African escapades. said, le Colonel slept in the presi- arrived. He said South Africa had cut One of them was the bungled dent's bed, while his henchmen for- off aid to the Garde presidentielle attempt to overthrow Benin's Presi- tified themselves in the Gothic ruins (GP)—estimated at $3 million a dent Mathieu Kerekou in 1977, an of the sultan's fortress at Itsandra year—and had never used the incident which led to his indictment Beach. islands as a trans-shipment point for in the Paris high court and a death "Before, a Comoran was in weapon runs to Renamo bases in sentence in absentia in Cotonou. charge. Now Denard is in control, Mozambique. Things had been Denard already had a long career of and this is the problem." The French going badly for some time with the freebooting in Africa: invading diplomat said his country was mercenaries, who were now support- Katanga (on a bicycle) during the embarrassed. He said France was ed only by hard-line elements in the I960 crisis, the Biafran war, as well determined to expel "Colonel" Bob South African Defense Force. One of as jobs in Angola, Cote d'lvoire, and Denard and his 30 mercenaries from the sleek young products of Preto- Chad. the islands, by force if necessary. He ria's foreign ministry, Boni seemed Denard was contracted by conjured up images of 350 foreign to truly believe in F.W. de Klerk's Comoran businessmen to overthrow new policy. "After our successes at Soilih in 1978. Soilih, it seems, had Aidan Hartley is a freelance journalist based in brokering peace in Angola and become quite insane. On taking Nairobi. Namibia, I think we can offer a lot in power, all bureaucratic records were destroyed, while les jeunesses revolu- tionnaires enforced his socialist pro- gram with the zeal of China's cultur- al revolution. When Denard and 50 of his white henchmen invaded Itsandra Beach by trawler, Soilih thought he was God. It took Denard a few hours to conquer Moroni and when Ahmed Abdallah was rein- stalled, the mercenaries were held up as national heroes. It is unlikely Denard could have remained in the Comoros without his Gaullist connections in the French secret service, the DGSE, or his membership in the right-wing Clan des Gabonais, the club of mer-

Bob Denard and President Ahmed Abdallah (right): The president was mur- dered apparently because he—as well as France and South Africa—wanted the mercenaries to leave the islands

38 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Camerapix cenaries and legionnaires who based themselves in Omar Bongo's Gabon. When the new French president. Francois Mitterrand, vowed to rid the Comoros of the mercenaries in 1981, however, other backers had to be found. South Africa, eager to spread influence and gain a strategic hold in the Indian Ocean, stepped in around this time to fund the Garde presidentielle set up by Denard ostensibly to protect Ahmed Abdal- lah. French journalist Jean Larteguy once wrote of mercenaries: "They fight for 20 or 30 years to reshape the world, but die in their beds of a stroke or cirrhosis of the liver." Per- haps the desire to live out the rest of his days quietly led Denard, born in 1927, to settle in the Comoros. He married a Comoran girl—she was his sixth wife—converted to Islam, and took a Muslim name. "I hate the traffic of Paris," he said, charming his readers, "but I adore the scent of ylang ylang" (a perfume plant). Con- tent lo become a cult hero, he reportedly sold the rights of his life story to Clint Eastwood and was interviewed by Paris Match. There was another side to the retired Bob Denard, the desire to monopolize the Comoros' tiny and beleaguered economy. He cut a deal with the South African hotel chain Sun International to build two luxu- ry beach hotels—a $50 million pro- ject South Africa regards as a devel- opment program—and ran a South France and South Africa. But more The chief mercenary, Bob Denard: "He African-funded vegetable plantation importantly, the presence of Denard tried to monopolize the Comoros' tiny for his own profit. He held major had become an embarrassment to and beleaguered economy, cutting deals shares in the single foreign bank, his tacit supporters abroad. "In this with South Africa and France" the Banque Internationale des day and age, when South Africa is Two months before Abdallah Comores, and through his French trying to change its image, do you died, France dispatched a military business contacts, held a monopoly really think we need an association adviser to Moroni to research the on all meat imports. When a with him?" asked Marco Boni. security forces on the islands. The Comoran trade mission was estab- Furthermore, Ahmed Abdallah felt outcome was a resolution by France lished in Johannesburg, he staffed it he was losing power to the GP, which that the GP should be absorbed into with his own agent, who channelled had to brutally suppress widespread the regular Forces armies comori- al! deals through Denard. Finally, opposition to the regifne. Known as ennes (FAC). Soon afterwards, Pre- when one considers that even the 30 "Papa Bok" after tyrant Bokassa of toria's foreign ministry secretary, white mercenaries in the presiden- the Central African Empire, Abdallah General Neil van Heerden, visited tial guard were paid less than Sl.OOO held a referendum on his presidency Paris. It was agreed that Denard and a month, it seems Denard made a just weeks before he was killed. An his men should depart the islands by profit out of that as well. unlikely 92.5 percent majority said he the end of December. At the same It was this greed which contribut- should remain as president without time, Abdallah had sent his foreign ed to his souring of relations with opposition parties. minister, Said Kafe, to Paris to

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 39 request assistance in removing had not been paid for five months. hand. The colonel turned, disgusted, Denard. On December 5, Denard's for- and strode away. Radio Coco said that Abdallah, tunes turned against him. Emerging Four hours later, he and all his along with Denard and his right- from the grand mosque in Moroni, remaining mercenaries returned to hand man, Commandant "Marques" where he had called the ceremony the airport, where a South African (real name: Dominique Malacrino), known as "Hitima" to declare his C-130 Hercules waited for them. had been seen promenading togeth- innocence before the Muslim cadis, After loading crates of South African er on the night of November 26, just he was surrounded by 500 young lager and the ship's wheel from the hours before the president died. Comorans chanting "Assassin, assas- trawler on which Denard invaded in What followed can only be surmised. sin." The crowds were beaten back 1978, the mercenaries were prevent- Denard was desperate to remain on as Denard drove off. The next day, ed from boarding the aircraft with the islands. Abdallah refused to the GP fired teargas on 1,000 rioting their arms. I.ate in the afternoon, the renew the mercenaries' contract. students. By now, all schools were plane took off, bound for Johannes- During an argument in the presiden- boycotted and civil servants were on burg. tial villa, Marques drew on the presi- strike. The legacy of the mercenaries is a dent and his bodyguard, shooting A fortnight after Abdallah's death, political vacuum and an economic both dead. A Comoran witness was four French warships appeared on nightmare. Strikes and riots have later decapitated. broken out all over Grande Comore Horrified at their mistake, the as teachers and civil servants mercenaries tried to inculpate the demand better pay and work condi- FAC. They fired a grenade through Denard had a long tions. The World Bank and IMF have the bedroom window and went to career of freebooting stepped in to advise structural find the FAC's commander, Ahmed adjustment and provide loans to res- Mohammed, in his bed, only to dis- in Africa: invading cue the economy from debt arrears, cover that he had gone to Anjouan Katanga, the Biafran now standing at $126 million. With island for the weekend. The GP flew low market prices for the main to Anjouan, attacked Ahmed war, as well as jobs exports of vanilla and ylang ylang, Mohammed's house, and brought in Angola, Cote the islands have little but the South him back to Grande Comore suffer- d'lvoire, and Chad. African tourist industry to rely on. ing severe grenade wounds. Mean- Meanwhile, the French have while, all garrisons of the 600-strong announced that they will remain on FAC were attacked by the GP. The the horizon. On one occasion, a the islands in a military capacity for FAC was disbanded, while the French fighterjet flew low and slow two years to reorganize the security French-officered gendarmerie's fire- along the Moroni coastline. France forces. power was cut back. Denard was ruled out invasion as an option, but Elections are set for February 18, now in control of the radio station, 800 paratroopers, six transports, and and are supposedly open to multi- the airport, and all military bases. five helicopters were now on May- candidate competition. Exiles based Forty days of mourning for the otte. Denard came out to say he until now in Paris have returned to president were declared the next would not leave. Itsandra Beach was contest them. Opposition leaders day. But nobody was convinced by mined, and gun emplacements Mohammed Taki Abdulkarim and the FAC story and Ahmed was looked out to sea from the slopes of Mouzaoir Abdallah are tipped as released from jail. Worst of all, in Mt. Kartala, the huge volcano above favorites in the presidential race. Denard's daily meetings with cabi- Moroni. Then Denard appeared As for the mercenaries, all but net ministers, nobody would accept again, saying he wanted an "honor- Denard were considered les soldats the job as president. able departure" with acknowledg- perdus, lost soldiers who sought mis- Denard consistently denied guilt ment of his "moral and material directed adventure. They have all in the murder of Abdallah, who was investment in the islands." His men returned to France. Only Denard quickly buried on Anjouan. "We are would not be "slaughtered like remains in South Africa, fearful to soldiers, not assassins," he told lambs in the waves," he said. face a prison sentence in France. reporters in one of only two inter- Early on December 15, the first Negotiations continue, but it is views with the press in December. Puma helicopters and Transall trans- thought he will find refuge in an After more than a week, both South ports began to arrive at Hahaya. African country with which he has Africa and France came out to Denard arrived for a ceremony to been previously associated. Just strongly condemn mercenary con- transfer power. But as the GP guard after his departure from Hahaya, trol of the islands and both suspend- of honor presented arms, they were however, a French diplomat reck- ed aid. France funds more than 60 ignored by the arriving French oned that Denard would be back percent of the islands' budget, and troops, and the senior French officer within four years, not as a soldier but by early December, civil servants refused to shake Denard's proffered as a businessman. O

40 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 A NEW

FACE he FLN is back in business. opponents of reform, or was it a That was the principal message qualified success for the reformers? T of the extraordinary congress Did the vocal presence of delegates held in Algiers, after repeated post- of a distinctly Islamist persuasion ponements, on November 28-30 last indicate that the FLN had been infil- year. The congress was attended by trated by the radical Islamist move- some 5,000 delegates from all parts ment at the grassroots level, and that FOR of the country. Bitter critics of the the leadership had begun to lose its Chadli regime alternated at the ros- grip on the rank and file? Or is there trum with defenders of the policies another explanation for this develop- of the last 10 years, and representa- ment? tives of all the different tendencies, There can be no doubt that the factions, and generations were elect- congress was full of surprises for ed to the central committee. Chadli most observers of Algerian politics THE Benjedid himself, who had appeared since the riots of 1988. In particular, throughout the summer and early the return to prominence of several autumn to be at loggerheads with war veterans and leading associates the National Liberation Front (FLN), of the late President Boumedienne was reelected president. has proven extremely difficult to At first sight, it may appear that square with Western media cover- the congress was an entirely contra- age of Algeria over the last 15 FLN dictory affair. Was it a victory for months. This is because the conven- President Chadli's critics, for the tional wisdom has been premised Hugh Roberts is a specialist writer an Algerian upon a false analogy. affairs living in London. He is the author of numerous articles on Algerian politics, sociolo- The events in Algeria since the gy, and history, and his book. Revolution and riots can only be properly under- Resistance: Algerian Politics and the Kabyle Question, is to be published by l.li. Tauris this stood in historical perspective. But, By HUGH ROBERTS year. because the real political history of At the party congress last November, the FLN underwent some fundamen- tal changes, opening up to all political tendencies—and generations—with- in Algerian nationalism. The loser is the army, whose stranglehold on the FLN apparatus slipped away following its brutal crackdown during the 1988 riots.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 41 the FLN is extremely obscure, a true important. The army, politically dom- who had either retired or been perspective is not easily obtained. In inant since the war, has never been excluded from political life at various its absence, there has been a tenden- willing to allow the "party" to points since independence to return cy to misinterpret Algerian politics become a serious center of decision- to active service in the ranks of the in terms of a stereotype of the deca- making within the state. Its role has FLN. It has therefore been possible dent single-party socialist state. been to explain and justify decisions to represent this process as the From this perspective, the situation taken elsewhere, not to reason why. return of the "old guard" and to mis- in Algeria is regarded as analogous All the major figures within the polit- interpret it as a threat to the reform to that in the USSR, with the FLN ical elite have owed their influence process. This overlooks the fact that presented as the Algerian counter- to the positions they have held out- the "old guard"—the generation of part of the Soviet Communist Party, side the party apparatus, leaving the the wartime FLN and of the Ben infested with Brezhnevites deter- party to be staffed by apparatchiks Bella and Boumedienne periods mined to thwart the Algerian Gor- of little talent or standing. —has never been uniform in its out- bachev, President Chadli, in defense All this has changed over the last look, and that the authoritarian ten- of their socialist dogmas and person- 15 months. The army's political pri- dency associated with Messaadia al privileges. macy—the fundamental constant of and much of the former military The FLN has never been the Algerian politics for the past 34 hierarchy has been displaced by a Algerian equivalent of the Commu- years—was irretrievably under- commitment to political liberaliza- nist Party of the Soviet Union or of mined by the excessively brutal and tion. any other communist state. It is a indiscriminate way in which it sup- The existence of a liberal nationalist movement which has pressed the riots. As a result, its tendency within the old guard was been intransigent on only two con- stranglehold on the party apparatus made clear when a group of 18 major nected points of doctrine: national was destroyed. The first head to roll figures who had been out of politics sovereignty and national unity. Like after the riots was that of the previ- for a decade or more addressed an all nationalist movements, it has con- ous party boss, Mohamed Cherif open letter to Chadli on October 29, tained a wide range of points of view Messaadia, who had personified the 1988, calling for "the introduction of and therefore, in order to preserve lifelessness of the party apparatus democracy permitting Algerians to its own unity, has never adopted a and the woodenness of its rhetoric. choose freely their representatives" clear-cut social doctrine. Its guiding His successor was Abdelhami and suggesting that the presidential philosophy has been thorough-going Mehri; like Messaadia, a veteran of election be postponed until the nec- empiricism and a concomitant mis- the wartime FLN, but who, unlike essary democratic reforms had been trust of ideologies and dogmas, every previous party secretary since undertaken. whether fashioned in Cairo or Dam- 1965, had served throughout in the The letter was signed by three of ascus, Moscow or Washington. civilian, not military, wing of the the most prominent guerrilla com- Moreover, until now it has never movement. manders of the wartime FLN: been a proper political party. The Under Mehri, a new team quickly Colonels Lakhdar Bentobbal, Tahar FLN was created in 1954 as a break- took over the party apparatus, and Zbiri, and Mohammedi Said, and away from the mainstream national- working behind the scenes, set also by major figures from the ist organization, the Parti du Peuple about organizing a new consensus Boumedienne era, notably former Algerien. From the outset, it was within the Algerian political elite in foreign minister Abdelaziz Boutefli- what it claimed to be—a front, not a support of the radical change to a ka and former industry minister party, and as such was able to pluralist political system. The latter Belaid Abdessalem, the architect of absorb all the main tendencies in finally materialized with the enact- Algeria's socialist industrialization Algerian politics. Above all, within ment of the new, liberal constitution strategy in the 1960s and 1970s. This this front, it was the military wing in February last year. Since then, approach was flatly rejected by which dominated the leadership. Mehri has been working to convert Chadli, and his election to a third Since 1962, the FLN, far from operat- the party apparatus into a real politi- presidential term went ahead on ing as an organized party on I^enin- cal party worthy of the name by schedule under the old rules permit- ist lines, has rather been an infor- regrouping within it all the main ten- ting no rival candidates. mally organized political elite, span- dencies among the political elite. His Since then, this liberal tendency ning a wide range of views and aim is to endow the party with a vig- within the old guard has been work- loosely scattered throughout Algeri- orous internal life and thus the ing closely with Mehri and his col- an public life. capacity to formulate a program leagues to reorganize and breathe What has been officially capable of securing, in electoral com- new life into the FLN and, in particu- described as "the party of the FLN" petition with other parties, a genuine lar, to draw the younger generation has simply been one among many of mandate from the Algerian people. into the party. A major conference of the state apparatuses staffed by this This process has involved encour- all those who had held leading posi- elite, and by no means the most aging many distinguished figures tions in the FLN since the middle of

