Virginia's Response to Loyalists and Loyalism in Williamsburg, 1770-1781
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' ' ., ,�- NONIMPORTATION AND THE SEARCH FOR ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE IN VIRGINIA, 1765-1775 BRUCE ALLAN RAGSDALE Charlottesville, Virginia B.A., University of Virginia, 1974 M.A., University of Virginia, 1980 A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Corcoran Department of History University of Virginia May 1985 © Copyright by Bruce Allan Ragsdale All Rights Reserved May 1985 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction: 1 Chapter 1: Trade and Economic Development in Virginia, 1730-1775 13 Chapter 2: The Dilemma of the Great Planters 55 Chapter 3: An Imperial Crisis and the Origins of Commercial Resistance in Virginia 84 Chapter 4: The Nonimportation Association of 1769 and 1770 117 Chapter 5: The Slave Trade and Economic Reform 180 Chapter 6: Commercial Development and the Credit Crisis of 1772 218 Chapter 7: The Revival Of Commercial Resistance 275 Chapter 8: The Continental Association in Virginia 340 Bibliography: 397 Key to Abbreviations used in Endnotes WMQ William and Mary Quarterly VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Hening William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; Being� Collection of all the Laws Qf Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature in the year 1619, 13 vols. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia Rev. Va. Revolutionary Virginia: The Road to Independence, 7 vols. LC Library of Congress PRO Public Record Office, London co Colonial Office UVA Manuscripts Department, Alderman Library, University of Virginia VHS Virginia Historical Society VSL Virginia State Library Introduction Three times in the decade before the Revolution. Vir ginians organized nonimportation associations as a protest against specific legislation from the British Parliament. -
The Origins of a Free Press in Prerevolutionary Virginia: Creating
Dedication To my late father, Curtis Gordon Mellen, who taught me that who we are is not decided by the advantages or tragedies that are thrown our way, but rather by how we deal with them. Table of Contents Foreword by David Waldstreicher....................................................................................i Acknowledgements .........................................................................................................iii Chapter 1 Prologue: Culture of Deference ...................................................................................1 Chapter 2 Print Culture in the Early Chesapeake Region...........................................................13 A Limited Print Culture.........................................................................................14 Print Culture Broadens ...........................................................................................28 Chapter 3 Chesapeake Newspapers and Expanding Civic Discourse, 1728-1764.......................57 Early Newspaper Form...........................................................................................58 Changes: Discourse Increases and Broadens ..............................................................76 Chapter 4 The Colonial Chesapeake Almanac: Revolutionary “Agent of Change” ...................97 The “Almanacks”.....................................................................................................99 Chapter 5 Women, Print, and Discourse .................................................................................133 -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS 14521 JORDAN of Idaho, Mcgee, METCALF, Moss, ADJOURNMENT to THURSDAY, James M
June 2, 1969 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 14521 JORDAN of Idaho, McGEE, METCALF, Moss, ADJOURNMENT TO THURSDAY, James M. Sullivan, Jr., of New York, to STEVENS, and YO"UNG of North Dakota. JUNE 5, 1969 be U.S. attorney for the northern district of New York for the term of 4 years, vice Justin Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi J. Mahoney, resigning. dent, if there be no further business to U.S. MARsHM. AUTHORIZATION FOR SECRETARY come before the Senate, I move, in ac OF SENATE TO RECEIVE MES cordance with the previous order, that Frank M. Dulan, of New York, to be U.S. SAGES DURING ADJOURNMENT marshal for the northern district of New the Senate stand in adjournment until 12 York for the term of 4 years, vice James E. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi- o'clock noon on Thursday next. Byrne, Jr., resigned. dent, I ask unanimous consent that dur The motion was agreed to; and (at 1 James W. Norton, Jr., of North Carolina, ing the adjournment of the Senate from o'clock and 40 minutes p.m.) the Senate to be U.S. marshal for the eastern district of the close of business today until noon, took an adjournment until 12 o'clock North Carolina for the term of 4 vears vice Thursday next, the Secretary of the Sen noon, Thursday, June 5, 1969. Hugh Salter. - ' ate be authorized to receive messages Walter J. Link, of North Dakota, to be from the President of the United States U.S. marshal for the district of North Dakota NOMINATIONS f·or the term of 4 years, vice Anson J. -
