Ra Ximhai Revista de Sociedad , Cultura y Desarrollo Sustentable

Ra Ximhai Universidad Autónoma Indígena de México ISSN: 1665-0441 México

2010 LA CARTOGRAFÍA DE TIERRAS: UNA HERENCIA MESOAMERICANA David Pájaro Huertas Ra Ximhai, mayo-agosto, año/Vol. 6, Número 2 Universidad Autónoma Indígena de México Mochicahui, El Fuerte, Sinaloa. pp. 153-167.

Ra Ximhai Vol. 6. Número 2, mayo - agosto 2010.

LA CARTOGRAFÍA DE TIERRAS: UNA HERENCIA MESOAMERICANA

LANDS CARTOGRAPHY: A MESOAMERICAN HERITAGE

David Pájaro Huertas Programa de Edafología, Colegio de Postgraduados, Campus Motecillo, 56230. Montecillo, Estado de México. [email protected]

RESUMEN still have some characteristic features of pre- Hispanic maps such as: a circular format, a Los mapas de tierras, como los mapas prehispánicos non-conventional cardinal orientation, the mesoamericanos, no usan proyecciones Euclideanas, naming of specific places, and the subjective están basados en una proyección humanística o social. La realidad espacial en estos mapas es definida y perception of the landscape. The most estructurada por las relaciones sociales. Así, un mapa de outstanding feature, however, is that they are tierras representa a una comunidad que muestra su true cartographic histories, which gives them territorio e historia, y no solo a un área, como en los specific characteristics, and differentiates them mapas técnicos convencionales. Un mapa de tierras es from conventional technical maps. As a una “proyección comunicéntrica”, de la “percepción egocentrica” del campesino; por lo que puede definirse consequence of this, it is evident that there are como la proyección en forma de símbolos gráficos, de las two visions of spatial reality, stated in different relaciones espaciales abstraídas a partir del conocimiento types of maps, that of the peasant and that of disponible en mapas cognitivos de los ambientes que el the cartographer-academic. Both categories campesino conoce, antes que ser el resultado de técnicas sofisticadas, como las usadas en los levantamientos de overlap, are quite immeasurable, and are suelos o de percepción remota. forced to coexist. Peasants talk about land Palabras clave: mapa mental, tierras, topología, maps while academicals talk about soil maps. yuxtaposición. Nevertheless, it is through the land map that we can achieve a vision closer to the peasant’s SUMMARY perception of the environment.

Land maps, like prehispanic mesoamerican maps, do not use Euclidean projections, which are based on a An attractive hypothesis humanistic or social projection. The spatial reality in The ethnographic and cartographic description these maps is defined and structured by social of ejido lands (Figure 1), as established by relationships. Thus, a land map represents a community Ortiz, Pájaro, and Ordaz (1990) in the last showing its territory and history, and not only an area like in conventional technical maps. A land map is a twenty years in more than forty ejidos in “communicentric projection” of the “egocentric fifteen states of the country (Ortiz, 1999, 115, perception” of the peasant, and can be defined as the and recent unpublished information), projection in graphic symbols of the spatial relationships supported by other areas of knowledge, such as abstracted from the knowledge available in cognitive art, anthropology, archaeology, cartography, maps of the environments known by the peasant, rather than the result of sophisticated techniques, such as those cognitive psychology, and topology, allow to used in soil surveys or remote perception. contrast the following hypothesis: “Land maps Index words : juxtaposition, lands, mental map, topology are a Mesoamerican cartographic heritage which transmits environmental knowledge of INTRODUCTION the peasants and takes shape through a cognitive map” . The Mesoamericans had no procedure equivalent to cartography, but they did create Western heritage drawings or representations which can be Civilization is the result of an evolutionary considered as maps from the perspective of process that leads to a more complex western science. The goal of this work is to economical, political and social organization make known that in there is a sort of with new ways like art, urban life, a calendar, cartography, alternative to the official one, and writing. These, in turn, open up new which derives in the elaboration of land maps possibilities for evolution (Memorial, 1975, 8). based on the knowledge generated by In each of the originating civilizations Mesoamericans more than two thousand years (Egyptian, Sumerian, Minoan, Chinese, ago, and inherited by modern day peasants. Mesoamerican, and Andean), this creative response to a challenge that broke the static Land maps made by peasants, as inheritors of balance at the moment caused a unique the Mesoamerican cartographic knowledge,