42 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 the war to the present day was held ple of an Islamist outlook in order to claim to five seats, the FLN's contin- on September 19 to thrash out their marginalize the FIS. gent of National Assembly deputies differences and agree on how to Powerful speeches were also having 15 seats, and the remainder organize a full-scale party congress. made by other critics of the Chadli filled by Chadli's nominees. That done, 14 regional congresses regime, notably Yahiaoui, who All the seats were filled by secret were held across the country in attacked the authoritarian and ballot and the overall result is a early November to enable the FLN repressive way in which the party greatly enlarged central committee grassroots to debate resolutions and had been run by Messaadia. AH of some 270 members in all, includ- elect delegations. The result was Mendjli, a veteran of the wartime ing "left Boumediennists" such as that the extraordinary congress held FLN who had been in retirement Abdessalem and Yahiaoui, "right at the end of November was the since breaking with Boumedienne's Boumediennists" such as Bouteflika most democratic and representative regime in 1967, re-emerged at the and ex-gendarmerie chief Ahmed congress since 1979, if not since the congress to attack the parasitic and Bencherif, but also former oppo- FLN's foundation in 1954. corrupt hangers-on who had joined nents of Boumedienne such as The party's leadership has been the FLN only once it was in power Tahar Zbiri (who as army chief of concerned to ensure that all tenden- after 1962 and who had been tarnish- staff organized an abortive coup cies should be represented within ing its image ever since. against Boumedienne in 1967) and the party, as well as each of the But the major figures under Bachir Boumaza, who resigned from FI.N's successive generations. For attack from these quarters were also Boumedienne's Council of the Revo- these reasons, longstanding critics allowed to have their say, notably lution in 1966 and has been in the of the policies pursued by President Abdelhamid Bralimi, Chadli's prime wings ever since. Chadli's successive governments minister from 1984-88, who defend- It also includes veterans of the since 1979 were allowed their say, ed his economic policies, Ahmed FLN's diplomatic corps, such as notably Belaid Abdessalem and Taleb Ibrahimi, foreign minister I,arbi Demaghlatrous, M'Hammed Mohamed Salah Yahiaoui, whom from 1982-88, who argued that all Yazid, and of course, Mehri himself. Boumedienne appointed as party elements of the FLN should share But all the major figures of the chief in 1977, but who was replaced the responsibility for the state of the Chadli regime since 1979 are also on by Messaadia in 1980 and eventually country, and Messaadia himself, the central committee, notably evicted from the central committee who made a point of blaming France Brahimi, Ibrahimi, and Messaadia, in 1983. for the riots. as well as two of the main political Abdessalem not only outlined his As such, the congress amounted casualties of the riots, former interi- disagreements with the economic to a vigorous airing of sharply oppos- or minister Fl Hadi Khediri and ex- policies of the last decade, however, ing views, and there was no prospect chief of general staff Abdallah Bel- but also addressed the two vexing of this giving rise straightaway to a houchet, now a civilian for the first questions of Islam and Berber cul- consensus on the FLN's program. time in over 40 years. ture. These issues underlie the But it appears that Mehri and his Chadli himself received condition- appeal of the FLN's two most serious colleagues have regarded this clear- al support for his economic reform rivals, the radical Islamist move- ing of the air as a necessary prelimi- policies. But at the same time he has ment, now operating in the newly nary step to the subsequent work of been implicated in the FLN's own legalized Islamic Salvation Front policy formation, which will now pro- overall strategy. Therefore, it will no (FIS) on the one hand, and the Rally ceed under the new central commit- longer be easy for him to govern for Culture and Democracy, an off- tee elected at the congress. The lat- Algeria as President Mitterrand has shoot of the Berberist movement, on ter's first task will be to elect a new governed France in recent years—as the other. political bureau before establishing a president disassociated from, and Abdessalem's speech reflected the various commissions and work- to some extent at odds with, his own the concern of the FLN leadership to ing groups needed to hammer out party. counter the appeal of these two policy proposals for incorporation As an article in Algerie-Actuaiite movements by absorbing the sub- into the program on which the FLN commented after the congress, "the stance of the preoccupations. It is will eventually go to the country for FLN gathers up its marbles whatev- the same concern which explains a democratic mandate. er their color." Guerrilla comman- the presence within the congress of The extent of the FLN's conver- ders, ex-regular army officers, veter- many delegates of strongly Islamic sion to democratic principles was an diplomats, left and right Boumedi- views. Far from signifying the infil- also seen in the unprecedented ennists, Chadli supporters of various tration of the FLN by the Islamist democratic manner in which the hues, Islamists and Arabists—they movement as the French press in central committee itself was elected, are all there. But undoubtedly the particular has suggested, this repre- with each regional delegation biggest marble the FLN has back in sented a conscious effort by the allowed to elect three members, the the palm of its hand is Chadli him- FLN leadership to incorporate peo- various mass organizations having a self, at least for the time being. O

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 43 HUMAN RIGHTS I 1 THE AFRICA WATCH AGENDA

ANDREW MELDRUM

Africa enters the 1990s with reason to hope that the human rights of its people will be better respected by its governments as the majority of OAU countries have ratified the African Charter of Human and People's Rights. A new organization, Africa Watch, intends to monitor human rights abuses throughout the continent. Launched in 1988, Africa Watch published three major reports in 1989: "Angola—Violations of the Laws of War By Both Sides," "No Neutral Ground—South Africa's Confrontation with Activist Churches," and "Zimbabwe—A Break with the Past? Human Rights and Politi- cal Unity." A report on Somalia was released early this year. Richard Carver, the research director of Africa Watch, has been following African events for 11 years. Formerly with Amnesty International, Carver now studies human rights developments and reports his findings for Africa Watch. Interviewed on a follow-up trip to Zimbabwe, Carver looks back at the 1980s and for- ward into the 1990s, and finding some cause for optimism regarding Africa's human rights record, but reason to question the record of one-party states in upholding citi- zens' rights and civil liberties.

44 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990

L Africa Report: How was like the exposure of govern- Africa Watch founded and ment death squads is taking what are its objectives? place. What has remained Carver: Africa Watch is under-reported are abuses part of the New York-based of human rights in the home- ZIMBABWE lands and in the rural areas. organization, Human Rights Watch, which began in the In Africa generally, some late 1970s as Helsinki situations remain bad, most Watch to monitor adherence strikingly in the Horn of to the Helsinki Accords on Africa. In Somalia, with the human rights. Subsequently, outbreak of civil war in the the organization has north in 1988, what was expanded its geographical already a situation of the scope to include Americas most extreme repression Watch, Asia Watch, and became one in which the more recently, Africa Watch government essentially and Middle East Watch. declared war on its own population, with wide- Human Rights Watch spread massacres and monitors how U.S. foreign bombings of the civilian policy affects human rights population. That has spread practices in countries with now from northern Somalia, governments that are politi- previously the focus of cally supported by and in opposition to the regime, to sympathy with the United all parts of the country. States- Africa Watch has a similar orientation, but we're The Ethiopian regime anxious that we shouldn't be looks increasingly unsteady, simply a U.S. organization but maintains the style of and we want to cover extreme repression as it has human rights issues on an throughout the decade. impartial basis. Sudan has seen signifi- We are different from cant changes to and fro Amnesty International, which over the past 10 years. The has a narrow, specific focus regime in power seems to on political detainees. Africa Watch follows a broader range want to undo some of the initiatives of the previous govern- of civilian and political rights, including press freedom, judi- ment in trying to bring about peace in the south of the country cial independence, rights of refugees, and the rules of interna- at the same time as carrying on with detention of critics, such tional justice in combat on both sides of armed conflicts, as independent professionals, lawyers, and academics who according to the Geneva Conventions. are critical of its wish to reinstate sharia law. There, the We don't have aspirations to cover everything. Our prospects look somewhat bleak. method, as we've done in Zimbabwe, is to focus on a particu- There are other depressing problems such as the terrible lar country and do a fairly exhaustive report on a whole num- civilian tolls in Mozambique and Angola, but there are signs ber of human rights issues. In contrast, Amnesty attempts a of political movement in those countries to reach settlements. constant monitoring of every country in the world on those Africa Report: Have you seen any improvements in the past issues. We play a rather different role from Amnesty and we decade? don't see ourselves as rivals. We are funded by grants from Carver: Generally, perhaps the picture is not so depressing. charitable foundations in the U.S. and we receive no govern- In Uganda, after the period of the Amin regime and appalling ment funding, by deliberate policy. massacres and torture by the Obote government, the coming Africa Report: How do you assess the current state of to power of the Museveni government was a welcome devel- human rights in Africa? opment. That government, while by no means resolving all Carver: South Africa is one of the major human rights issues human rights abuses, at least has tried to make institutional and its twists, turns, and developments over the past decade reforms which will provide a lasting protection for human are well-known. Clearly the phase that we're in now is a posi- rights. tive one, after the extremely bad period of widespread emer- This question of institutional reforms has happened in sever- gency detentions and so on. We are now at a point where al countries and I think represents one of the bright spots on prominent political prisoners are being released and things the scene. In Togo, a national commission on human rights has been Andrew Meldrum, a contributing editor to Africa Report, is an Ameri- can journalist who has been based in Zimbabwe since 198G. He also set up in response to international criticism, particularly from writes for The Guardian of London. Amnesty International, on the state of human rights in Togo.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 45 There are still many weaknesses because the Togo commission whether the ballot itself is conducted fairly. That is something is unable to investigate certain things. But the commission has we will be keeping a close eye on. taken on a life of its own; it receives complaints from Togolese And then there's the whole question of the proposed move citizens about human rights abuses and, in some cases, it is to a one-party state, which also has important human rights able to investigate and rectify them. implications. So we intend to continue monitoring Zimbabwe, There is now a similar institution in Uganda and an ad hoc not because things are so bad, they're not, but because the committee on human rights was formed in Ghana in 1982 fol- country is at an interesting, crucial time in its political develop- lowing the murder of some judges and officers. ment. These commissions don't resolve all the problems, but they Africa Report: Do you think the recent events in Eastern do bring things out in the open. The development and growth Europe will have any effect on political developments in of independent organizations to monitor abuses is very posi- Africa? tive. The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zim- Carver: A number of African governments have been some- babwe is very unusual and outstanding. Nigeria also has a what shaken by events in Eastern Europe because of the simi- civil liberties organization, a vigorous non-governmental larity of political systems: the ore-party state. human rights body. This raises big questions for Zimbabwe, which is planning Africa Report: What about the OAU's charter on human to embark on setting up a one-oarty state. Unfortunately, in its rights? public pronouncements, the government of Zimbabwe doesn't Carver: The 1980s saw the growth of pan-African protection seem to have taken on board the lessons from Eastern Europe. of human rights. There was the drafting of the OAU's African On the other hand, many Zimbabweans, including people Charter on Human and People's Rights, which has been rati- within its ruling party, are very perturbed and have drawn the fied by a majority of African governments. A commission was conclusion that the one-party state is not the answer. set up to monitor the adherence of African governments to the In Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi, and possibly Zim- standards in that charter and to receive complaints from indi- babwe, if it indeed chooses to go that way, the suppression of viduals. It's very early to say how effective it will be in bring- dissent seems to follow logically from the maintenance of a ing up issues to specific governments because the members of one-party political system. the commission are nominated by governments. In Zambia and Tanzania, the governments are well- What is important so far is that Africa has developed the entrenched and one suspects that independent political activity standards by which African governments should be judged. has been suppressed for so long that the possibilities for dra- Certainly the arguments of human rights defenders have been matic change there are still a way off, but what Eastern greatly strengthened by the existence of the African charter as Europe has taught us is the foolishness of predicting. I a purely African body of human rights law. wouldn't want to predict even a year ahead in Africa, let It is important to establish that to point out human rights alone a decade. O abuses taking place in a particular country is a responsibility, not an interference in the internal affairs or the politics of a country. President Museveni made this point forcefully at the first OAU meeting he attended after taking power in 1986. He took other African governments to task for failing to speak out against what had happened in Uganda over the preceding 15 "What is taking place in the Frontline States under aggres- years or so. He said, "This is your responsibility. As my sion by apartheid is the same as one Jumbo jet filled with frontline children crashing without survivors every day!" African brothers, you must not be silent on this." ^^^_^_^___ —Kenneth Kaunda Of course, governments don't like criticizing other govern- ments because that opens them up to criticism themselves. That Apartheid Terrorism is why non-governmental bodies are needed to keep a watch on governments. But there must also be a readiness on govern- By Phyllis Johnson and David) Martin ments' part to take action as well. Non-governmental organi- Apartheid Terrorism gives the most uo-to- zations cannot enforce respect for human rights. date and thorough analysis available of South Africa's policies toward its neighbors Africa Report: Your report on Zimbabwe criticized the gov- with detailed specific examples of the ernment for maintaining the state of emergency, which allows pressures it exerts on the Frontline Slates, indefinite detention without trial. Have you received any individually and collectively. response from the Zimbabwean government? And do you "Surely, even if you fail to share, you must intend to continue following Zimbabwe closely? at least understand our indignation when Carver: As yet, we have not received an official response confronted with this level of apartheid terrorism." —Kenneth Kaunda from the Zimbabwean government. The next big item on Zim- $27.50 babwe's political agenda is the elections [set for the end of March] and we raised in the report various points of unease about the possibilities of restrictions on free campaigning up to Dept. A2FZ, Tenth S Morton Streets Bloom i rig ton, Indiana 47405 the elections. We want to see if the minority parties are going UNIVERSITY PRESS Orders may call toll-free 600-642-6796 to be able to campaign freely, and arguably there are already great restrictions on that. Second, we would like to see