American Revolution Crossword Puzzle Sols: VS.1A-G, VS.2F, VS.3C-E, VS.4A, VS.4C-D, VS.5A-B; Reading 4.3A, Reading 4.3D; Reading 5.4
American Revolution Crossword Puzzle SOLs: VS.1a-g, VS.2f, VS.3c-e, VS.4a, VS.4c-d, VS.5a-b; Reading 4.3a, Reading 4.3d; Reading 5.4 DIRECTIONS: Use the Word Bank below to answer the clues. Answers that are more than one word do NOT have a space. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 ACROSS 15. These people took on more responsibility to 2. This third capital was more centrally located support the war effort 4. This word describes people who did not 16. A group of people prepared to defend their take sides in the Revolution land against attack 5. These people arrived in 1619 against their 17. A decision a group votes on will 18. An official document that explains, promises, 7. This British governing body believed it had or demands certain things legal authority in the colonies DOWN 9. This very profitable cash crop was sold in 1. A name for people who remained loyal to Great England Britain during the Revolution 10. The title for elected representatives that 3. The capital moved here due to unhealthy living served in the colonial General Assembly conditions at Jamestown 11. Wrote the Declaration of Independence 6. Inspired patriots by saying "give me liberty or 12. These people fought in the Continental give me death!" Army for American independence 8. First permanent English settlement in North 14. The Commander-in-Chief of the America Continental Army 13. A good or service owed to another WORD BANK TOBACCO NEUTRAL PATRICK HENRY DEBT BURGESSES RESOLUTION LOYALISTS WILLIAMSBURG AFRICANS RICHMOND WASHINGTON MILITIA JAMESTOWN JEFFERSON CHARTER WOMEN PATRIOTS PARLIAMENT Definitions Charter – An official document that explains, promises, or demands certain things. -
'Deprived of Their Liberty'
'DEPRIVED OF THEIR LIBERTY': ENEMY PRISONERS AND THE CULTURE OF WAR IN REVOLUTIONARY AMERICA, 1775-1783 by Trenton Cole Jones A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland June, 2014 © 2014 Trenton Cole Jones All Rights Reserved Abstract Deprived of Their Liberty explores Americans' changing conceptions of legitimate wartime violence by analyzing how the revolutionaries treated their captured enemies, and by asking what their treatment can tell us about the American Revolution more broadly. I suggest that at the commencement of conflict, the revolutionary leadership sought to contain the violence of war according to the prevailing customs of warfare in Europe. These rules of war—or to phrase it differently, the cultural norms of war— emphasized restricting the violence of war to the battlefield and treating enemy prisoners humanely. Only six years later, however, captured British soldiers and seamen, as well as civilian loyalists, languished on board noisome prison ships in Massachusetts and New York, in the lead mines of Connecticut, the jails of Pennsylvania, and the camps of Virginia and Maryland, where they were deprived of their liberty and often their lives by the very government purporting to defend those inalienable rights. My dissertation explores this curious, and heretofore largely unrecognized, transformation in the revolutionaries' conduct of war by looking at the experience of captivity in American hands. Throughout the dissertation, I suggest three principal factors to account for the escalation of violence during the war. From the onset of hostilities, the revolutionaries encountered an obstinate enemy that denied them the status of legitimate combatants, labeling them as rebels and traitors. -
Pennsylvania Magazine of HISTORY and BIOGRAPHY
THE Pennsylvania Magazine OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY A Pennsylvania Farmer at the Court of King George John Dickinson's London Letters, 1754-1756 HE modern American political scene has long been dominated by lawyers. The legal profession has contributed many more Tthan its share of presidents, senators, and congressmen; occasionally, a good lawyer even finds a berth on the Supreme Court. But the lawyer's proclivity for politics is far from new. With a few notable exceptions (such as Samuel Adams and Benjamin Franklin), the American revolutionary leadership of the 1760's and I77o's was predominantly legal in its professional affiliation. Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, John Adams, James Otis, Daniel Dulany, Jr., William Henry Dray ton, and James Wilson, to offer a selection, were all practicing lawyers at one time or another. They found that their legal education served them extraordinarily well in resolving the proper relationship of their respective provinces to the mother country. Their legal training unquestionably colored their political thinking. As David Ramsay explained in 1789, "no order of men has, in all ages, been more favorable to liberty, than lawyers." When entering the political arena, Ramsay continued, lawyers operated 241 1<\1 H. TREVOR COLBOURN July with a special skill and technique: "while others judge of bad princi- ples by the actual grievances they occasion, lawyers discover them at a distance, and trace future mischiefs from gilded innovations."1 Surprisingly little attention has been given to the lawyer's role in the American Revolution, or to American legal history generally, despite the accuracy of Edmund Burke's remark that "in no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a study/'2 One explanation for this historical delinquency might well be the complexity of the lawyer's craft. -
