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												  23. Relativism and Radical ConservatismThis is the preprint version of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Relativism, edited by Martin Kusch (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 219–27 on December 4, 2019, available online: http://doi.org/10.4324/9781351052306-24. 23. Relativism and radical conservatism Timo Pankakoski and Jussi Backman ABSTRACT. The chapter tackles the complex, tension-ridden, and often paradoxical relationship between relativism and conservatism. We focus particularly on radical conservatism, an early twentieth-century German movement that arguably constitutes the climax of conservatism’s problematic relationship with relativism. We trace the shared genealogy of conservatism and historicism in nineteenth-century Counter-Enlightenment thought and interpret radical conservatism’s ambivalent relation to relativism as reflecting this heritage. Emphasizing national particularity, historical uniqueness, and global political plurality, Carl Schmitt and Hans Freyer moved in the tradition of historicism, stopping short of full relativism. Yet they utilized relativistic elements – such as seeing irrational decisions or the demands of “life” as the basis of politics – to discredit notions of universal political morality and law, thereby underpinning their authoritarian agendas. Oswald Spengler, by contrast, took the relativistic impulses to the extreme, interweaving his conservative authoritarianism and nationalism with full-fledged epistemic, moral, and political relativism. Martin Heidegger has recently been perceived as the key philosopher of radical conservatism, and his 1 thought arguably channeled antimodern aspects of historicism into contemporary political thought. We conclude by analyzing how some radical conservative arguments involving cultural relativism and plurality still reverberate in contemporary theorists such as Samuel Huntington, Aleksandr Dugin, and Alain de Benoist.
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												  Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
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												  “Effective Followership” in the UK HE Sector Darren Paul Cunningham‘Influencing Upwards’: A Phenomenological Study of “Effective Followership” in the UK HE Sector Darren Paul Cunningham Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2019 Lancaster University Management School Acknowledgements Thanks must go to Lancaster University’s Management School. In particular, I would like to express my personal gratitude to Professor David Collinson, Dr David Simm, and Dr Dermot O'Reilly who have afforded me their extensive experience, knowledge and patience. In the build-up to submitting this thesis, their contributions were invaluable. Sincere thanks extend to Jean Blanquet, in the University’s Library. Her assistance was instrumental, especially where some of the more rarely available or hard to find reading materials contributed significantly to the completeness of the literature review. Similarly, a debt of gratitude is afforded to Joan Paterson, whose skills in touch- typing helped tremendously. She so expertly transformed data from many digitally recorded interviews into written transcripts ready for analysis. Also, thanks are owed to my dear friend and fellow part-time PhD student Paul Robbins, who as I recall we met in the University’s car park on day one and stayed friends ever since. Paul was a great support throughout this incredible journey, and his wonderful sense of humour and the Indian meals we shared in the Bombay Balti in Lancaster will forever be fondly remembered. Thanks are also due to my family who have been there to support me. Firstly, my late father who has been an inspiration to me all of my life, so I dedicate my many years of academic endeavour to him.
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												  Towards a Phenomenology of Liberation: a Critical Theory of Race and the Fate of Democracy in Latin America”APA Newsletters NEWSLETTER ON HISPANIC/LATINO ISSUES IN PHILOSOPHY Volume 10, Number 1 Fall 2010 FROM THE EDITOR, BERNIE J. CANTEÑS ARTICLES CARLOS ALBERTO SANCHEZ “Against Values: Culture and Phenomenology in Jorge Portilla and Max Scheler” ALEJANDRO A. VALLEGA “Philosophy Beyond Pernicious Knowledge, from a Latin American Perspective” NYTHAMAR DE OLIVEIRA “Towards a Phenomenology of Liberation: A Critical Theory of Race and the Fate of Democracy in Latin America” BOOK REVIEW Enrique Dussel, Eduardo Mendieta, Carmen Bohórquez, Eds.: El pensamiento filósofico latinoamericano, del Caribe y “latino” [1300-2000]: Historia, Temas, Filósofos REVIEWED BY GRANT SILVA SUBMISSIONS CONTRIBUTORS © 2010 by The American Philosophical Association ISSN 2155-9708 APA NEWSLETTER ON Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy Bernie J. Canteñs, Editor Fall 2010 Volume 10, Number 1 phenomenology.” De Oliveira’s thesis is developed in three ROM THE DITOR parts: (1) Philosophy of Race, (2) Liberation Philosophy, and F E (3) Critical Theory. According to de Oliveira, this new social phenomenology will avoid the “objectivist claims of Marxism” and “subjectivist ‘representations’ of postcolonial and cultural Bernie Canteñs studies.” De Oliveira adopts a “weak social constructionist” Moravian College conception of race. He understands that any account of race in Latin America will be intertwined with political and social The fall 2010 issue of the Newsletter contains Carlos Alberto psychology, and his philosophy of race intends to deconstruct Sanchez’s “Against Values: Culture and Phenomenology in racial democracy myths or scientific and historical conceptions Jorge Portilla and Max Scheler.” Sanchez’s essay compares of race, and Eurocentric myths of liberation such as democracy, the “European crisis of value” with the “Mexican crisis of liberalism, and socialism.