46 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 ENVIRONMENT FORECASTING AFRICA'S FUTURE By NICK CATER

Already vulnerable to the unpredictability of weather, African countries now face a new environmental threat—the greenhouse effect. Although developed nations are mainly responsible for global warming, Africa will have to cope with the potential consequences—changes in its ecological and economic fabric.

ith many African economies have a strategic impact on interna- successfully predicting and manag- deeply dependent on agri- tional economic and political rela- ing the continent's existing wide W culture and livestock—and tions. weather variability. Second, there is thus reliant on the weather—the While those drawing up what no way Africa can expect to be continent's planners should be could be called extremely long range exempt from changes with far-reach- strongly involved in the present weather forecasts for Africa show lit- ing and harmful effects, even if some international debate on climatic tle agreement—opinions range from aspects of them initially appear to be changes, according to researchers in generally warmer and wetter to a beneficial. Africa, the U.S., and Europe. risk of more disastrous Although global warming is A series of international confer- droughts—scientists studying the something to be fearful of, it is also ences this year—including a meet- way greenhouse gases like carbon something to be grateful for, ing of African ministers, scientists, dioxide trap more heat in the earth's because of the way heat is trapped in and environmental groups in Nairo- atmosphere are now unanimous on the atmosphere by the so-called bi—looks set to raise attention about two points. "greenhouse gases," including car- issues such as global warming to First, investment in climatic bon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, new heights and draw Africa more research is vital, not only to improve chlorfluorocarbons, and water vapor. firmly into decisions expected to Africa's ability to cope with any irre- Without this mechanism, our planet versible long-term shifts in global would be 30° C colder—but the Nick Cater is a British writer, broadcaster, and consultant on development issues. weather patterns, but also to begin increasing concentrations of those

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 47 gases are threatening to raise world- as the ice caps melt and oceans have a very hostile impact on pre- wide temperatures significantly. warm up. By the middle of the next sent regions of other crops, such as Hie concentration of carbon diox- century, there could be radical coffee. ide in the atmosphere today appears changes across Africa in every Other researchers have suggest- very small at around 340 parts per aspect of weather patterns. ed that while the Sahel and Sudan million, but that is a big increase on The increase in average tempera- could see improved rainfall, coun- the 265 ppm recorded in 1850, a rise tures in the last century is put at tries further south, including Gabon, mainly from industrialization and 0.5°—not enough to be definitely Congo, and Zaire, will experience fossil fuel combustion. Some blamed on global wanning—but the sharp decreases likely to cut yields researchers predict that without con- pace of change is unpredictable and create new deserts. trols, concentrations could double because of complex positive and Shifting weather patterns will by the year 2050. Methane, from bio- negative feedback mechanisms have other effects, such as changing logical decay, and nitrous oxide, involving cloud cover, water vapor breeding areas for locusts, better from fertilizers, are also increasing production, and the melting of ice conditions for other pests, and fast, while ozone-destroying CFCs, caps, which then reflect back less increased disease risks, from malar- from aerosols and cooling systems, solar radiation. ia to cholera and bilharzia, all of are also extremely efficient green- which will be able to adapt far quick- house gases. er to the new conditions than man. Greenhouse gases trap heat by The pace of change may prove too allowing the short-wave energy from Shifting weather fast for some ecosystems to adapt, the sun through to the earth's sur- patterns will have accelerating the world's loss of face, but making the atmosphere genetic d iversity. more opaque to the long-wave ener- other effects, such The list of measures needed to gy radiated back by the earth, much as changing breed- counteract the impact of global of which then bounces back and warming is a familiar one, including forth between the atmosphere and ing areas for locusts greater fuel efficiency, increased use the surface. and increased dis- of renewable resources, recycling, Dr. Michael Hulme of the Climat- ease risks. reforestation, and phasing out CFCs, ic Research Centre at Britain's Uni- all of which have a positive environ- versity of East Anglia warns that mental impact in other ways. there is very little precision in any of It is developed nations in the main the predictions about climatic "While many people in developed which produce most greenhouse change and global warning, and countries have been concentrating gases, while developing countries admits that far more work is needed on the greenhouse effect only in have the lowest per capita carbon to make the computerized models terms of temperature rise, in Africa emissions, CFC use and energy con- more accurate. we may well see far more significant sumption, while much of their ener- But with that caveat, he adds: "We changes from changes in precipita- gy use is biomass, not fossil fuels. are more confident about making tion—rainfall," said Hulme. Hulme warns: "We must be sure that some predictions, such as that high "It is still possible that there could the developed nations and institu- latitudes—Europe, the Soviet Union, be a decrease in average precipita- tions like the World Bank and Inter- North America—will be more tion, which could mean more national Monetary Fund shoulder strongly affected than the lower lati- drought, something obviously disas- the main burden of combating global tudes of Africa. trous for those in marginal areas. warming and dealing with its "We feel that by the middle of the But there is evidence to suggest that impact." next century, the rise in average in a belt either side of the equator, This year, a series of international temperatures in the higher latitudes rainfall might increase. We don't meetings will be held to discuss cli- could be in the range of 2° to 4° C, know if that would help crop produc- matic change issues. The final meet- while in the lower latitudes toward tion, or whether the higher tempera- ing of the Intergovernmental Panel the equator—including much of tures would counteract some or all on Climatic Change will take place in Africa—the rise in average tempera- of the increased precipitation." Stockholm in August and its report ture would be 1° to2°." Apart from changes in tempera- will be presented to the second Over only a few decades, such ture and rainfall, rising carbon diox- World Climate Conference in Gene- increases could move the U.S. and ide concentrations could be benefi- va at the end of October. USSR grain-producing regions hun- cial for certain crops like sorghum Within Africa, up to 300 delegates dreds of miles further north, a clear or millet in improving yields, which are expected at a meeting in Nairobi risk to global food security, and spell might enhance food supplies in the in early May on global warming and disaster for river basins, coastal Sahel, but some studies suggest that developing nations, part of a series regions and islands if sea levels rise the increase in temperature could of conferences also taking place in

48 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Thailand and Brazil. The Nairobi room for complacency, since some ment in most countries is so low that conference will be supported by the degree of changes in climate are they will not be able to cope with the U.S. Woods Hole Research Center in probably already irreversibly under scale of changes on the way, and sec- Massachusetts, Canadian, and way, while the costs in time, money, ond, the new global controls will Swedish institutions, and a host of and other resources of any efforts to harm or cut back development African NGOs, including the Nairo- reduce or reverse global warming efforts. bi-based Environment Liaison Cen- will be enormous, and could totally The UN Environment Pro- tre and the African Centre for Tech- undermine African development gramme, with its headquarters in nology Studies. efforts. Kenya, has a major role in coordinat- The international debate aims to How Africa copes with its ordi- ing the worldwide response to global reach formal agreement on mea- nary weather is a central concern of warming. Together with the World sures to combat global warming in Dr. Michael Glantz, a political scien- Meteorological Organization, UNEP 1992, when a UN special session on tist who heads the Environmental established the Intergovernmental the environment will be called in and Societal Impacts Group at the Panel of Climatic Change, and set up Brazil. Dr. Mostafa Tolba, executive U.S. National Atmospheric Research Gems, the Global Environment Mon- director of the United Nations Envi- itoring System. Alex Alusa, a pro- ronment Programme, has urged gram officer in the atmosphere sec- immediate action, including the cre- tion of Gems, who previously ation of a multi-billion dollar "climate All climatic predic- worked in the Kenyan meteorologi- fund" to help developing nations cal service, says UNEP aims to act cope with the economic and social tions have been in as a catalyst in raising awareness changes they may be required to terms of averages on and encouraging action. make. a global scale, mak- "Developing countries could end Some scientists see global warm- up being the most affected, so they ing as a potentially powerful weapon ing it even more diffi- need to be sensitive to the risks for developing nations, since some cult to suggest inherent in global warming." He of the mechanisms proposed to man- options for Africa. rejects talk of winners and losers, age it could give them control of suggesting that there are so many valuable resources. One suggestion factors involved that in any one has been for a global carbon tax, African country there could be forcing developed countries which Council in Boulder, Colorado. He regional winners and losers. do not reduce emissions to buy tax says: "We do a poor job at the Are Africans worried about cli- credits from developing nations. In a moment dealing with simple season- matic change? Yes, says Alusa, similar way, a global quota for tree ality and variability—it doesn't get "there is now the greatest sensitivity planting to absorb carbon dioxide enough attention in planning by at the highest level in many African could mean developing countries either African governments or inter- countries, such as Kenya, Egypt, being paid to plant part of a devel- national organizations." Senegal, as well as the island states. oped nation's quota. He emphasizes the need for fur- Cape Verde, Mauritius, the Sey- But if developing countries do not ther research into both short-term chelles, and Madagascar," take a strong role in the global climatic variability and long-term cli- And what should be the priority warming negotiations, they could mate change, but attacks what he for Africa? "Since even present find a block or limits placed on their dubs as the taboo about winners and weather variability can play havoc economic development through losers among the "climate change with economic management and restrictions on use of CFCs or emis- industry." planning, I feel we have to look at sion of carbon dioxide and methane, "There are winners and losers in the short and long-term changes for example. the present climaticconditions—look together. And that means manpower Hulme emphasizes that all the cli- at the United States by comparison development, so Africa has trained matic predictions have been in with northern Ethiopia. Why people with the right equipment and terms of averages on a global scale, shouldn't some countries come out can manage its own affairs." and this dearly makes it even more of any climafic change in a better He adds: "Climatic changes are difficult to suggest options for Africa overall situation? Sure, there'll have certainly a threat in Africa, because as a whole or for regions—such as to be trade-offs on other fac- most countries are vulnerable the Sahel—within it. "We need at tors—human health, say, or agricul- through a lack of strategies or the least 10 to 15 years more research tural pests—but all climatic condi- economic capacity to cope and before we can begin to make predic- tions involve trade-offs." respond, and Africa must play a full tions of climatic change with any Glantz identifies two main risks part in turning the world away from level of confidence," he adds. for African governments in global its own destruction. We have very lit- However, he says there is no warming: First, the level of develop- tle time left." O

AFRICA REPORT* March-April 1990 49 WORLD BANK A NEW DEVELOPMENT

Over the past several years, the World Bank has prescribed and African nations had little choice but to go along. In its latest report on Africa's economic prospects, however, the Bank has solicited the views of its critics. The analysis frankly admits the shortcomings of structural adjustment and argues for a new compact between donors and the continent to ensure that its human resources are not neglected in the quest for economic development.

By COLLEEN LOWE MORNA margarol A No vie * frican finance ministers emerged from their annual A consultation with World Bank President Barber Conable late last year in an uncharacteristically upbeat mood. The closed-door session is a usual part of the annual World Bank/IMF meeting, which last year took place in Washington. Ordinarily, according to a regular participant, it is a dry affair: Conable makes a presenta- tion, a few questions are asked, a few people fall asleep, and the event is declared over. But the latest meeting, according to the participant, was different. Del- egates sat up, questions were asked, and the consultation ran into over- time. Despite Africa's numerous efforts at structural adjustment, the Bank chief reportedly told his audience, the 1980s had unquestionably proved a disappointment for the con- tinent and its well-wishers. Declaring "adjustment with a dif- ference" as the new theme for the

Colleen Lowe Morna is a Zimbabwean free- lance journalist based in Harare.

50 OMPACT?

1990s, and calling for a "global coali- Barber tion" in support of Africa, Conable Conable, president of went on to say that far more empha- the World sis would now need to be put on Bank human resource development, envi- ronmental protection, and self- in Addis Ababa. reliance. Using different crite Repeatedly referring to the need ria, the ECA claimed for greater "capacity-building," the opposite. The subse- Conable said the emphasis in the quent debate prompted the the future should be on strengthening ECA to formulate an "African painstak- Africa's own institutions to deal with Alternative Framework to Structural ing degree to its problems. Adjustment Programmes," more which—for the first time ever—the Conable's comments formed the often referred to as the AAE-SAP. Bank went out of its way to consult a backdrop to the ground-breaking In the interim, through its cham- broad cross-section of opinion before report, Sub-Saharan Africa: From pioning of the theme "adjustment prescribing solutions. Crisis to Sustainable Growth, pub- with a human face," Unicef and other lished in November, and destined to NGOs have provided ample evi- Three years at work, the report's exercise a profound influence on pol- dence of the negative social conse- authors have several times reiterat- icy directions—both internal and quences of structural adjustment ed that the process of putting togeth- external—as Africa enters the new programs promoted by the IMF and er the report was ultimately as decade. World Bank. important as the product itself. Africa Report is in possession of Past Bank reports have achieved Why should a new World Bank two earlier drafts of the report—one little more than stirring up contro- report on Africa be listened to now? titled Beyond Adjustment: Toward versy. The 1981 World Bank report. One simple answer is that as Africa Sustainable Growth With Equity in Accelerated Development in Sub- enters the 1990s, the problems are Sub-Saharan Africa, released for Saharan Africa, or the "Berg so staggering that no one can afford comment in November 1988, and the report," which simplistically blamed to ignore anything being said, not penultimate draft, Sustainable African governments for the eco- least by Africa's largest multilateral Growth With Equity, A Long Term nomic crisis and prescribed private lending agency. Perspective for Sub-Saharan Africa, sector involvement as a panacea, Today, Africa's 450 million people released to African finance ministers provoked a defensive reaction by have a gross domestic product at the September 1989 meeting of African governments. roughly equivalent to that of Bel- the IMF and World Bank. Three subsequent reports gium with 10 million people. They received little attention, until the are, on average, almost as poor as 30 Compared to the final report Bank and UNDP came out with years ago. Yet, at current rates, the —Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to another study, Africa's Adjustment population is set to shoot up to 1.7 Sustainable Growth—additions, alter- and Growth in the 1980s, which billion by the year 2050. As the new ations, and modifications are clearly claimed that countries undergoing World Bank report puts it: "The chal- evident all the way along. Right structural adjustment were doing lenge facing Africa is exceptional. down until the penultimate draft, for better than those which are not. The cost of failure would be excep- example, no mention was made of how South African destabilization This was vehemently challenged tional." has affected southern African by the Economic Commission for What makes this report a credible economies. One of the African Africa (ECA). a UN think tank based source on the subject, however, is

