Cruel and Unusual Federal Punishments Michael J
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United States V. Lozoya
FOR PUBLICATION UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, No. 17-50336 Plaintiff-Appellee, D.C. No. v. 2:16-cr-00598- AB-1 MONIQUE A. LOZOYA, Defendant-Appellant. OPINION Appeal from the United States District Court for the Central District of California Andre Birotte, Jr., District Judge, Presiding Submitted En Banc May 26, 2020* San Francisco, California Filed December 3, 2020 Before: Sidney R. Thomas, Chief Judge, and M. Margaret McKeown, William A. Fletcher, Jay S. Bybee, Sandra S. Ikuta, Jacqueline H. Nguyen, Paul J. Watford, John B. Owens, Mark J. Bennett, Daniel P. Collins and Kenneth K. Lee, Circuit Judges. Opinion by Judge Bennett; Partial Concurrence and Partial Dissent by Judge Ikuta * The panel unanimously concludes this case is suitable for decision without oral argument. See Fed. R. App. P. 34(a)(2). 2 UNITED STATES V. LOZOYA SUMMARY** Criminal Law The en banc court affirmed a conviction for misdemeanor assault within the special aircraft jurisdiction of the United States, in a case in which the defendant, who committed the assault on a commercial flight from Minneapolis to Los Angeles, argued that venue in the Central District of California was improper because the assault did not occur in airspace directly above the Central District. The en banc court held that the Constitution does not limit venue for in-flight federal crimes to the district sitting directly below a plane at the moment a crime was committed, and that venue thus “shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.” U.S. -
Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2017 Rational Basis "Plus" Thomas B. Nachbar Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Nachbar, Thomas B., "Rational Basis "Plus"" (2017). Constitutional Commentary. 1094. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/1094 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NACHBAR_DRAFT 4.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 7/13/17 12:45 PM RATIONAL BASIS “PLUS” Thomas B. Nachbar* INTRODUCTION The Supreme Court has asserted the power to review the substance of state and federal law for its reasonableness for almost 200 years.1 Since the mid-1960s, that review has taken the form of the “familiar ‘rational basis’ test,”2 under which the Court will strike a statute if it is not rationally related to a legitimate governmental interest.3 The test is hardly perfect. It lacks, for one thing any textual basis in the Constitution.4 It has been criticized from both ends, as alternatively a judicial usurpation of legislative power5 or “tantamount to no review at all.”6 But the Court has applied it for decades,7 and while the test is not universally loved, neither is it particularly controversial, at least as rules of constitutional law go. If rational basis scrutiny itself is largely uncontroversial, the same cannot be said for so-called “rational basis with bite,” “rational basis with teeth,” or—as I shall call it—“rational basis plus” review.8 Rational basis plus is, as Justice O’Connor * Professor of Law, University of Virginia School of Law. -
Nondelegation and the Unitary Executive
NONDELEGATION AND THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE Douglas H. Ginsburg∗ Steven Menashi∗∗ Americans have always mistrusted executive power, but only re- cently has “the unitary executive” emerged as the bogeyman of Amer- ican politics. According to popular accounts, the idea of the unitary executive is one of “presidential dictatorship”1 that promises not only “a dramatic expansion of the chief executive’s powers”2 but also “a minimum of legislative or judicial oversight”3 for an American Presi- dent to exercise “essentially limitless power”4 and thereby to “destroy the balance of power shared by our three co-equal branches of gov- ernment.”5 Readers of the daily press are led to conclude the very notion of a unitary executive is a demonic modern invention of po- litical conservatives,6 “a marginal constitutional theory” invented by Professor John Yoo at UC Berkeley,7 or a bald-faced power grab con- jured up by the administration of George W. Bush,8 including, most ∗ Circuit Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. ∗∗ Olin/Searle Fellow, Georgetown University Law Center. The authors thank Richard Ep- stein and Jeremy Rabkin for helpful comments on an earlier draft. 1 John E. Finn, Opinion, Enumerating Absolute Power? Who Needs the Rest of the Constitution?, HARTFORD COURANT, Apr. 6, 2008, at C1. 2 Tim Rutten, Book Review, Lincoln, As Defined by War, L.A. TIMES, Oct. 29, 2008, at E1. 3 Editorial, Executive Excess, GLOBE & MAIL (Toronto), Nov. 12, 2008, at A22. 4 Robyn Blumner, Once Again We’ll Be a Nation of Laws, ST. -