First Principles Foundational Concepts to Guide Politics and Policy
FIRST PRINCIPLES FOUNDATIONAL CONCEPTS TO GUIDE POLITICS AND POLICY NO. 65 | DECEMBER 31, 2017 The Limits and Dangers of Civil Disobedience: The Case of Martin Luther King, Jr. Peter C. Myers Abstract At the heart of the American character is a seeming paradox: America is a republic of laws, yet it has a long tra- dition of civil disobedience. Martin Luther King, Jr., the most renowned advocate of civil disobedience, argued that civil disobedience is not lawlessness but instead a higher form of lawfulness, designed to bring positive or man-made law into conformity with higher law—natural or divine law. As King’s own legacy reveals, however, civil disobedience is complicated in its theoretical basis and problematic in its practical effects. It is justifiable, in exceptional circumstances, by the first principles of free, constitutional government, but it is dangerous in that it poses a threat to the rule of law. The judgment as to when circumstances warrant, along with the practice of civil disobedience itself, must be governed by the most careful prudential regulation. To gain our bearings amid today’s protests, characterized more by disruption and coercion than persuasion, we should look beyond contem- porary justifications and return to the best of King’s thinking—and beyond King, to the understanding of civil disobedience grounded in America’s first principles. Introduction own assistance, would shortly thereafter declare to At the heart of the American character, evident be revolutionary and justified by a law higher than since our nation’s birth, is a seeming paradox: Amer- any human law.1 Acutely aware of the turbulent his- icans take pride in our self-image as a republic of tory of republics,2 America’s revolutionary Found- laws and no less pride in our propensity toward righ- ers hoped that Americans would prove exceptional teous disobedience. -
The Early Political Career of Robert Carter Nicholas, 1728-1769
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1961 The Early Political Career of Robert Carter Nicholas, 1728-1769 William J. Lescure College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Lescure, William J., "The Early Political Career of Robert Carter Nicholas, 1728-1769" (1961). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539624522. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-df2m-r775 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. tug nmr mmmm mmm m eobot cahter kxgrous X728—1769 4 th e sis FresoBted to the Facility of the DepartmeBt of History fho Collage of William and Mary 2b firg in ia M Fartisl Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by William las cure January 1961 " im o w > .ffeie'tllaei® i s siafrmitted in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t o f ; ’Ik®, raq&ireiaenta fo r the degree o f ! . .• • i k t ■ :Haetearef Jlrts :" '' f' .. Agjgramd* $m m rp 19&ls * 1%; 0 . \J ijJlU u^ W ' i^ ln ^ W iM m W M o i, TS£"®7 & $ i r u n u A J %&mmm H* famer^ fh , B. ■ ^ X 4 X n ^ t i J f. -
The Gaspee Affair As Conspiracy by Lawrence J
The Gaspee Affair as Conspiracy By Lawrence J. DeVaro, Jr. Rhode Island History, October 1973, pp. 106-121 Digitized and reformatted from .pdf available on-line courtesy RI Historical Society at: http://www.rihs.org/assetts/files/publications/1973_Oct.pdf On the afternoon of June 9, 1772, His Majesty's schooner Gaspee grounded on a shoal called Namquit Point in Narragansett Bay. From the time of their arrival in Rhode Island's waters in February, the Gaspee and her commander, Lieutenant William Dudingston, had been the cause of much commercial frustration of local merchants. Dudingston was insolent, described by one local newspaper as more imperious and haughty than the Grand Turk himself. Past accounts of his pettish nature followed him from port to port.[1] The lieutenant was also shrewd. Aware that owners of seized vessels — rather than navy captains deputized in the customs service — would triumph in any cause brought before Rhode Island's vice-admiralty court, Dudingston had favored the district vice-admiralty court at Boston instead, an option available to customs officials since 1768.[2] Aside from threatening property of Rhode Islanders through possible condemnation of seizures, utilization of the court at Boston invigorated opposition to trials out of the vicinage, a grievance which had irritated merchants within the colony for some time.[3] Finally the lieutenant was zealous — determined to be a conscientious customs officer even if it meant threatening Rhode Island's flourishing illicit trade in non-British, West-Indian molasses. Governor Joseph Wanton of Rhode Island observed that Dudingston also hounded little packet boats as they plied their way between Newport and Providence. -
Unionism and Loyalism