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 51 and Growth in the 1980s, argued on as a major cause of Africa's crisis, the basis of structural adjustment and calls for measures to stabilize "Structural reforms taken that "recovery has commodity markets. adjustment is begun," From Crisis to Sustainable Sticking to that part of the analy- necessary, but it Growth—published after the ECA sis in the last report—Africa's Adjust- challenge—takes a more cautious ment and Growth in the 1980s—the must be sustained, line. "Structural adjustments are Bank maintains that too much has without dogmatism. beginning to produce results, but been made of the fall in commodity only slowly," the report says. "In prices. It must be adjusted most instances, the process has According to the Bank, although with a difference. hardly begun, and too often efforts the poorest African countries did suf- have not been maintained." Difference in the fer a protracted decline in their Setting its theme, "adjustment terms of trade, overall the conti- sense that greater with transformation," the AAF-SAP nent's terms of trade were higher in accountability is notes: "Africa has to adjust. But in the early 1980s than in the 1960s. adjusting, it is important that it is the Meanwhile, according to Bank taken of its social transformation of the structures that calculations, Africa's share of non-oil impact." fundamentally serve to advance the primary exports fell from 7 to 4 per- African socio-economic situation that cent of the world total between 1970 constitute the focus of attention." and 1985. If Africa had simply main- finance ministers must have picked Putting forward its theme, tained this level of output, export this out: The omission is rectified in "adjustment with a difference," the earnings would have been $9 to $10 the final report. World Bank notes: "Structural billion a year higher in 1986/87, More significantly, compared to adjustment is necessary, but it must equal to sub-Saharan Africa's annual earlier reports, the Bank is self-criti- be sustained, without dogmatism. It debt service payments or donor cal and even humble. The report must be adjustment with a differ- assistance. Put differently, the report declares that "responsibility for ence. Difference in the sense that says, if Africa's export growth had Africa's economic crisis is shared," greater accountability is taken of its matched that of other LDCs, its debt and the Bank owns up to participat- social impact." service ratio would be about half ing in many of the white elephant Of course, differences of opinion what it is today. projects it condemns. remain between the Bank and ECA. The conclusion is that export vol- From Crisis to Sustainable Growth Following the arguments of most umes—which are a product of pays specific tribute to the Bank's African countries, the ECA sees the domestic policy—are a more signifi- chief opponents in the past, and the continuing drop of commodity prices cant issue than commodity report is clearly influenced by their critiques. "The agricultural sector will be at the heart of development efforts, and agricultural Unicef is cited, and those who exports must increase" have tirelessly argued for a basic- needs approach to development will be heartened by the report's decla- ration—not present in earlier drafts—that "measuring develop- ment in terms of access to basic health services, education, and food, is more satisfactory than using other yardsticks." Indeed, the chapter on human needs is shifted to greater prominence in the final report, and the title changed from "closing the social gap," to "investing in people." The ECA's AAF-SAP is also cited, and its human-centered strategy is said to be consistent with the report. Both reports, the World Bank says, "see people as both the ends and means of development." While the last World Bank (and UNDP) report, Africa's Adjustment

52 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 prices—which are determined by as long as African countries fail to and providing infrastructure. Author- the world market. form regional blocs, the numbers itarianism must give way to an open- The point of departure here simply will not stack up in terms of ness that brings out people's full between the ECA and World Bank is scale. potential. the proverbial chicken and egg prob- On balance, Conable told Africa •Environmental issues must lem: Which came first: falling prices Report, there is no longer "a major increasingly come to the fore, if or falling export volumes? However, parting of ways (between the Bank Africa is to preserve any kind of her- there is broad consensus on the key and ECA). It is simply a question of itage for its future generations. issue that domestic economies have differences in emphasis here and •Regional integration must be vigor- been mismanaged. there." Similarly, ECA executive sec- ously pursued to overcome fragmen- Indeed, comparing earlier drafts retary Adebayo Adedeji has called tation. of the Bank's report with the final the Bank's latest report an important •Debt relief and donor assistance report, it would appear that the contribution toward "building a con- must continue and be expanded (the forthrightness with which the AAF- sensus on the vital policy issues that World Bank estimates a gross ODA SAP acknowledged political failures confront Africa." requirement of S22 billion a year by strengthened the World Bank's hand While no one can say for sure 2000). in coming out boldly on this issue. what will happen in the 1990s, some However, both the Bank and ECA The ECA report is ground-break- degree of agreement is starting to stress the need for a more effective ing in confronting political issues build up on the way forward. Fusing partnership between donors and head on, and asserting that freedom the ideas of the AAF-SAP and the recipients. They also point out of expression is one of the basic World Bank report, From Crisis to that—should Africa finally make a human rights of Africans. Sustainable Development, these may breakthrough in the decade While earlier drafts of the World be summarized as follows: ahead—it will be money well spent, Bank report made reference to cor- •Africa should seek a growth rate of as Africa would then—for the first ruption and the breakdown of judi- 4 to 5 percent per year, and vigorous- time—no longer have to go out to cial systems, the final report is bold- ly pursue measures to reduce its the world with a begging bowl. O er, attacking military coups (though population growth rate, if per capita several countries undergoing struc- income is to grow in the next tural adjustment are under military decade. The agricultural sector will governments), calling for a free be at the heart of development The UNESCO press and freedom of association. efforts, and agricultural exports General History of With uncharacteristic outspoken- must increase. However, as the out- ness on a political issue, the report look for commodity prices is not Africa Volume VI declares that "Africa needs not just bright, Africa will need to diversify Africa in the Nineteenth Century less government but better govern- exports and generally prepare itself until the 1880s to be competitive in a new, more Edited by |. F. ADE A|AVI ment—government that concen- "The overall ;iim (if die H-volume I'NESCO trates its efforts less on direct inter- technologically driven era. General f lisum of Africa may IK1 said to be vention, and more on enabling oth- •Structural adjustment programs the African isaiionol African historv through a slimline aicoiini of ilic ideas, civilisation, ers to be productive." must be pursued to get the macroec- societies and traditions of die (ontineni\s There are, again, some differ- onomic environment right, but these peoples." —( :iiin\\ei/n. Smith ences of opinion between the Bank must take account of the social and ECA over what the role of the impact, with human resource devel- Reproduction and state should be. opment the fulcrum of all efforts. The Bank report comes out in •African institutions must be Social Organization favor of a Nordic-style system, strengthened to take on the tasks in Sub-Saharan where the state builds schools, ahead. "Capacity-building" needs to Africa roads, and social services, but leaves take place at all levels, from the bot- tom upward, with particular empha- Edited by RON |. LESTHAEGHE all production up to the private sec- " \ unicjiie and paihbreaking uoi k ili.it uill tor. The AAF-SAP, on the other hand, sis on the vast, yet still untapped role exei 1 a lasting influence on the thinking of that women can play. demographers, anthropologists, and argues that in developing countries de\elopiiieni spe< ialists working in Africa." with tiny, ill-developed private sec- •The key role of governments —Kticniic* van de Walle, tors, state intervention is still neces- should be to create an "enabling" I'ni\t*i"sil\ oi I'einiM Ivanin sary in some areas of production. environment for the talent and skills Sluttir*. in Drnmirififjln $50.1)0 Both agree, however, on the need of its people to blossom. This implies putting the macroeconomic house in Al booksloiesoi call lolJ-lree ]-H00-8H^-n'(i:i7. for parastatal reform, and removal of Visa <&• MasterCard onlv. controls which hamper entre- order, removing bottlenecks at the microeconomic level (such as University of California preneurial activity, especially in the PreSS Berkeley 94720 informal sector. Both also agree that restrictions on the informal sector)

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 53 he contrast could not have been more dramatic. As world T attention was fixed on the UGABE'S rapid revolt of Eastern Europe's peo- ple from one-party rule, Zimbabwe's political leaders gathered to endorse 's quest for a one- party state. Nearly 5,000 members of Zimbab- we's ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) gathered December 18-22 LLY? in the plush, purple and gold Harare International Conference Center for the party's National People's Congress, akin to a party's national By ANDREW MELDRUM convention in the United States. The main task of business for the While Eastern Europeans turn their backs on congress was to finally join the coun- government monopoly of power, President Robert try's two nationalist parties in an Mugabe seems more determined than ever to indissoluble merger. After a bitter advance his agenda for a Marxist-Leninist one-party split of 26 years, Mugabe's Zanu-PF state. With national elections due in March, and 's opposition Zim- Andrew Meldrum, a contributing editor to however, opposition to the government's agenda may Africa Report, is an American journalist who has been based in Zimbabwe since 1980. He forestall the accomplishment of Mugabe's plans. also writes /or The Guardian of London.

54 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Prime Minister Robert Mugabe (left): "Uncharacteristically emotive in his appeal for the creation of a one-party Marxist-Leninist state"

Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano (right): "He explained why his government has begun opening up its centrally controlled Marxist economy and paving the way for a multi-party system"

Edgar Tekere (lower right): The newly merged Zanu-PF is aiming for a sweep of all parliamentary seats in March because of the relative inactivity of Tekere's oppo- sition party, the Zimbabwe Unity Move- ment

istically emotive in his speech. speeches as if the one-party rule in "Is our development path to be Zambia, Kenya, and Malawi had any- that of socialism or capitalism? I am thing at all positive to offer as a a socialist, but what are you?" he model for Zimbabwe. All anyone has asked. to do is travel to Zambia for a day to "Socialist! Socialist!" shouted the see what an economic mess it is in, congress delegates. largely as a result of inefficient party Mugabe said he would take part management. And the stifling inter- in the debate over the party's future, nal repression in Kenya and Malawi particularly on the question of a one- is also well known here." party state. One African leader, Mozambican "But it will not be Robert President Joaquim Chissano, sound- Mugabe, as the BBC would say, who ed a note of caution. Chissano will want to turn the country into a described the difficulties that his babwe African People's Union one-party state. It will be you, the war-torn country has faced and (Zapu) reunited to bring an end to delegates, if that decision is made," explained why his government has the political-ethnic divisions that said Mugabe, to cheers and ulula- begun opening up its centrally con- marred Zimbabwe's first 10 years of tions. "What I find unbearable and trolled Marxist economy. Chissano independence. cannot brook as a leader is those also told why his government is The fusion of the country's two who, after we make that decision, remaking its constitution to pave the major nationalist parties had been will deviate and not comply with our way for a multi-party system and long awaited, since it was agreed decision." why it is entering into negotiations upon two years earlier when Following Mugabe's exhortation with the Renamo rebels. Mugabe and Nkomo signed the came a round of speeches from rep- "Mugabe's reaction to Chissano's Unity Accord. But the historic resentatives of friendly governments speech was noticeably cooler than to nature of the event was overshad- and ruling parties, mostly neighbor- the others, despite the fact that owed at the congress by the maneu- ing African countries and Eastern Mozambique has traditionally been verings to determine the newly unit- bloc allies. Zambian President Ken- ed party's policies for the 1990s, par- neth Kaunda was first with a lengthy ticularly to establish a one-party lecture effusively praising the merits state and to maintain Marxist of one-party rule and urging Zimbab- rhetoric. The congress set the agen- weans to follow Zambia's example to da that Zanu-PF will put forward in become a single-party state. national elections this March, Zim- Representatives from Kenya's babwe's third majority-rule national Kanu party and Malawi's Congress elections. Party gave similar addresses hailing The tone was set by President the union of Zimbabwe's two parties Robert Mugabe, who opened the as the decisive step toward achiev- congress with an earnest appeal for ing the goal of a one-party state. the creation of a Marxist-Leninist "It was rather hard to take," com- one-party state. Usually sedate and mented a top Western diplomat pre- academic, Mugabe was uncharacter- sent for the messages. "All those

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 his closest ally," said the diplomat. minister of justice, legal, and parlia- Also subdued were the solidarity mentary affairs to the lesser post of messages by representatives from minister of state. But Zvobgo has Eastern Europe. Befitting the fact widespread popularity in the central Despite Mugabe's that their parties were one by one Masvingo province where he was success in getting being forced to end their iron grips decisively elected Zanu-PK provincial on the countries' political lives, the chairman. his pet issues representatives of Bulgaria, East Somewhat surprisingly, Zvobgo approved at the Germany, Poland, Rumania, the was quiet on the one-party state Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia deliv- issue at the December congress, and congress, it is not ered messages of diplomatic waf- perhaps because of his silence he clear if and how the fling with no political cheerleading was awarded a place on the powerful goal of a one-party for the drive toward a one-party politburo. state. The opposition was articulated state will be Behind closed doors, the nonetheless by another top Zanu-PF accomplished. congress launched into debate on official, Dumiso Dabengwa. Dabeng- the united party's new constitution, wa, party chairman of Bulawayo but a few political analysts managed province and member of the central who attended the closed-door ses- to sit in on the sessions. They committee, announced that he was sions. He said his province wanted a reported how there was opposition opposed to a one-party system and provision in the Zanu-PF constitution to the clauses endorsing the party's to the calls for a Marxist-Leninist stating that a one-party state would drive toward a one-party state. One state. not be legislated. He suggested that Zanu-PF member of Parliament, The leader of Zapu's wartime Zanu-PF should remain the ruling Byron Hove, raised an objection, but guerrilla force, Dabengwa has an party as long as its policies warrant was then ejected from the congress enthusiastic following in Matabele- it and not because a constitutional because he was not an official dele- land and among the members of the monopoly of power guarantees it gate. Hove has criticized the Zapu section of the new party, sec- power regardless of the party's pro- Mugabe government on several ond only to Joshua Nkomo himself. grams and popularity. He said his occasions in Parliament and it When Mugabe sacked Nkomo and province also wanted to see refer- appears he was not selected as a del- other Zapu ministers from his gov- ences to Marxism-Leninism dropped egate to the congress specifically to ernment in 1982 on charges of ille- from the constitution, as that ideolo- prevent him from voicing his dis- gally caching large amounts of gy was foreign to Zimbabwe. senting opinions. weapons, it was Dumiso Dabengwa Dabengwa's position was refuted Another opponent of a single- who was charged with treason for by none other than Mugabe himself. party system is Eddison Zvobgo, allegedly plotting to overthrow the Mugabe responded that a one-party minister of state for political affairs government. Dabengwa and five co- state would be "pointless" unless it and Zanu-PF chairman of Masvingo defendants were acquitted, but were legislated. He said the only province. Zvobgo stated in Zimbab- under the country's state of emer- question to be settled was about the we's Moto magazine in September gency, which allows indefinite deten- timing and mechanism for bringing last year that he was against one- tion without trial, Dabengwa and the about a one-party state. party rule. others were immediately re-detained Attacking Dabengwa's objections "A one-party state is not a and held in jail for a further four to Marxism-Leninism, Mugabe said panacea to the problems which Zim- years. that it was ironic that some people babwe faces. Personally I am against Dabengwa's release in December were rejecting Marxist-Leninist a one-party state," Zvobgo told Moto. 1986 was a prerequisite to the unity thought as foreign to Zimbabwe "I do not believe that a one-party accord between the two parties, and while they embraced another for- state, despite the fact that it embod- his participation is considered to be eigner, Jesus Christ, who was not ies some democratic trends, is the a crucial linchpin in the merger of born in Zimbabwe and whom Zim- best system of democracy...I do not Zapu with Zanu-PF. A handsome, babweans had never seen. He said believe in a one-party state brought charismatic man, Dabengwa has the gospel according to Marx and about by legislation." rebounded from his lengthy impris- Lenin was universal in its concern Despite his high-ranking position, onment, establishing himself in busi- about the plight of workers through- Zvobgo has been out of favor with ness in Bulawayo and winning influ- out the world. Mugabe and other party leaders for ential positions in the newly united "Once the president stated his some time. He was pushed out of the Zanu-PF. position so strongly on those mat- politburo at the previous Zanu-PF Dabengwa's opposition to the ters, there was no question of any congress in 1984 and was sidelined draft of the party constitution was further debate," said a member of from the powerful cabinet position of described as "courageous" by some the party's central committee.