Here the Problem Arises
Article Constitutional Spaces Allan Erbsen† I. The Land of the Law: The Constitution’s Ad Hoc Typology of Physical Spaces ............................................ 1175 A. The “Land” ................................................................. 1179 B. The “United States” ................................................... 1186 C. “States” ....................................................................... 1197 D. The “District” and the “Seat” .................................... 1208 E. “districts” .................................................................... 1215 F. “places” and “territories” ........................................... 1221 G. “Territory” and “Property” ......................................... 1224 H. “possessions” .............................................................. 1232 I. “Places” ....................................................................... 1234 J. The “high Seas” .......................................................... 1243 K. “admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction” .................... 1247 II. The Law of the Landless: Unenumerated Spaces .......... 1252 A. Indian Territory ......................................................... 1253 B. Adjacent Spaces: Above (the Air), Below (Underground Resources), Beside (Coastal Waters and Submerged Lands), and Between (Boundary Rivers) ........................................................................ 1258 Conclusion .............................................................................. 1266 Scholarship about the Constitution’s -
Recent Experience with Intermediate Scrutiny Under the North Carolina Constitution: Blankenship V
MARTIN FINAL 5/20/2011 3:35 PM Recent Experience with Intermediate Scrutiny Under the North Carolina Constitution: Blankenship v. Bartlett and King ex rel. Harvey- Barrow v. Beaufort County Board of Education Mark D. Martin & Daniel F.E. Smith* I. INTRODUCTION In two recent interpretations of the North Carolina Constitution, the Supreme Court of North Carolina adopted and developed a unique form of intermediate scrutiny. Blankenship v. Bartlett1 addressed a challenge to judicial districts under the state equal protection clause.2 King ex rel. Harvey-Barrow v. Beaufort County Board of Education3 decided a state constitutional claim to alternative-education services during a disciplinary suspension.4 By applying intermediate scrutiny, the court resolved these two challenging state constitutional cases. As the name implies—and as the bench and bar know very well— intermediate scrutiny falls somewhere “in between” strict scrutiny and rational basis review.5 Strict scrutiny, the “most exacting scrutiny,” is applied to suspect classifications and those impinging on fundamental * Senior Associate Justice and Research Assistant, Supreme Court of North Carolina. Nothing in this Article should be viewed as an opinion about the merits of pending or future cases that may come before the Supreme Court of North Carolina. The purpose of this Article is to chronicle significant legal developments in North Carolina and place them in the academic literature on state constitutional adjudication. The legal value vel non of these developments and their implications for future cases are left to the academy and other legal commentators. We wish to thank Justice Robert H. Edmunds, Tom Davis, and Jake Parker for their assistance with this Article. -
THREE ISSUES the NATIONAL PARK SYSTEM FACES in 2017 Andrew Waggoner
University of Baltimore Journal of Land and Development Volume 6 | Issue 2 Article 2 2017 THREE ISSUES THE NATIONAL PARK SYSTEM FACES IN 2017 Andrew Waggoner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ubjld Part of the Land Use Law Commons Recommended Citation Waggoner, Andrew (2017) "THREE ISSUES THE NATIONAL PARK SYSTEM FACES IN 2017," University of Baltimore Journal of Land and Development: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ubjld/vol6/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Journal of Land and Development by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMMENT THREE ISSUES THE NATIONAL PARK SYSTEM FACES IN 2017 Andrew Waggoner I. INTRODUCTION AND ISSUES PRESENTED It’s 2017; a new year, complete with an entirely new administration. Celebrating a new year is all about change. However, change is elusive to the National Park Service (NPS) which, nearly 150 years after its creation, faces intriguing hurdles going into the new year. This paper will diagnose three issues that the NPS faces going into 2017 and will provide solutions along with additional facts to alleviate the concerns of those who support the NPS. The first concern that NPS supporters will face in 2017 is the resurgence of the Republican party which now controls the House, Senate, -