Recibido: 16 de febrero de 2010. Aceptado: 14 de abril de 2010. 153 Publicado como ARTÍCULO CIENTÍFICO en Ra Ximhai 6(2): 1 53 -167 . La cartografía de tierras: una herencia mesoamericana

mutation: the leap from a primitive stage to a and in the Old World leaves a series of historical stage named Civilization. Nowadays peculiarities, sometimes paradoxical, which there are five living civilizations: Western, prove radical differences…” Christian-Orthodox, Islamic, Hindu, and Far East (Toynbee, 1985, 19). For example, evidence shows that around the year 1000 B.C. there was a writing system in The academic Institutions in Mexico are direct Mesoamerica independent from any others inheritors of western civilization, three being existing worldwide, and which was used to the fundamental bases: schooling, tradition, register several events according to a complex and method (Fregoso, 1988, 414-438). Within calendar system (Schmandt-Besserat, 1978, the scientific activity, we are currently 50). From the four writing systems developed followers of the Positivist paradigm (Trabulse, in Mesoamerica (Zapotec, Mayan, Mixtec, and 1997), despite the grave consequences that this Aztec), the Zapotec writing system is the entails (Zea, 2002). Soil science in Mexico is oldest, apparently dating from 600 B.C. not the exception, since from its very (Marcus, 1980, 46). However, the fatal impact beginnings it was directly influenced by three of the Spanish conquest completely severed western schools of thought (Russian, that entire splendor, interrupting a whole European, and American), which in turn creative process. Mann’s reflections (2006, generated different approaches for soil 173-174) are very eloquent, “Broken by the classification and cartography (Macias, 1960, appearance of Cortes, the philosophy of the 51). Currently, soil science activities in Mexico Mexica, inheritors of Mesoamerican are directly influenced by two international civilization, had no opportunity to reach the policies concerning agricultural development: height of Greek or Chinese philosophy, 1. increasing agricultural areas for irrigation, although surviving testimonies indicate that and 2. intensive use of inputs (Ortiz, 1993, 25- they were not far from either of them…” 27). Taking this background into consideration, the following proposition, which Despite the suffered collapse, there is could be considered as an axiom and which sufficient evidence testifying that knowledge represents western heritage, can be made: “The from millennia is currently kept in basic elaboration of maps in Mexico follows western aspects such as mapmaking, which is the main cartographic tradition, which is based on topic of this paper. Therefore, we can state a Euclidean precepts” . second proposal which, like in the case of western knowledge, can reach the category of Mesoamerican heritage axiom: “Environmental knowledge The term Mesoamerica was coined by Paul accumulated through millennia is kept among Kirchhoff (1943) to define a geographical- indigenous people and peasants, thus land cultural area, which includes a great part of maps made with that information are a Mexico down to Central America where, ever Mesoamerican heritage” . since pre-Christian times up to the present day, there have been indigenous groups in which Mesoamerican cartography there are perceivable cultural affinities. Within Mundy (2000, 183-247) states that among their the Mesoamerican world, the diverse groups many achievements, Mesoamerican cultures share a common trait: Civilization. This made and used maps at an unparalleled degree cultural stage was not, and has not been, in the New World. Mesoamerican cartography reached autonomously except for a few human was a purely American achievement, evolved nuclei, as the pinnacle of a high culture process independently from European, Asian, or (Memoria, 1975, 8). Leon-Portilla (1986, 26- African traditions. This implies that many 27) states, “Indigenous man of ancient Mexico, ideas about the degree of geographical through his isolation of millennia, developed consciousness and representation of these his own forms of high culture and true cultures must be revised (Harley, 1992, 526). civilization. If there was any contact with the Kirchhoff (1943, 100) cites as an exclusively outside world, it was transitory and accidental, Mesoamerican cultural element since it left no important vestiges that can be “…hieroglyphic writing, symbols for numbers proven. This is why a comparison, however and a positional value of them, screen style brief, between the processes happening here folded books, historic annals, and maps …”