56 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 "Although many questioned the ment, estimated at more than 30 per- "He will have to postpone the one- position, it was clear that debate was cent of the potential work force, and party state, just as he has had to not encouraged." the breakdown of Zimbabwe's trans- postpone putting his Marxism-lenin- Another present at the congress port system, many people express a ism into practice." said that the vast majority of dele- cynical lack of faith that politics will Others disagree and say that it is gates were simple peasants who bring any improvement. Human the very growth of opposition to sin- were very sharp in farming and land rights activists have also suggested gle-party rule that frightens Mugabe issues, but who did not feel affected that some of Zimbabwe's recent by- and his supporters and will be the by the one-party state issue. The elections may have been tampered impetus for them to push for it. middle-ranking party members from with to ensure a resounding win by "A one-party state is on the agen- urban areas who would have chal- the ruling party. da, the evidence is all around us," lenged the inclusion of the single- The University of Zimbabwe, said Jonathan Moyo, University of party state were carefully weeded whose 9,000 students have been the Zimbabwe lecturer in political sci- out to avoid any real debate at the center of organized opposition to the ence. "Zanu's desire, Mugabe's congress, charged the party mem- Zanu-PF government, will remain desire, is based on the fear of tomor- ber. closed until April 23. The suburban row's opposition. If a one-party state Certainly the mass of the 5,000 Harare campus was shut down in cannot be achieved now. then it may delegates did, indeed, appear to be October last year following anti-gov- be impossible later. Therefore they rural people. Many mothers with ernment riots by the students. The want to act now." babies on their backs and some university will conveniently remain The first step would be to alter barefoot elderly people were seen closed through the election period the country's British-drafted Lan- wandering around in awe at the and therefore will not be a focus for caster House constitution which plush fittings of the opulent confer- opposition political activity. specifically prohibits a one-party ence center. Many political analysts agree that state. Once Zimbabwe passes its In any case, there was no further if Zanu-PF gets a landslide win in the tenth independence anniversary, the debate on those issues. The new March elections, Mugabe may well Parliament will be able to re-write constitution was endorsed, the 160- declare the victory a mandate to cre- the constitution and Mugabe has member central committee was ate a one-party state. The other way made it clear there are several areas named according to nominations he could go about it is to hold a spe- he wants to revamp. Following that, from the 10 provinces, and the 22- cial national referendum on the the door would be open to legislating member politburo was appointed. issue. a one-party state later in 1990. Mugabe's wife, Sally, won a place "If Mugabe tries to sing the song Another scenario Moyo suggests on the politburo because of her of a one-party state as an electioneer- is one in which Mugabe may not be recent appointment as head of the ing tactic, it will fall on deaf ears," so hurried. "He will want to be Zanu-PF Women's League. Many commented Willie Musarurwa, for- smooth about it. to avoid negative within the party are critical of the mer newspaper editor and veteran business and international reactions. rise of Mugabe's wife to such politi- nationalist. "That tactic would not be To ban political parties immediately cal prominence and fear that she will successful in key areas, especially after elections might create trouble," also gain a cabinet post when Matabeleland and Masvingo." said Moyo, who said as many as Mugabe announces a new govern- Musarurwa believes that Mugabe seven small parties might take part ment following the elections. will not achieve a one-party state in the contest. 'There is a tendency Despite Mugabe's success in get- because there are many members of for the small political parties to go ting his pet issues approved at the his new central committee who did into hibernation after elections. Per- congress, it is not at all clear if and not speak out against it at the haps the government will let them how the goal of a one-party state will congress, but who remain opposed dwindle and then pounce for a one- be accomplished. Hard on the heels to it nonetheless. Joshua Nkomo was party state. That could happen in of the congress, Zanu-PF is prepar- quiet throughout the congress and 1991 or even 1992." ing for the national elections at the his followers got several top posts in Zimbabwe's elections and the end of March. The party is setting the newly united party. It is under- ensuing governmental changes will its sights on a national sweep of all stood they are against a one-party see its leaders taking momentous parliamentary seats. That goal is state. Similarly, Eddison Zvobgo has decisions about the country's politi- possible, especially with the relative said privately that he remains cal life. It could well follow the path inactivity of Edgar Tekere's new opposed to a one-party state and is of other former British opposition party, the Zimbabwe supported by others on the central colonies—Zambia, Malawi, Kenya, Unity Movement. committee. and Tanzania—to become a one- But voter apathy may be a bigger "There is resistance to the one- party state. If it does not, then Zim- factor than anything else in the elec- party state and Mugabe doesn't want babwe could be charting a new tions. Troubled by raging unemploy- to be spurned," said Musarurwa. course for African countries in main-

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 57 LAN

By GUY ARNOLD

58 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 ZIMBABWE

The issue of land distribution was at the heart of the war for majority rule. But with the white commercial farming sector essential to Zimbabwe's economy, the government has been loathe to tackle the redistribution problem. Will the central question of the black majority's demands for land be the burning issue of the 1990s? obacco is the engine which sectors must take into account the runs Zimbabwe's agricultural need to maximize export earnings. T sector. Half the country's for- While agriculture contributes half of eign exchange earnings come from these earnings, it utilizes only about agriculture and more than half of 20 percent of foreign exchange on that is provided by tobacco. So a imported inputs. The second objec- poor tobacco season can throw the tive is to ensure an adequate flow of economy into disarray. supplies of agricultural raw materials Balancing the demands of the to domestic industries, since at pre- commercial farming sector for sent about 60 percent of the value- export with the subsistence sector, added component of the manufactur- which produces for home consump- ing sector stems from agriculture- tion, is crucial to any government based industries. These two decisions. But there is a growing considerations make a powerful sense that export considerations argument for supporting—and even have tipped this balance too far in coddling—the commercial farming favor of the commercial sector, sector. which for all practical purposes An understanding of Zimbabwe's means the white farmers. Here lie land problem requires a return to the seeds of a major political prob- the 1979 Lancaster House agree- lem for the 1990s. ment. Possession of the land lay at Any attempt to find a balance the heart of black-white relations between the requirements of the two throughout the colonial period, and Guy Arnold is a freelance journalist specializ- the bitter years of fighting developed ing in North-South relations with particular increasingly into a revolt by the rural reference to African affairs. He is the author of numerous books including Aid in Africa, Aid landless who fought for reposses- and the Third World, and Third World Hand- sion of their land. Today, after nearly book. a decade of independence, land MMA

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 59 hunger is the principal complaint of the rural population. Moreover, because of the high rate of popula- tion growth, the demand for land is considerably greater now than it was in 1980. Furthermore, the white farmers, whose future looked at best doubtful in 1980, are now more firmly entrenched than ever before. They are doing very well and do not wish to surrender possession of their land. As a result, the government faces a political, social, and econom- ic dilemma which threatens to destroy many of the gains of Zim- babwe's first decades. and only accepted it reluctantly after tions of such a pol- On the one hand, the white farm- Tobacco farm- Britain and the U.S. gave imprecise icy, saying: "There ing accounts ers—the commercial agricultural promises to provide funds to buy out is insufficient land for more than a sector—make a vital contribution to the whites. In fact, few whites for distribution to quarter of Zim- the economy, providing a surplus of babwe's foreign wished to be bought out, the funds everyone without exchange earn- foreign exchange to meet other have not been forthcoming, and Zim- causing national ings development requirements. Presi- babwe enters the 1990s with this economic disrup- dent Mugabe's successful policy of major issue unresolved. tion." racial reconciliation largely depends Immediately after independence, His statement upon keeping the white farmers the new government of Zimbabwe went to the heart of the issue as well happy. On the other hand, there is a faced formidable problems: It need- as raising the crucial question of pro- growing population of discontented ed to achieve reconciliation with the ductivity: Who is best-equipped to rural blacks, hungry for land, who whites; it had Britain and the United make most use of the land? Does it rightly ask: What were the long States breathing down its neck in make sense to redistribute on a mas- years of bitter fighting about if we do their determination to protect white sive scale to small farmers if in the not get back our land? interests, their aid largely dependent process the country loses a vital con- Joshua Nkomo, senior minister in upon how Zimbabwe treated the tribution to exports from the present the president's office, brought this whites; and it desperately required commercial sector? Should govern- issue into public debate recently by the foreign exchange which could ment dispossess (whether paying remarking upon the unwillingness of most easily be earned by the white adequate compensation or not) a white farmers to sell their land to farming sector. Unsurprisingly, large proportion of white farmers, the government for resettlement therefore, political expediency dictat- which could cause an exodus of purposes. As he said: "After all, this ed a course of action which placed other whites in industry or mining, land we are talking about was taken white farmer interests before an doing far wider damage to the econ- away from the very black people by immediate and equitable land redis- omy? These are not easy questions the farmers. So we are asking them tribution. to answer. to sell to us what they most probably In the difficult—almost danger- On the other hand, shouldn't the got for nothing, to fairly redistribute ous—circumstances in which Zim- government's first responsibility be the land in the country." babwe found itself, the choice of pri- to the majority of the people who live Nkomo's remarks were followed orities can be understood and in the rural areas and have a right to early last August by pleas in The excused. Today, however, there are have their expectations, above all in Sunday Mail for the government to some welcome signs that the Zim- respect to the land, fulfilled? Much be prepared to take over land from babwe government is beginning to of Mugabe's speech to the nation on the whites if they are not willing to address the foundations of its Heroes' Day was devoted to the land sell it for resettlement. These argu- power—the rural population. question. ments have particular cogency at the In a remark about the land ques- He said: "It makes nonsense of present time since the Lancaster tion shortly before Heroes' Day last our liberation struggle that the House agreements expire in April. August, President Mugabe said: "If majority of our peasant families have During those negotiations, the Patri- the seller is not willing, he can be remained the outcasts of our land otic Front leaders were strongly made willing." John Brown, presi- tenure system. True, we have pro- opposed to the compensation clause dent of the Commercial Farmers' vided price incentives and extension which was attached to the land issue Union, reacted against the implica- services to them, but what real land

60 AFRICA REPORT - March-April 1990 resources are available to the rural tlements. It is true that a great deal slow economic growth, increasing peasant families for both cropping of land has been acquired by the unemployment, unacceptable levels and cattle ranching?" He added that government for resettlement purpos- of landlessness, and mass disen- a revolutionary land reform program es, but much of it remains unused. chantment. to redress the existing situation now In any case, the problem is not sim- At first glance, these events may had to be the goal of government. ply one of land; an effective resettle- not appear to be related to the land There was certainly no mistaking ment program will require major issue, yet in a very real sense they the popularity of this statement, but financing to cover inputs—extension are inseparable from it. There are how can it be achieved? workers, fertilizer, machinery, and sufficient signs of general discontent Referring to the Lancaster House the development of essential rural in Zimbabwe for it to be a matter of settlement, Mugabe said: 'The limi- services. grave concern to the government. tations of a constitutional nature are For example, for extension work- The Willowgate corruption scandal those which inhibit our land resettle- ers to be effective, they should visit last year, which ended the careers of ment program. As a result, only a newly established plot or farm five cabinet ministers, illustrated, as some 45,000 families or thereabouts, twice a week, then once a fortnight, much as anything, the fact that the out of the hundreds of thousands and only phase out their visits over a leadership has become remote from who desperately need land, have to three-year period. Any major pro- the people at the grassroots whom it date been resettled. gram, therefore, will require many supposedly represents. That is the "Our freedom struggle always rec- thousands of extension workers if it crucial problem. If this trend is to be ognized the question of land as the is to have the required impact. reversed, the land issue is the most principal grievance. 'Hie present con- Nonetheless, ex-combatants have obvious area where such a reversal stitutional structures just have to be the right to ask: Now that the first 10 can be effected. Since landlessness loosened so that a more courageous years since independence have been affects by far the largest number of land redistribution program can be used to bring about a reconciliation the disgruntled, it makes sense to embarked upon on a more compre- with the whites, should not the tackle the issue now, head-on. hensive and meaningful basis than 1990s be devoted lo satisfying black The white farmers, most of whom the present ad hoc manner." aspirations for land? The question were supporters of Smith during This year will be a milestone: represents a dangerously explosive UDI years, have had remarkable Elections will be held and the 10- political problem that will not go good fortune since independence. year restrictions agreed to under the away. Economically they have done as well Lancaster House settlement will end. President Mugabe and his gov- as at any time in the country's histo- But it is one thing to talk of massive ernment are facing a difficult period. ry, while few have done more than land redistribution, and another to Ten years after independence, the pay lip service to black majority rule. achieve it. charisma has worn off, while the for- Now it is time they made more than The very slow pace of resettle- mula of the one-party state simply gestures. But they need to be told by ment in Zimbabwe might be com- does not enjoy the authority of a government just what its land policy pared with the land reform program decade ago. The people insist on air- is going to be. Someone of the high- carried out in Kenya in the years ing their grievances and expect gov- est caliber should be appointed to from independence to 1979. There, ernment to respond to them. And deal with the land issue in Zimbabwe by 1970, a high proportion of the the questions now being posed with a precise brief on which he can land previously used for large mixed about the land issue go to the heart work. Uncertainty is always danger- European farms had been trans- of the political aspirations that moti- ous and it would make far more ferred to Africans under several dif- vated the struggle against the Smith sense, for example, to tell white ferent settlement schemes. The best regime. They have not been ade- farmers that they were to be limited known was the Million Acre quately answered. in the amount of land they could Scheme, largely financed by loans Recent indications of discontent retain; or that for every 10,000 and grants from Britain—by 1979, a have come from a variety of sources. hectares they worked, they should total of £40 million. Admittedly, Last August, the Zimbabwe Con- provide extension services for anoth- Britain has not helped Zimbabwe in gress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) er 1,000 hectares of their land now to the same manner, but such pro- called for the seizure from foreign be made available to smallholders. grams depend in part upon the control of "our land and its It is time the white farmers were degree of priority they are accorded resources on behalf of all Zimbab- drawn into a national land resettle- by government. weans" as the first step toward build- ment scheme in which they have to The fact is that land resettlement ing a national economy based on contribute, but are also able to see has simply not received the attention Zimbabwean sovereignty. The ZCTU that its results, by solving a poten- it deserves since Zimbabwe's inde- went on to argue that Zimbabwe tially explosive problem, will benefit pendence. One result has been faces an economic and social crisis themselves as well as those who are uncontrolled growth of squatter set- which, it suggests, is revealed by currently dispossessed. O