The Role of Race in Jury Impartiality and Venue Transfers Darryl K
Maryland Law Review Volume 53 | Issue 1 Article 5 The Role of Race in Jury Impartiality and Venue Transfers Darryl K. Brown Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Darryl K. Brown, The Role of Race in Jury Impartiality and Venue Transfers, 53 Md. L. Rev. 107 (1994) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol53/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ROLE OF RACE IN JURY IMPARTIALITY AND VENUE TRANSFERS DARRYL IL BROWN* I. INTRODUCrION A. Two Cases in Point In 1990, Washington, D.C., Mayor Marion Barry was indicted on fourteen charges of drug possession and perjury arising from a federal investigation that yielded a videotape of Barry smoking crack cocaine in Washington's Vista Hotel.1 Barry and his attorney chose not to seek a change of venue for the trial, despite overwhelming pretrial public- ity about the case that included constant replays of the incriminating videotape on local television stations.2 The jury, drawn from the Dis- trict and comprised mostly of African Americans,3 convicted Barry, an African American, of only one misdemeanor possession charge-not the one arising from the videotape.4 The verdict was generally viewed as a victory for the defendant.' * Staff Attorney, University of Georgia School of Law Legal Aid Clinic. -
The Equal Rights Amendment Revisited
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 94 | Issue 2 Article 10 1-2019 The qualE Rights Amendment Revisited Bridget L. Murphy Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 937 (2019). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-2\NDL210.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-DEC-18 7:48 THE EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT REVISITED Bridget L. Murphy* [I]t’s humiliating. A new amendment we vote on declaring that I am equal under the law to a man. I am mortified to discover there’s reason to believe I wasn’t before. I am a citizen of this country. I am not a special subset in need of your protection. I do not have to have my rights handed down to me by a bunch of old, white men. The same [Amendment] Fourteen that protects you, protects me. And I went to law school just to make sure. —Ainsley Hayes, 20011 If I could choose an amendment to add to this constitution, it would be the Equal Rights Amendment . It means that women are people equal in stature before the law. And that’s a fundamental constitutional principle. I think we have achieved that through legislation. -
The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2016 The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays Lynn E. Blais Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Blais, Lynn E., "The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review Commentary Essays" (2016). Connecticut Law Review. 336. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/336 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 48 JULY 2016 NUMBER 5 Essay The Public Use Clause and Heightened Rational Basis Review LYNN E. BLAIS In their lead essay for this volume, Wesley Horton and Levesque persuasively demonstrate that the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Kelo v. City of New London was neither novel nor wrong. They then suggest that Kelo’s detractors drop their continued crusade to overturn that decision and shift their focus from challenging the use of eminent domain for private economic development plans to challenging eminent domain abuse in general. To that end, Horton and Leveque offer the provocative proposal that the Court adopt a ten-factor heightened rational basis test to apply to all condemnations. Using this test, they argue, courts can invalidate ill-advised exercises of eminent domain while upholding condemnations that truly serve a public purpose. I agree with Horton and Levesque’s defense of Kelo. That decision clearly follows from the Court’s prior precedent and correctly implements the Public Use Clause. In this Essay, however, I challenge the wisdom of Horton and Levesque’s proposal to subject all condemnations to heightened rational basis review under their ten-factor test. -
The Poor As a Suspect Class Under the Equal Protection Clause: an Open Constitutional Question