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												  Postmodernism and the Digital Era Flores, FernandoPostmodernism and the Digital Era Flores, Fernando 2007 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Flores, F. (2007). Postmodernism and the Digital Era. Department of Informatics, Lund University. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Postmodernism and the Digital Era Omslagsbild: Kafka Composition © Maria Crossa, 2007 POSTMODERNISM AND THE DIGITAL ERA Fernando Flores Morador Department of Informatics Lund University 2007 Department of Informatics Lunds universitet, Ole Römers väg 6, 223 63 Lund Postmodernism and the Digital Era © Fernando Flores Morador, 2007 Tryck: Media-Tryck, Lund University, 2007 ISBN 978-91-633-1105-5 Dedicated to Germán Wettstein and Raquel Morador de Wettstein CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...............................................
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												  Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
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												  SHORTCUT to SERFDOM a Reader’S GuideSHORTCUT TO SERFDOM A Reader’s Guide BRITTANY HUNTER Shortcut to Serfdom A Reader’s Guide Essays from the Foundation for Economic Education Contents Introduction 5 1. The Individual Built the Modern World 6 2. You’re All a Bunch of Collectivists 9 3. If You Give the State an Inch, It Will Take a Mile 12 4. Technology Is Not Pro-Monopoly 16 5. Hayek Warned Us About Obamacare 20 6. Why the Rule of Law Matters, Even If It Doesn’t 25 Exist 7. Venezuela Proves There Is No Political Freedom 29 Without Economic Freedom 8. There Is No Such Thing As Equality, and Thank 35 Goodness 9. What Hayek Gets Wrong About a Universal Basic 40 Income 10. Why the Worst Humans Are Able to Rise to 46 Power 11. Education Is the State’s Greatest Tool for 51 Propaganda 12. Socialist Academics Contributed to the Rise of the 55 Third Reich 13. England Inches Down the Road to Serfdom 62 14. Hayek Was Right, Welfare Is False Philanthropy 68 15. The International Road to Serfdom 74 16. The Road to Serfdom: What Is Past Is Prologue 81 Introduction efore October 2017, I had never actually completed F.A. Hayek’s, The Road to Serfdom. I am completely comfortable admitting that. Still, like many who are intrigued with Hayek’s ideas but Black the willpower to read the entire book, I alway list The Road to Serfdom as one of my most influential readings. To be sure, I had read the few chapters that were assigned to me by my school’s token libertarian political science professor.
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												  Oswald Spengler, the Decline of the West, and the Potential for the German PeopleJones: 1 Andrew Jones Message for the Pandemonium: Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West, and the potential for the German people. Oswald Spengler was born in 1880 in Blankenburg, Germany. His father was a bureaucrat who worked for the Duchy of Brunswick in the German Empire. He studied history at the universities of Munich, Berlin, and Halle. Spengler found the Pre-Socratics to be fascinating. His academic career culminated in his doctoral thesis which focused on the Pre-Socratic philosopher Heraclitus. He worked as a teacher in Hamburg at a Realgymnasium or grammar school where he taught German history, science, and mathematics. Oswald Spengler found himself caught up into the turbulent events of 1914. What unfolded surprised many people, after all; he had been a simple school teacher from an unremarkable family in an unremarkable place in Germany. One historian referred to Spengler before 1918 as “nobody in particular, an Oberlehrer or Gymnasium teacher who had thrown up his job in 1910 in order to write.”1 Unable to serve his fatherland due to his weak heart, Spengler decided to do something radical. He worked to answer the most pressing question of the time and perhaps the most pressing question of the Twentieth Century. Spengler sought to explain why the great powers of Europe destroyed the peace, power, and prosperity of Europe to fight a horrific war that consumed the continent while involving the entire world. Spengler recognized the utter madness of the war as well as its lack of guiding reason and sought to find refuge from the deluge of insanity.