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 61 CULTURE CINEMA FROM THE SAHEL

By DAPHNE TOPOUZIS A strikingly visual film about a friendship between an old woman and a 12-year-old boy, played out against the barren Sahelian landscape, has found admiring audiences in Europe and the U.S., causing a new look at African cinema.

drissa Ouedraogo's latest film, and is now among the first African films isolated for no apparent reason. Even Yaaba, ("Granny" in Moore, Burki- to be commercially distributed in the though she keeps to herself, she is invari- Ina Faso's main language) is an U.S. It also received the International ably blamed for all the misfortunes that ambitious poetic adaptation of a fable Critics Prize at the Cannes Film Festival befall the village. A tired woman with a recounting the friendship between a 12- and is reportedly playing in six movie weather-beaten body, Sana barely sub- year-old rebellious boy, Bila, and Sana, theaters in Paris. sists on what she can find and receives an old woman whom the village commu- Ouedraogo, the 35-year-old director no support from the community. In fact, nity believes is a witch. Daily politics, whose other films include Yam Daabo she is routinely mistreated by the women prejudice, love, and injustice weave a (The Choice) and who is a graduate of and stoned by the children. story in which, says the director, "we the Institut d'Hautes Etudes Cine- It is Bila who first realizes that Sana discover man in all his dimensions: matographiques in Paris, recently is blamed for things for which she is not good, wicked, generous, intolerant." described the film in an interview with responsible. He befriends her secretly A $750,000 Franco-Swiss-Burkinabe The New York Times as "a fable that is and helps her out by bringing her gifts production shot in Ouahigouya, a small told around the fires at night in my vil- such as a chicken he stole from a neigh- town in northern Burkina, Yaaba won lage." bor and fresh milk. Gradually, he ends the most awards in the 1989 Pan- The film begins (and ends) with a up spending a lot of time with her and African Film Festival of Ouagadougou delightful scene in which Bila is playing clearly enjoys her company—so much (Fespaco), including the Prix du Public; hide-and-seek with his cousin Nopoko in so, that he gives her the nickname the international jury's special prize; the the vast, sandy plains surrounding their Yaaba—a title of affection and respect. best music award for the soundtrack Sahelian village. This sets the stage for a In a chilling, yet tender moment in the composed by Cameroonian Francis story that largely unfolds through the film, the old woman replies with a wide Bebey; a Unicef award for the young eyes of a child and from a perspective smile: "This is the first time that someone actor, Noufou Ouedraogo, who played free of adult superstition and prejudice. has called me grandma, and that makes the protagonist, and a special mention Unmarried, childless, and ostracized me very happy." from the OAU prize jury. from village life, Sana is from the begin- As their friendship develops, Bila Yaaba has met with similar success in ning of the film a compelling and enig- dreams of protecting Yaaba and build- North America and Europe: It was sold matic character—stoic, wise, and gen- ing a house for her one day. However, out at the 1989 New York Film Festival tle, yet devastatingly lonely and cruelly everything changes when his young

62 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Among the most enjoyable scenes in the film is when Yaaba and Bila come across a married woman who is flirting with her lover (one of several sub-plots in the film). Bila initially says that the woman is wrong to cheat on her hus- band, but Yaaba tells him that she must have her reasons for doing so. This clearly has a profound effect on him for, later on in the film, when he and Nopoko encounter the couple again, Bila proudly repeats Yaaba's exact words to his cousin, reprimanding her for criticizing the adulteress. In an effort to cut across language barriers and make the film accessible throughout Burkina (and the rest of the world), Ouedraogo relegated liffle importance to dialogue, instead relying heavily on images. The friendship between Bila and Yaaba, in particular, involves a minimal exchange of words but scores of visually rich scenes which hint at the special relationship between the two. However, his characters are often flat and one-dimensional. While this does Bila (Noufou not interfere with the roles of Bila and OuedraoHo) and Nopoko Nopoko, it becomes tedious and (Roukietou monotonous when it comes to the adult Marry): A tacit characters of the film, with the possible agreement that exclusion of Yaaba. At times, the film is one day things also slow-moving and composed of vari- will be better for them ous sub-plots (including the adulterous relationship of the local beauty and her female cousin Nopoko falls ill after a and without Fanfare. This allows Oue- misunderstood and dejected alcoholic fight between the bullies of the village droogo to follow with a repetition of the husband) that do not always form a and Bila, during which she hurts her opening scene and end the Film on an tightly knit whole. Lastly, even though the wrist. Yaaba is held responsible for optimistic note. Bila and Napoko inno- relationship between Bila and Yaaba is stealing the young girl's soul and the cently chase each other in the sands, but promising and has several magical local witchdoctors suggest that she be they emerge wiser, more tolerant of moments, it is never fully developed. chased out of the village. Bila rushes to human frailties, and more courageous. On the whole, however, these short- tell his old friend and to seek her help in comings do not overshadow the humani- saving Nopoko, who is actually suffer- ty and compassion which permeate the ing from a tetanus infection. After her Ouedraogo's ability to explore his film. What is most impressive is the house is burnt down, Yaaba sets on a fascination with the Sahelian landscape director's ability to identify Yaaba's per- long journey to find a healer. The young and to capitalize on its epic quality with- sona with the Sahelian landscape, at girl is near death when Yaaba returns, out romanticizing village life is among once revealing their harsh and austere but the villagers refuse her help. Bila his strongest points. His uncluttered beauty and adroitly conveying the loneli- secretly sneaks in the healer's medicine frames maximize the barrenness of the ness that inhabits both. The minimalist and delivers it to Nopoko who eventual- Sahel, while the absence of melodrama approach and silent eloquence which ly recovers. renders the story all the more powerful. characterize the film further enhances Shortly thereafter, the two children set In addition, the director puts into sharp the timeless quality in Yaaba's character, out to pay Yaaba a visit, only to find her focus superstition, prejudice toward which, at times, makes her one with, dead. The old woman is buried by the childless women, social customs, and and almost indistinguishable from, the village drunkard who, upon Nopoko's religious beliefs which adversely affect landscape. request, begins to tell Ya aba's the lives of the villagers and goes a long Lastly, there is an infectious message story—namely, that the sole reason she way in dispelling stereotypes. Through of hope in the way Bila and Nopoko was stigmatized as a witch was because the eyes of his young protagonists, he cannot make head nor tail of the super- she hod no parents. Her mother had takes a closer look at those who are stition and bitter squabbling of the adult died upon giving birth and her father marginalized from society, like Yaaba world, and the silent understanding they died of grief. Even though this is the cli- and the village drunkard, and gives establish between themselves that, one max of the film, it is told matter-of-facfly them a second chance. day, things will be different for them. O

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 63 A NATIONAL TREASURE

By HOWARD SCHISSEL With 4,000 exhibition pieces, the National Museum in Bamako aims to educate both Malians and foreigners about the nation's rich cultural heritage.

ali's National Museum in ongoing pillage of artifacts for sale to the seat of such great empires as Ghana Bamuko, one of the most mod- wealthy collectors in the principal West- (500-1200 A.D.), Mali (1224-1464 ern and dynamic art institutions ern art centers. A.D.), and Songhay (1473-1600 A.D.), in West Africa, is striving not "The museum plays a very important but recent archeological work indicates only to preserve the country's rich past, role in Malian society," said its director, that West Africa's first urban centers but also to revitalize its cultural and Samuel Sidibe. "We want it to be an evolved in Mali as early as 400 A.D. artistic heritage for the young genera- institution to preserve our culture and Open to the public since the early tions and for the public abroad through inform other people about all aspects of 1980s, the sand-colored stucco museum traveling exhibitions. It has also become Malian civilization." buildings are a cultural repository, hous- a leading voice calling for the return of Mali has among the richest and most ing over 4,000 exhibition pieces cover- art treasures lost to the continent during complex historic and artistic traditions in ing the entire spectrum of Mali's past civ- the colonial period and for a halt to the West Africa. Not only was ils territory ilizations and contemporary society.

11:45 p.m. Homard Thermidor 11:15 p.m. Champagne—Laurent Perrier

:18 a.m. Piece de boeujpoete aujus Mali's history and civilization is also destroyed. Many were shipped to "prim- A constant aim of the museum is to preserved thanks to the sound and cellu- itive" art collections in French museums expand its various collections. Treasure- loid recordings of traditional rituals and or illegally exported to satisfy the tastes hunting missions are periodically orga- ceremonies. of rich collectors. nized to different parts of this vast West Considerable efforts have been made "The restitution of Malian art con- African state. One problem hindering to give the exhibitions extra relevancy cerns not only France but also Senegal, work is lack of funds. "Mali has a rich by placing them in their natural context. where (he old IFAN colonial museum in culture to preserve, but we do not have A campsite of the nomadic Tuareg peo- Dakar still has some of our magnificent the money to do all the preservation and ple, for example, is exactly reproduced, art works," said Ardouin. The National documentation work necessary," said sand and all, as is a traditional Bam- Museum is also seeking to prevent ille- Sidibe. bara kitchen. gal digging on archeological sites in Running an ambitious museum is an Audio-visual techniques are utilized order to safeguard the national heritage. expensive undertaking, especially for a too. Masks and fertility statues are made Malian officials are calling on foreign country like Mali, where GNP per capi- and used in particular ways, so pho- museums to stop acquiring precious ta is only $200 a year. The museum tographs and films are often integrated pieces of African art of questionable ori- receives government subsidies, but they into exhibitions to better explain their gin. are hardly sufficient. It is therefore functions to the public. Since the mid-1970s discovery by always on the lookout for financial back- "The aim is to make all this available American archeologists of the iron age ing from Western governments, interna- to the public because in a large and Jenne-Jeno site in the Niger River delta tional organizations, and private foun- diverse city like Bamako, people are near the modern town of Djenne, terra- dations. often unaware of these diverse reali- cotta figures from the area have been in In recent years, both the Ford Foun- ties," remarked Daniel Ardouin, former strong demand. According to Ardouin, a dation and the University of California museum director. good quality Jenne terracotta can be at Los Angeles (UCLA) have been finan- One of the principal preoccupations obtained illicitly in Bamako for around cially backing Mali's National Museum. of the museum is the collection and con- $5,000; once smuggled out of the coun- Ford Foundation grants, for instance, servation of art works. Under French try, it can fetch up to $50,000 in New allowed the museum to carry out rule and until the early 1980s, thou- York or Paris. With profits so high, it is research on traditional textiles and set sands of precious ceremonial masks and extremely difficult to stem this lucrative up a photography unit. The museum ancient artifacts were "lost" or illegal trade. presently benefits from UCLA's scientific

1:00 a.m. Petitsfours sees. Perrier Grand Siecle. Delicieux. 12:41 a.m. Plateau defromages A delectablejirst class menu available on everyflight. Call your travel agent or local Air Afrique/Air France office or 1-800-237-2747for information and reservations. capacities and financial resources, while UCLA students gain valuable field experi- ence by working in the country. Four cloth-gathering expeditions have been organized with the help of UCLA funding. The textiles gathered by these expedi- tions are to be used to form the core of a traveling exhibition scheduled to tour the United Stales, particularly UCLA and the National Museum of African Art in Washington, D.C., and later to West Africa. Sidibe hopes the tour will spur interest in the area and help generate additional funds for research into other aspects of Malian culture and civiliza- tion. The museum's activities also have a practical side. Information is gathered on such relevant topics as traditional technology and its use. Said Ardouin: "Our data bank is of direct economic importance because indigenous technol- ogy can be readapted to current needs to play a role in the development pro- cess." O

Mali's National Museum reflects local architectural motifs (above)

Two restorers working in the museum's restoration workshop (right)

An exhibit at the National Museum of Mali (lower left)