Unionism and Loyalism Gordon Gillespie 26 June 2018 Unionism: Historical Viewpoint Defines itself in opposition to Irish nationalism. Rejects the idea of a historic Irish nation. Ireland only became a nation after the Act of Union in 1800 (ie within the UK). The 26 counties of the Free State/Irish Republic seceded from the United Kingdom – the six counties of NI did not withdraw from an Irish state. After partition in 1921 the Irish government encouraged political instability in NI by continuing the territorial claim to NI in the Irish constitution (removed in 1999). Academic Definitions Jennifer Todd: Ulster Loyalist – primary loyalty to the NI Protestant community. Ulster British – primary loyalty to the British state/nation. In practice there is an overlap between the two. John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary: Devolutionists – a NI assembly provides best defence against Irish nationalism because British government is unreliable. Integrationists – Union best maintained by legal, political, electoral and administrative integration with the rest of the UK. Norman Porter: Cultural Unionism – rooted in Protestantism. The concepts of liberty and loyalty are central. Liberal Unionism – aims to achieve a similar political way of life as the rest of the UK Unionist and Loyalist Organisations Organisations reflect social and economic divisions in the PUL community. Complicated by emergence of organisations in response to the Troubles or to specific political initiatives. Churches: Presbyterian, Church of Ireland, Methodist, Baptist, etc. Political parties: Ulster Unionist Party, Democratic Unionist Party, Vanguard, etc. Loyal Orders: Orange Order, Apprentice Boys of Derry, Royal Black Preceptory. Paramilitary Organisations: Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association and associated organisations. -
PATRICK HENRY May 29, 1736 – June 6, 1799
PATRICK HENRY May 29, 1736 – June 6, 1799 Patrick Henry was one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. He was a gifted speaker known for his rousing speeches and strong support for revolution against the British. He was born in the American colony of Virginia (Hanover County) on May 29, 1736. His father, John Henry, was a tobacco farmer and judge. Patrick had ten brothers and sisters. As a child, Patrick like to hunt and fish. He attended the local one-room school and was tutored by his father. When Patrick was just 16 years old he opened a local store with his brother William. The store was a failure, however, and the boys soon had to close it. A few years later Patrick married Sarah Shelton and started his own farm. Patrick wasn't much good as a farmer either. When his farmhouse burned down in a fire, Patrick and Sarah moved in with her parents at the Hanover Tavern. Living in town, Patrick realized that he liked to talk and argue politics and law. He studied law and through examination by prominent Virginia lawyers became a licensed attorney in 1760. Patrick was a very successful lawyer handling hundreds of cases. He had finally found his career. Although Patrick Henry is best known for his “give me liberty or give me death” speech delivered at Richmond’s St. John’s Church in 1775, his great oratory skills and patriotic fervor were first recognized when he argued damages for the defense in the famous Parson’s Cause. On December 1st, 1763, he was called to the Courthouse adjacent to Hanover Tavern to argue this famous challenge to royal authority that helped to spark the American Revolution. -
The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis
Condemned to Rootlessness: The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis Introduction In the view of the English-speaking Canadian media, Canada has an identity crisis, a situation attributable to divisions within the Canadian body politic that are regularly expressed in constitutional bickering between Quebec and the Rest of Canada and between the provinces and the federal government.1 Yet the identity crisis in the lifeworld of the average English-Canadian appears to possess a somewhat different quality. The following statement from Rod Lamirand, a resident of Surrey, B.C., expresses the subjectivity of this existential unease with remarkable accuracy: 'We [our family] were isolated, self-sufficient, cut off from a close community and from our pasts...Our family was not drawn into a neighborhood of friends because of a shared difference from mainstream society. We didn't have a name for the cultural majority because for the most part they were us. We were part of the dominant cultural society and we had no real culture. The great wash of pale European blood that saturated this continent was uniform in color only. Much of what survived is a hodgepodge of eclectic, meaningless routines...We were the product of white bread and instant coffee, Hollywood and the CBC....'2 (emphasis added) The connection between the Canadian identity crisis mentioned in the English-Canadian media and Lamirand's statement might appear distant. Surely, one might ask, the latter reflects a problem that should be labeled 'English-Canadian' rather than 'Canadian.' It is the position of this paper, however, that the discourses of English-Canadian and Canadian identity are inextricably bound.