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												  Adorno – History & Freedom Lectures –HISTORY AND FREEDOM Lectures 1964-1965 Theodor W. Adorno Edited by Rolf Tiedemann Translated by Rodney Livingstone ' l polity First published in German as Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit (1964165} by Theodor W. Adorno© Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 2001. CONTENTS This English edition first published in 2006 ©Polity Press Reprinted in 2008 Polity Press 65 Bridge Street Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK Polity Press 350 Main Street Malden, MA 02148, USA All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Editor's Foreword Xll ISBN-13: 978-07456-3012-0 ISBN-13: 978-07456-3013-7 (pb) PART I History A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. LECTURE 1: Progress or Regression? 3 Notes: The relationship of the lectures to Negative Typeset in 10.5 on 12 pt Sabon by SNP Best-set Typesetter I.td, Hong Kong Dialectics; the concept of freedom in Kant and Hegel; the diminishing consciousness of freedom; the meaning of Printed and bound in the United States by Odyssey Press Inc., Gonic, New Hampshire history refuted by Auschwitz; the philosophy of history implies that there is a meaning; cultural morphology (Spengler) and idealism For further information on Polity, visit our website: www.polity.co.uk The publication of this work was supported by a grant from the LEcTuRE 2: Universal and Particular 10 Goethe-lnstitut.
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												  Conservative Revolution”Introduction Countercultures Ideologies and Practices Alternative Visions BEYOND HISTORICISM: UTOPIAN THOUGHT IN THE “CONSERVATIVE REVOLUTION” Robbert-Jan Adriaansen The “Conservative Revolution” presents a paradox to contemporary scholars, as the idea of a revolution seems to challenge the very foundations of conservatism. “Conservative Revolution” is a col- ligatory concept; it does not refer to any particular historical event but to a current in intellectual thought that gained prominence in the German Weimar Republic.1 Comprising a broad array of right- wing authors, thinkers, and movements, the concept of “Conserva- tive Revolution” was introduced as an analytical category by Armin Mohler in his dissertation Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland (1949).He defi ned it as “that spiritual movement of regeneration that tried to clear away the ruins of the nineteenth century and tried to 1 Colligatory concepts are create a new order of life.”2 Covering vö lkisch authors, Young Con- concepts used by histori- ans to create unity in the servatives such as Oswald Spengler and Arthur Moeller van den morass of past ideas and Bruck, National Revolutionaries — like brothers Ernst and Friedrich events; they bring them together under a general Georg Jü nger — and also two more organized movements, the metaphor such as Landvolkbewegung and the Bü ndische Jugend, Mohler presented a “Renaissance,” “Industrial Revolution,” or, indeed, taxonomy of a heterogeneous array of thinkers and organizations that “Conservative Revolution.” did not regard itself as a unifi ed movement but shared a common See William H. Walsh, “Colligatory Concepts in attitude to life, society, and politics. History,” in The Philosophy of History, ed.
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												  Marx and GermanyCommunism and Nationalism This page intentionally left blank Communism and Nationalism Karl Marx Versus Friedrich List Roman Szporluk New York Oxford OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1988 Oxford University Press Oxford New York Toronto Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi Petaling Jaya Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo Nairobi Dar es Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland and associated companies in Beirut Berlin Ibadan Nicosia Copyright © 1988 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 200 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Szporluk, Roman. Communism and nationalism. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Nationalism and socialism. 2. Marx, Karl, 1818-1883—-Views on nationalism. 3. List, Friedrich, 1789-1846—Views on nationalism. I. Title. HX550.N3S95 1988 320.5'32 87-10993 ISBN 0-19-505102-5 135798642 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper For Mary Ann, Ben, Larissa, and Michael This page intentionally left blank Preface In 1977 I began to teach a course at the University of Michigan called "Socialism and Nationalism." The course was based on the idea that in the historical epoch inaugurated by the French and Industrial revolutions, socialism and nationalism addressed very similar—if not identical—ques- tions, but gave different answers to them, provided competing programs for their realization, and in general, offered alternative visions of the world.
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												  The Individual After Stalin: Fedor Abramov, Russian Intellectuals, and the Revitalization of Soviet Socialism, 1953-1962View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Columbia University Academic Commons The Individual after Stalin: Fedor Abramov, Russian Intellectuals, and the Revitalization of Soviet Socialism, 1953-1962 Anatoly Pinsky Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University 2011 © 2011 Anatoly Pinsky All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Individual after Stalin: Fedor Abramov, Russian Intellectuals, and the Revitalization of Soviet Socialism, 1953-1962 Anatoly Pinsky This dissertation examines the effort of Russian writers to reform Soviet socialism in the first decade after Joseph Stalin’s death. My departure point is the idea that the Soviet experiment was about the creation not only of a new socio-economic system, but also of a New Man. According to the logic of Soviet socialism, it was the New Man who would usher in the new socio-economic order by living out philosophical ideas in his everyday life. Under Khrushchev, Russian writers bestowed the New Man with even more power to build Communism. Stalin, the superhuman engine of historical progress, had died, giving ordinary citizens more agency, according to the contemporary discourse, to shape the future and overcome the consequences of his cult of personality. A new emphasis was placed on sincerity and the individual; and not only on fashioning the future, but also on understanding the details of the past and present. Among writers, a new importance was allotted to the diary, which was conceptualized as a space of sincerity, and as a genre that helped one grasp the facts of everyday existence and pen realistic representations of Soviet life.