66 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 1989 Index AUTHOR INDEX "Zimbabwe: Campus criticism" Nov-Dec 42 Abramson, Gary. "Saharan statesmanship." Mar-Apr 52 "Zimbabwe' s campfire program," Nov-Dec 48 Akhalwaya, Ameen, "South Africa: The red herring factor," Jan-Feb Minter, William, "Mozambique: An army of abductors." May-Jun 17 13 Mohamed, Abdirahman Dine, Letter to the Editor, Jul-Aug 4 "Zephania Mothopeng: Free at last," Jan-Feb 31 Morna. Colleen Lowe, "Botswana: Ashes and diamonds," Jan-Feb 21 Askin. Steve. "South Africa; The business of sanctions busting." Jan- "Kaunda's challenges," Jan-Feb 24 Feb 18 "Damas Mbogoro: The business of development," Mar-Apr 43 Astrow, Andre, "Maina wa Kinyatti: A history of resistance," Jul-Aug "Back to school: The revitalization of Makerere," Mar-Apr 48 55 "Angola: On the road to recovery: Rehabilitating the rails," May- Ayisi, Ruth Ansah, "Protect the widow." May-Jun 65 Jun 34 "Mozambique: The most innocent victims." Sept-Oct 59 "Ghana: A grassroots democracy," Jul-Aug 17 "Mozambique: The urban influx." Nov-Dec 55 "Mozambique: Going home." Jul-Aug 40 Bajo, Timothy Olu, Letter to the Editor, Nov-Dec 4 "Surviving structural adjustment," Sept-Oct 45 Baum, Dan, "Indian Ocean: The wayward siblings." Jan-Feb 47 "Malawi: Banda's quarter-century." Sept-Oct 66 Bourke, Gerald, "Nigeria: Playing politics." Sept-Oct 41 "Botswana: Beyond the drought," Nov-Dec 30 Brager, Bruce. Letter to the Editor, Mar-Apr 4 "Ghana: An exercise in educational reform." Nov-Dec 34 Buo. Sammy Kum. "OAU: Strengthening Africa's voice," May-Jun 51 Murray, Peter. "Edgar Tekere: Fighting tooth and claw," Jan-Feb 38 Cater. Nick, "Sudan: A step backwards?," Sept-Oct 32 Neff, Joe, "Sudan: 'Operation lifeline'," May-Jun 55 "Preserving the pachyderm," Nov-Dec 45 Ngenzi, Kanyarwanda, Letter to the Editor, May-Jun 4 Chidzero, Micheline, Letter to the Editor. Mar-Apr 4 Novicki, Margaret A., "Frederik van Zyl Slabbert: A voice of opposi- Cohen, Herman J., Letter to the Editor. Nov-Dec 4 tion." Jan-Feb 33 Diescho, Joseph. "Namibia Freedom around the corner?," Jan-Feb "Mozambique: A permanent emergency," Mar-Apr 17 25 "Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem "LoyP: Creating conditions for Doyle, Mark, "West Africa: Blood brothers," Jul-Aug 13 peace." Mar-Apr 23 "Mauritania: Nouakchott's new nationalism," Sept-Oct 37 "Thabo Mbeki: Shining a spotlight on South Africa," Mar-Apr 34 Esterhuyse. Willy, and Thabo Mbeki, "South Africa: A climate for "The back page." Mar-Apr 70 negotiations?." Nov-Dec 27 "Marcelino dos Santos : Opening new fronts." May-Jun 21 Evenson, John A.. "Namibia: The transition timetable," Mar-Apr 26 "Bachir Mustapha Sayed: Polisario' s policies for peace," May-Jun Fituni, Leonid, "A new era: Soviet policy in southern Africa." Jul-Aug 57 63 "Wiltem de Klerk: A view of the future," Jul-Aug 36 Fitzgerald, Mary Anne, "Ethiopia: Rebellion and retaliation," Jul-Aug "John Garang: A new Sudan," Jul-Aug 43 52 "The back page." Jul-Aug 70 "The news hole: Reporting Africa," Jul-Aug 59 "Herman J. Cohen: Forging a bipartisan policy." Sept-Oct 13 Goff, Paul. Letter to the Editor. Mar-Apr 4 "The back page," Sept-Oct 71 Gongalves, Fernando, "Mozambique: Repairing the rails," Sept-Oct "Edward V. R. Jaycox: A new scenario for Africa," Nov-Dec 17 62 Omaar, Rakiya. "Angola: A question of human rights," May-Jun 31 Grant, James P., "Sudan: Averting disaster," Jul-Aug 48 Pakendorf. Haraid. "South Africa: New personalities, old policies?," Greenfield, Richard. "Barre's unholy alliances." Mar-Apr 65 May-Jun 24 Harsch, Ernest, "Burkina Faso: How popular is the Front?," Jan-Feb Prendergast, John. "Papal diplomacy" (letter), Jan-Feb 4 56 Riesenfeld, Daniel, "David Webster: The spirit is unbroken," May-Jun "Liberia: Living dangerously," Mar-Apr 56 27 "Cecilia Johnson: A woman's place," Mar-Apr 61 Roberts. Alun A.. "Namibia: The South African strategy," Jan-Feb 28 'After adjustment." May-Jun 46 "Namibia: What they didn't tell us,' Jul-Aug 61 "Ghana: On the road to recovery," Jul-Aug 21 Sahal, Ali Hashi. Letter to the Editor, Jul-Aug 4 "Amos Sawyer: Fighting for rights," Jul-Aug 27 Schissel, Howard. "Africa's underground economy," Jan-Feb 43 "South Africa: The rural revolt," Nov-Dec 62 "Coloring history: Senegalese glass painting," Mar-Apr 69 Isaacman, Allen F., "Mozambique: The path to peace," Nov-Dec 50 "Mauritania's archeological mysteries," Jul-Aug 68 Karabus. C. D., Letter to the Editor, May-Jun 4 Seftel, David, Letter to the Editor. May-Jun 4 Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay, Letter to the Editor, Jul-Aug 4 Sellars, Duncan W.. "Renamo and the Reagan doctrine" (letter), Jan- Knox, Margaret L.. "South Africa: Turning right," Mar-Apr 41 Feb 4 Lancaster, Carol, and Sergei Shatalov, "A joint approach to Africa's Shatalov, Sergei and Carol Lancaster, "A joint approach to Africa's debt," May-Jun 42 debt." May-Jun 42 Laurence. Patrick, "South Africa: The National Party's trial of Shields, Todd. "Sudan: Starving the South." Jan-Feb 63 strength," Sept-Oct 20 Spear, Thomas. "Tanzania: Return to the land," Mar-Apr 45 "South Africa: Opening the gates." Nov-Dec 23 Sydnor. Charles W., "World Bank responsibility" (letter), Jan-Feb 4 Maier. Karl, "Mozambique: The battle for Zambezia," Mar-Apr 13 Tikhomirov, Vladimir I., "The USSR and South Africa: An end to 'total "Mozambique: A program for peace" Sept-Oct 55 onslaught'?" Nov-Dec 58 Maren. Michael, "The back page," Jan-Feb 67 Topouzis, Daphne. "Promoting safe motherhood," May-Jun 61 "Fortress South Africa," Mar-Apr 31 "OAU: A charter for human rights," Jul-Aug 31 Mbeki. Thabo, and Willy Esterhuyse, "South Africa: A climate for "Guinea Bissau: Shifting course," Sept-Oct 49 negotiations?," Nov-Dec 27 "Cape Verde: Determined to develop," Sept-Oct 52 Meldrum. Andrew, "The Bush agenda in southern Africa," Jan-Feb 16 "Guinea: Conte's challenges," Nov-Dec 38 "Zimbabwe: The corruption controversy," Jan-Feb 36 Tsegaw, Lemlem, Letter to the Editor. Mar-Apr 4 "South Africa: Finding a meeting point." Mar-Apr 38 Verbaan. Mark. "Namibia: Peace on Pretoria's terms?," May-Jun 13 "Zimbabwe: Mugabe's maneuvers," May-Jun 38 "Namibia: Born in blood." Sept-Oct 27 "Angola: A golden handshake?," Jul-Aug 34 Viljoen, Peter, Letter to the Editor, May-Jun 4 "White man, black war," Jul-Aug 66 "Namibia: The road to independence." Nov-Dec 13 "South Africa: The negotiating platform." Sept-Oct 24 Watson, Catharine, "Burundi: After the massacre," Jan-Feb 51 "Angola: The Gbadolite debacle." Sept-Oct 30 Were. S. A., Letter to the Editor, Nov-Dec 4

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 67 Werman,Marco, "The year of living aimlessly," Jan-Feb 62 "Sudan: Averting disaster," by James P. Grant, Jul-Aug 48 "African cinema: A market in the U.S.?" May-Jun 68 "Surviving structural adjustment," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Sept-Oct "Icons: Ideals and power in the art of Africa," Nov-Dec 67 45 Whiteman, Kay. "Reflections on Lome." Jan-Feb 40 "Guinea-Bissau: Shifting course," by Daphne Topouzis, Sept-Oct 49 "Cape Verde: Determined to develop," by Daphne Topouzis Sept-Oct SUBJECT INDEX 52 African National Congress "Edward V.K. Jaycox: A new scenario for Africa," by Margaret A. "Thabo Mbeki: Shining a spotlight on South Africa," by Margaret A. Novicki, Nov-Dec 17 Novicki, Mar-Apr 34 Education Update, Jan-Feb 7; Jul-Aug 5, 11 Update, Jan-Feb 7 "The negotiating platform," by Andrew Meldrum, Sept-Oct 24 Letter to the Editor from Micheline Chidzero, Mar-Apr 4 "South Africa: A climate for negotiations?." by Thabo Mbeki and Willy Update. Mar-Apr 8 Esterhuyse, Nov-Dec 27 "Back to school : The revitalization of Makerere," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Mar-Apr 48 Agriculture "(Uganda;) A second university?" by Colleen Lowe Morna, Mar-Apr "World Bank responsibility" (letter), by Charles W. Sydnor, Jan-Feb 4 51 Update, Jan-Feb 10, 12: Mar-Apr 10 Update, May-Jun 7 "Tanzania: Return to the land," by Thomas Spear, Mar-Apr 44 "Ghana: An exercise in educational reform," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Update, May-Jun 12; Jul-Aug 12; Sept-Oct 9; Nov-Dec 12 Nov-Dec 34 "Botswana: Beyond the drought," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Nov-Dec "Zimbabwe: Campus criticism," by Andrew Meldrum, Nov-Dec 42 30 "South Africa: The rural revolt," by Ernest Harsch, Nov-Dec 62 Environment "Preserving the pachyderm," by Nick Cater, Nov-Dec 45 Aid, economic "Zimbabwe's campfire program," by Andrew Meldrum, Nov-Dec 48 Update, Jan-Feb 12 "Mozambique: A permanent emergency," by Margaret A. Novicki, Famine Mar-Apr 17 "World Bank responsibility" (letter) by Charles W. Sydnor, Jan-Feb 4 Update, Jul-Aug 7; Sept-Oct 6, 8, 12; Nov-Dec 8, 10 "Sudan: Starving the South," by Tbdd Shields, Jan-Feb 63 "Mozambique: A permanent emergency," by Margaret A. Novicki, Aid, military, Mar-Apr 17 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 5; Jul-Aug 7, 10; Nov-Dec 8 "Sudan: 'Operation lifeline'," by Joe Neff, May-Jun 55 AIDS Update, Jul-Aug 8; Nov-Dec 10 Letters to the Editor, from Paul A. Gotf and Lemlem Tsegaw, Mar-Apr Health 4 Update, Jan-Feb 12 Letters to the Editor, from C. D. Karabus and Peter Viljoen, May-Jun Letters to the Editor (on AIDS) from Paul A.Goff and Lemlem 4 Tsegaw, Mar-Apr 4 Update, Nov-Dec 6 "Promoting sate motherhood," by Daphne Topouzis, May-Jun 61 Apartheid, see South Africa "The SRRA: Coping with Sudan's health crisis," by Nick Cater,Sept- Chemical warfare Oct36 Update, Jan-Feb 5 Human rights Children Update, May-Jun 11 "The most innocent victims," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Sept-Oct 59 David Webster: The spirit is unbroken," by Daniel Riesenfeld, May- Jun 27 Culture "Angola: A question of human rights," by Rakiya Omaar, May-Jun 31 Update, Jan-Feb 6 Update, Jul-Aug 7 "Coloring history: Senegalese glass painting," by Howard Schissel, "Amos Sawyer: Fighting for rights" by Ernest Harsch, Jul-Aug 27 Mar-Apr 69 "A charter for human rights," by Daphne Topouzis Jul-Aug 31 "African cinema: A market in the U.S.?" by Marco Werman, May-Jun "Maina wa Kinyatti: A history of resistance," by Andre Astrow, Jul- 68 1 Aug 55 '"White man black war ," by Andrew Meldrum, Jul-Aug 66 Update, Sept-Oct 7, 8; Nov-Dec 7 "Mauritania's archeological mysteries," by Howard Schissel, Jul-Aug "Zimbabwe: Campus criticism," Nov-Dec 42 68 "Icons: Ideals and power in the art of Africa," by Marco Werman, International Monetary Fund Nov-Dec 67 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 12 "Damas Mbogoro: The business of development," by Colleen Lowe Economies; see also Update, passim Morna, Mar-Apr 43 "The business of sanctions busting," by Steve Askin, Jan-Feb 18 Update, May-Jun 10; Jul-Aug 10 12; Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 7, 12 "Botswana: Ashes and diamonds," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jan-Feb "Edward V.K. Jaycox: A new scenario for Africa," by Margaret A. 21 Novicki, Nov-Dec 17 "Letter from Lusaka: Kaunda's challenges," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jan-Feb 24 Media "Reflections on Lome," by Kaye Whiteman, Jan-Feb 40 Update, Mar-Apr 7 "Africa's underground economy," by Howard Schissel, Jan-Feb 43 "African cinema: A market in the U.S.?" by Marco Werman, May-Jun "Indian Ocean: The wayward siblings," by Dan Baum, Jan-Feb 47 68 "Fortress South Africa," by Michael Maren, Mar-Apr 31 "The news hole: reporting Africa," by Mary Anne Fitzgerald, Jul-Aug "Damas Mbogoro: The business of development," by Colleen Lowe 59 Morna. Mar-Apr 43 Update Sept-Oct 5 "Liberia: Living dangerously," Ernest Harsch, Mar-Apr 56 Mining "Zimbabwe: A new economic order?" by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun Update, Mar-Apr 12; May-Jun 9, 12; Sept-Oct 7 41 Oil "A joint approach to Africa's debt," by Carol Lancaster and Sergei Update, Jan-Feb 9; Mar-Apr 12 Shatalov, May-Jun 42 "Fortress South Africa," by Michael Maren, Mar-Apr 31 "After adjustment," by Ernest Harsch, May-Jun 46 Update, May-Jun 9, 12 "Ghana: On the road to recovery." by Ernest Harsch, Jul-Aug 21 Letter to the Editor from Arthur Jay Klinghoffer, Jul-Aug 4