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law LAW eCommons Faculty Publications & Other Works 2010 The oP or as a Suspect Class under the Equal Protection Clause: An Open Constitutional Question Henry Rose Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/facpubs Part of the Civil Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Rose, Henry, The oorP as a Suspect Class under the Equal Protection Clause: An Open Constitutional Question, 34 Nova Law Review 407 (2010) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE POOR AS A SUSPECT CLASS UNDER THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE: AN OPEN CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION HENRY ROSE* (ABSTRACT) Both judges and legal scholars assert that the United States Supreme Court has held that the poor are neither a quasi-suspect nor a suspect class under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Unit- ed States Constitution. They further assert that this issue was decided by the Supreme Court in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973). It is the thesis of this article that the Supreme Court has not yet decided whether the poor are a quasi-suspect or a suspect class under Equal Protec- tion. In fact, the majority in San Antonio Independent School District v. Ro- driquez found that the case involved no discrete discrimination against the poor. Whether the poor should constitute a quasi-suspect or suspect class under Equal Protection remains an open constitutional question. -
Tyson Timbs and a 2012 Land Rover Lr2
No. 17-1091 ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- --------------------------------- TYSON TIMBS AND A 2012 LAND ROVER LR2, Petitioners, v. STATE OF INDIANA, Respondent. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- On Writ Of Certiorari To The Indiana Supreme Court --------------------------------- --------------------------------- BRIEF FOR PETITIONERS --------------------------------- --------------------------------- SAMUEL B. GEDGE WESLEY P. H OTTOT* SCOTT G. BULLOCK INSTITUTE FOR JUSTICE DARPANA M. SHETH 600 University Street, INSTITUTE FOR JUSTICE Suite 1730 901 North Glebe Road, Seattle, WA 98101 Suite 900 (206) 957-1300 Arlington, VA 22203 [email protected] (703) 682-9320 *Counsel of Record [email protected] Counsel for Petitioners ================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether the Eighth Amendment’s Excessive Fines Clause is incorporated against the States under the Fourteenth Amendment. ii PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDINGS Petitioners are Tyson Timbs and his 2012 Land Rover LR2. Respondent is the State of Indiana. Addi- tional plaintiffs before the state trial court were the J.E.A.N. Team Drug Task Force, the Marion Police De- partment, and the Grant County Sheriff ’s Depart- ment. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ................................................ 1 OPINIONS BELOW ............................................ -
Same-Sex Marriage: a Legal Background After United States V
Same-Sex Marriage: A Legal Background After United States v. Windsor Alison M. Smith Legislative Attorney September 11, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43481 Same-Sex Marriage: A Legal Background After United States v. Windsor Summary The issue of same-sex marriage generates debate on both the federal and state levels. Either legislatively or judicially, same-sex marriage is legal in more than a dozen states. Conversely, many states have statutes and/or constitutional amendments limiting marriage to the union of one man and one woman. These state-level variations raise questions about the validity of such unions outside the contracted jurisdiction and have bearing on the distribution of state and/or federal benefits. As federal agencies grappled with the interplay of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and the distribution of federal marriage-based benefits, questions arose regarding DOMA’s constitutionality and the appropriate standard (strict, intermediate, or rational basis) of review to apply to the statute. In United States v. Windsor, a closely divided U.S. Supreme Court held that Section 3 of DOMA, which prohibited federal recognition of same-sex marriage, violated due process and equal protection principles. As such, federal statutes that refer to a marriage and/or spouse for federal purposes should be interpreted as applying equally to legally married same-sex couples recognized by the state. However, the Court left unanswered questions such as (1) whether same- sex couples have a fundamental right to marry and (2) whether state bans on same-sex marriage are constitutionally permissible. In the aftermath of the Windsor decision, lower federal courts have begun to address the constitutionality of state statutory and constitutional bans on same-sex marriage.