68 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 Update, Ju!-Aug 12 Update. Mar-Apr 7 Organization of African Unity "The back page," by Margaret A. Novicki, Sept-Oct 71 "Strengthening Africa's voice," by Sammy Kum Buo, May-Jun 51 Burundi Update, Jul-Aug 6 "After the massacre," by Catharine Watson, Jan-Feb 51 "A charter for human rights," by Daphne Topouzis, Jul-Aug 31 Letter to the Editor from Kanyarwanda Ngenzi, May-Jun 4 Update, Nov-Dec 11 Cameroon Refugees Update, Mar-Apr 12 "Mozambique: A permanent emergency," by Margaret A. Novicki, Cape Verde Mar-Apr 17 'Determined to develop," by Daphne Topouzis, Sept-Oct 52 Update, May-Jun 8 "Mozambique: going home," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jul-Aug 4 Chad Update, Jan-Feb 7; May-Jun 7; Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 7, 11 Religion "Papal diplomacy" (letter), by John Prendergast, Jan-Feb 4 China Update, Jan-Feb 6, 7, 8, 11: Mar-Apr 10: May-Jun 7. 10: Jul-Aug 8; Update, Mar-Apr 9: Sept-Oct 11 Sept-Oct 6, 8 Comoros "Sudan: A step backwards?" by Nick Cater, Sept-Oct 32 •The Comoros connection," by Dan Baum, Jan-Feb 49 Update, Nov-Dec 11 Update, Nov-Dec 5 Tourism Congo Update, Sept-Oct 12 Update, Sept-Oct 12 Toxic waste Cote d'lvoire Update, Mar-Apr 5: Jul-Aug 6 Update, Jan-Feb 10; Mar-Apr 7, 10; Nov-Dec 10. 12 Trade unions Cuba Update, Mar-Apr 7; May-Jun 5; Sept-Oct 7 "Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem 'Loy': Creating conditions for peace," Transport by Margaret A. Novicki, Mar-Apr 23 Update, Mar-Apr 12 Egypt "Angola: On the road to recovery: Rehabilitating the rails," by Colleen Update, Jan-Feb 6, 11; Mar-Apr 12; Jul-Aug 12; Sept-Oct 7 Lowe Morna, May-Jun 34 Ethiopia "Mozambique: Repairing the rails," by Fernando Gontjalves. Sept- Update, Mar-Apr 10 Oct 62 "Rebellion and retaliation," by Mary Anne Fitzgerald. Jul-Aug 52 Update, Nov-Dec 10, 12 Update, Nov-Dec 8, 10. 11 United Nations France Update, Jan-Feb 7; May-Jun 11 Update, Jan-Feb 5; May-Jun 8; Sept-Oct 7, 11: Nov-Dec 5 "Sudan: 'Operation lifeline1," by Joe Neff, May-Jun 55 Gabon Update, Jul-Aug 12 Update, Jan-Feb 9 Women Gambia 'Cecelia Johnson: A woman's place," by Ernest Harsch, Mar-Apr 61 Update, Jul-Aug 7 "Promoting safe motherhood," by Daphne Topouzis, May-Jun 61 "Protect the widow," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, May-Jun 65 Germany, West World Bank Update, Jan-Feb 5; May-Jun 12 "World Bank responsibility" (letter) by Charles W. Sydnor, Jan-Feb 4 Ghana Update, Jul-Aug 9: Nov-Dec 12 "Cecelia Johnson: A woman' s place," by Ernest Harsch, Mar-Apr 61 "Edward V.K. Jaycox: A new scenario for Africa," by Margaret A. Update. May-Jun 5 Novicki, Nov-Dec 17 "A grassroots democracy," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jul-Aug 17 "On the road to recovery," by Ernest Harsch, Jul-Aug 21 COUNTRY INDEX Update, Sept-Oct 11, 12 Algeria Update, Jan-Feb 8. 9; May-Jun 9, 10, 12; Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 7 "An exercise in educational reform," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Nov- Dec 34 Angola Great Britain Update, Mar-Apr 5, 10 r Update, Jan-Feb 7; Jul-Aug 6 "Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem 'Loy : Creating conditions for peace." by Margaret A. Novicki, Mar-Apr 23 Guinea "A question of human rights," by Rakiya Omaar, May-Jun 31 "Conte's challenges," by Daphne Topouzis, Nov-Dec 38 "On the road to recovery: Rehabilitating the rails," by Colleen Lowe Guinea-Bissau Morna, May-Jun 34 "Shifting course," Sept-Oct 49 Update, Jul-Aug 5, 8, 12 Indian Ocean "A golden handshake?," by Andrew Meldrum. Jul-Aug 34 "The wayward siblings," by Dan Baum, Jan-Feb 47 Update, Sept-Oct 5,10 "Herman J. Cohen: Forging a bipartisan policy," by Margaret A. Update, May-Jun 10; Sept-Oct 12 Novicki, Sept-Oct 13 Kenya "The Gbadolite debacle," by Andrew Meldrum, Sept-Oct 30 Update, Jul-Aug 7 Update. Nov-Dec 8 "Maina wa Kinyatti: A history of resistance," by Andre Astrow, Jul- Aug 55 Benin Update, Sept-Oct 8, 12 Update. Mar-Apr 8: Nov-Dec 7 Letter to the Editor, by S.A. Were, Nov-Dec 4 Botswana Lesotho "Ashes and diamonds," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jan-Feb 21 Update, Mar-Apr 7; Jul-Aug 5; Jul-Aug 12 "Beyond the drought," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Nov-Dec 30 Liberia Burkina Faso Update, Jan-Feb 7 "How popular is the Front?." by Ernest Harsch, Jan-Feb 57 "Living dangerously," by Ernest Harsch, Mar-Apr 56 "The year of living aimlessly," by Marco Werman, Jan-Feb 62

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 69 "Amos Sawyer: Fighting for rights." by Ernest Harsch. Jul-Aug 27 Update, Jan-Feb 8, 9: Mar-Apr 7. 12; Jul-Aug 7. 10. 12 Update, Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 12 "Playing politics." by Gerald Bourke, Sept-Oct 41 Letter to the Editor, by Timothy Oiu Bajo, Nov-Dec 4 Libya Update, Nov-Dec 7, 12 Update, Jan-Feb 5. 9; Mar-Apr 12; May-Jun 9; Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 7 Rwanda Madagascar "Relying on 'equilibre'," by Catharine Watson, Jan-Feb 55 Update, Jan-Feb 12 "The wayward siblings," by Dan Baum, Jan-Feb 47 Senegal Update. May-Jun 8; Sept-Oct 12 Update. Jan-Feb 7 "Coloring history: Senegalese glass painting," by Howard Schissel, Malawi Mar-Apr 69 Update, May-Jun 7 Update. May-Jun 8 "Banda's quarter-century," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Sept-Oct 66 "Blood brothers." by Mark Doyle. Jul-Aug 13 "Nouakchott's new nationalism," by Mark Doyle, Sept-Oct 37 Mali Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 7 Seychelles Update, Jan-Feb 7 Mauritania Update. May-Jun 8, 9 Sierra Leone "Blood brothers," by Mark Doyle, Jul-Aug 13 Update, Mar-Apr 12; Sept-Oct 12; Nov-Dec 12 "Mauritania's archeological mysteries," by Howard Schissel, Jul-Aug 68 Somalia "Nouakchott's new nationalism," by Mark Doyle, Sept-Oct 37 "Barre's unholy alliances," by Richard Greenfield, Mar-Apr 65 Letters to the Editor from Abdirahman Dirie Mohamed and Ali Hashi Mauritius Sahal, Jul-Aug 4 "The wayward siblings," by Dan Baum. Jan-Feb 47 Update, Jul-Aug 7; Sept-Oct 8 Update, May-Jun 10; Jul-Aug 12 South Africa Morocco "Papal diplomacy" (letter), by John Prendergast. Jan-Feb 4 Update, Mar-Apr 10; May-Jun 7, 8, 9 Update. Jan-Feb 7 "Bachir Mustapha Sayed: Polisario's policies tor peace," by Margaret "The red herring factor," by Ameen Akhalwaya, Jan-Feb 13 A- Novicki, May-Jun 57 "The Bush agenda in South Africa," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 16 Update. Jul-Aug 6; Nov-Dec 7, 12 "The business of sanctions busting," by Steve Askin, Jan-Feb 18 "Ashes and diamonds," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jan-Feb 21 Mozambique "Namibia: Freedom around the corner?," by Joseph Diescho, Jan- "Renamo and the Reagan doctrine" (letter), by Duncan W. Sellars, Feb 25 Jan-Feb4 "The South African strategy," by Alun R. Roberts, Jan-Feb 28 Update, Jan-Feb 12; Mar-Apr 10 "Zephania Mothopeng: Free at last." by Ameen Akhalwaya, Jan-Feb "The battle for Zambezia." by Karl Maier, Mar-Apr 13 31 "A permanent emergency," by Margaret A. Novicki. Mar-Apr 17 "Frederik van Zyl Slabbed: A voice of opposition," by Margaret A. "An army of abductors," by William Minter, May-Jun 17 Novicki. Jan-Feb 33 "Marcelino dos Santos: Opening new fronts." by Margaret A, Novicki, "The Comoros connection," by Dan Baum. Jan-Feb 49 May-Jun 21 Letter to the Editor on Namibia, by Bruce Brager, Mar-Apr 4 "Going home." by Colleen Lowe Morna, Jul-Aug 40 Update, Mar-Apr 7, 11 Update, Sept-Oct 6, 8 "Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem 'Loy1: Creating conditions for peace," "Herman J. Cohen: Forging a bipartisan policy," by Margaret A. by Margaret A. Novicki, Mar-Apr 23 Novicki, Sept-Oct 13 "Namibia: The transition timetable," by John A. Evenson, Mar-Apr 26 "A program for peace," by Karl Maier, Sept-Oct 55 "Fortress South Africa," by Michael Maren, Mar-Apr 31 "The most innocent victims," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Sept-Oct 59 "Thabo Mbeki: Shining a spotlight on South Africa," by Margaret A. "Repairing the rails." by Fernando Gongalves, Sept-Oct 62 Novicki, Mar-Apr 34 "The path to peace." by Allen F. Isaacman, Nov-Dec 50 "Finding a meeting point." by Andrew Meldrum, Mar-Apr 38 "The urban influx," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, Nov-Dec 55 "Turning right," by Margaret L. Knox. Mar-Apr 41 Letters to the Editor from CO. Karabus and Peter Viljoen, May-Jun 4 Namibia Update, May-Jun 5, 12 "Freedom around the corner?," by Joseph Diescho, Jan-Feb 25 "Namibia: Peace on Pretoria's terms?," by Mark Verbaan May-Jun 13 "The South African strategy," by Alun R. Roberts, Jan-Feb 28 "Marcelinos dos Santos: Opening new fronts," by Margaret A. No- Letter to the Editor, by Bruce Brager, Mar-Apr 4 vicki, May-Jun 21 Update, Mar-Apr 5 "New personalities, old policies?" by Harald Pakendorf, May-Jun 24 "Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem 'Loy': Creating conditions for peace," "David Webster: The spirit is unbroken," by Daniel Riesenfeld, May- by Margaret A. Novicki, Mar-Apr 23 Jun 27 "The transition timetable." by John A.Evenson. Mar-Apr 26 Letter to the Editor from Arthur Jay Khnghoffer, Jul-Aug 4 "Peace on Pretoria's terms9" by Mark Verbaan. May-Jun 13 Update, Jul-Aug 5, 7,10,11 "Namibia: What they didn't tell us," by Alun R. Roberts. Jul-Aug 61 "Willem de Klerk: A view of the future," by Margaret A. Novicki, Jul- Update, Sept-Oct 10 Aug 36 "Born in blood," by Mark Verbaan, Sept-Oct 27 Update, Sept-Oct 6, 10 "The road to independence," by Mark Verbaan, Nov-Dec 13 "Herman J.Cohen: Forging a bipartisan policy," by Margaret A. No- vicki, Sept-Oct 13 Niger "The National Patty's trial of strength," by Patrick Laurence, Sept-Oct Update, May-Jun 12 20 "The negotiating platform," by Andrew Meldrum, Sept-Oct 24 Nigeria Update, Nov-Dec 5, 9

70 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 "Opening the gates." by Patrick Laurence, Nov-Dec 23 Zambia "A climate for negotiations?" by Willy Esterhuyse and Thabo Mbeki, Update. Jan-Feb 12 Nov-Dec 27 "Letter from Lusaka: Kaunda's challenges," by Colleen Lowe Morna, "The USSR and South Africa: An end to total onslaught'?" by Jan-Feb 24 Vladimir I. Tikhomirov, Nov-Dec 58 Update, Mar-Apr 10; May-Jun 7 "The rural revolt," by Ernest Harsch. Nov-Dec 62 "Protect the widow," by Ruth Ansah Ayisi. May-Jun 65 Update, Jul-Aug 8; Sept-Oct 12; Nov-Dec 12 Sudan Update, Jan-Feb 7, 12 Zimbabwe "Starving !he South," by Todd Shields. Jan-Feb 63 The corruption controversy," by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 36 Update, Mar-Apr 10, May-Jun 12 "Edgar Tekere Fighting tooth and claw," by Peter Murray, Jan-Feb 38 "Operation lifeline." by Joe Neff, May-Jun 55 Letter to the Editor on education, by Micheline Chidzero, Mar-Apr 4 Update, Jui-Aug 8 Update, Mar-Apr 10. 12 "John Garang: A new Sudan." by Margaret A. Novicki, Jul-Aug 43 "Mugabe s maneuvers," by Andrew Meldrum. May-Jun 38 "Averting disaster." by James P. Grant, Jul-Aug 48 "A new economic order?" by Andrew Meldrum, May-Jun 41 "A step backwards7" by Nick Cater, Sepl-Oct 32 "Protect the widow." by Ruth Ansah Ayisi, May-Jun 65 "The SRRA: Coping with Sudan's health crisis," by Nick Cater, Sept- Update, Jul-Aug 7 Oct36 "White man, black war'." by Andrew Meldrum. Jul-Aug 66 Update. Nov-Dec 11 Update, Sept-Oct 5, 7. 8. 9: Nov-Dec 7. 9 "Zimbabwe's campfire program," by Andrew Meldrum, Nov-Dec 48 Swaziland Update, Jan-Feb 5 "The business of sanctions busting," by Steve Askin, Jan-Feb 18 Tanzania "Damas Mbogoro: The business of development," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Mar-Apr 43 "Return to the land," by Thomas Spear, Mar-Apr 45 Update, May-Jun 7; Jul-Aug 5; Nov-Dec 11; Togo Update, May-Jun 6 Tunisia Update, May-Jun 7, 9 Uganda "Back to school: The revitalization of Makerere," by Colleen Lowe Morna, Mar-Apr 48 STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP. MANAGEMENT AND CIRCULATION Update, May-Jun 12; Jul-Aug 6, 12; Sept-Oct 7; Nov-Dec 6, 9, 11 United States "Renamo and the Reagan doctrine" (letter), by Duncan W. Sellars, Jan-Feb4 833 United nation? Plaza. New York, New York 10017 Update. Jan-Feb 5. 7 'The Bush agenda in southern Africa." by Andrew Meldrum, Jan-Feb 333 United Nations Plaza, New fork, Net Yurk 10017 16 "The back page." by Michael Maren, Jan-Feb 66 Frank 1. Ferrari, Itrican-Ame ican nstitute 833 United Nations Plaza. Hew York, New York 10017 Letter to the Editor on HIV testing, by Paul A- Goff, Mar-Apr 4 Margaret fl. NOTTCI i, Wrica Report Update. Mar-Apr 5 833 United Nations Plaza, New York, New York 10017 "A conversation with Melissa Wells," Mar-Apr 20 BTara lee, Ifmi ffepoTP 10017 Marcelino dos Santos: Opening new fronts." by Margaret A. Novicki, 833 United Nations Plaza, New York, New York May-Jun 21 m-r.rc:.rr™ ~—" "A joint approach to Africa' s debt." by Carol Lancaster and Sergei Shatalov, May-Jun 42 ATrican-.'Vierican j nstuute Update, Jul-Aug 6, 7. 10: Sept-Oct 5, 6, 8 •Herman J. Cohen: Forging a bipartisan policy." by Margaret A. Novicki, Sept-Oct 13 Letter to the Editor, by Herman J. Cohen, Nov-Dec 4 Update, Nov-Dec 8, 12; U.S.S.R. "A joint approach to Africa's debt." by Carol Lancaster and Sergei Shatalov, May-Jun 42 "A new era: Soviet policy in southern Africa." by Leonid L. Fituni, Jul- Aug 63 Update, Nov-Dec 8 6900 6100 "The USSR and South Africa: An end to 'total onslaught'?" by 515 515

Vladimir I. Tikhomirov. Nov-Dec 58 -.71 1 Western Sahara ' s:*:,;:^.'ir;.?«"f'lu Update, Jan-Feb 12; May Jun 11; Jul-Aug 10: Nov-Dec 8, 11 • abdvt are

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1990 71 Gel the Big Picture.

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