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The singularity and sophistication of Mesoamericans created a great amount of autochthonous cartography can be seen in artifacts that could be called maps. In a strict artifacts that have survived for more than 500 sense, there is no term equivalent to map , as it years, and which show the representation of is understood today. In documents form the space created and developed in Mesoamerica. XVI th century, in the language, there is At the time of the Spanish conquest, the term TLAPALACUILOLPAN (colored or cartography was at its peak in all the written pictures), which is equivalent to the Mesoamerican territory. In Mesoamerica, term map. In another document from 1600, in people made written registries in spite of not the Mayan language the equivalent term is having a phonetic writing system; they used PEPET DZ’IBIL (circular paintings or hieroglyphs, picture images, and abstract writings). The Spanish conquerors simply symbols. Hernan Cortes’ final testimony in his called them PAINTINGS OR letters to Charles V, referring to the summary DESCRIPTIONS. cartography of ancient Mexicas, abbreviated and precise, and implying the existence of a To name cartography in Nahuatl, terms similar true state institution dedicated to revealing, to the Latin mappaemundi were used, such as: cataloguing, drawing, and copying maps, is CEMANAHUACTLI YMACHIYO (the world quite eloquent (Vivante, 1956). and its model), TLALTICPACTLI YCEMITTOCA (through which the surface of The most abundant Mesoamerican the earth is studied, contemplated, absorbed). cartographic information survives from the In Mixtec, the term TANIÑO NEE CUTU XV th and XVI th centuries, but there is also ÑUU ÑUYEVUI (a full representation of the some from the time of the Olmecs (1200-300 world) was used. In Zapotec, the term used B.C.). Nowadays, some is kept as canvasses in was OANACÀAXILOHUÀAQUITOBILAYO indigenous communities, combining (drawing the whole earth) (Boone, 1998, 113). representations of their lands with stories about Therefore, it is possible to accept that the creation of each township, and going back Mesoamericans identified maps explicitly (in to pre-Hispanic times. An example of this verbal definitions) and implicitly (through would be the Lienzos de Chiepetlan use). (Chiepetlan Canvasses – Galarza, 1972). However, current oral tradition also registers Academicals (historians, archeologists, and cartographic information with a strictly anthropologists, mostly) agree that most Mesoamerican sense to it. Mesoamerican maps can be grouped into four general categories (Mundy, 2000, 187): Mesoamerican maps and cartography No one knows when, where, or why the idea of 1. Terrestrial maps that include reports making a drawing to communicate space on their history, also called develops, a sense of here and there . This cartographic histories. probably happened thousands of years ago, 2. Terrestrial maps without historic probably even before the invention of writing. reports, including property plans, city Marshack (1972, 817) mentions that the plans, perhaps even travel maps. origins of maps can be traced back to the Late 3. Cosmographical maps showing both a Paleolithic era (33000 to 9000 B.C.). The horizontal and vertical cosmos. The available information suggests that maps first is divided into five quadrants evolved independently in different times and (cardinal points and the center); and places around the world. The first evidences of the second is divided into layers mapmaking were found in rock drawings in through the axis mundi , represented as Begonia and Giadighe in Valcamonica (2500 the tree of life. B.C.), on the murals of Catal Hüyüc (6200 4. Celestial maps or maps of the stars and B.C.) (Turnbull, 1989, 12-15) and in Nipurr, the constellations in the nighttime sky. southeast of Baghdad (1500 B.C.) and Nuzi, north of Iraq (2300 B.C.) in vast clay figures, The aforementioned categories have where towns, creeks, hills, and mountains are outstanding characteristics that separate shown (Noble, 2002, 6; Turnbull, 1989, 14- Mesoamerican maps from their counterparts in 15). the Old World. As it is, in order to read

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Mesoamerican maps it is necessary to learn a in little space), usually implying the location of new set of cartographic rules, as well as the drawer at great distance from the drawn assimilating their physical form, be it as screen center. Regardless, it is possible to speculate type folded books, strips, or canvasses; that in spite of the currently existing compared with European maps from the same controversies regarding the exact definition of time in the form of sheets, books, murals, or scale, Mesoamerican maps included all the geographic atlases (Harley, 1992, 525). Even aspects that the term scale implies: spatial, though the images should be considered temporal, or space-temporal, as considered by “universal”, to be read in any culture, Lam and Quattrochi (1992, 89). Only a hieroglyphs were generally a specific restricted set of land maps for small areas are language, and symbolize a specific culture, currently known that were drawn at absolute given that Mesoamerican maps represented scale using a measurement system. Examples social concepts while European maps of this are the Oztotipac codex (Cline, 1966), represented Euclidean concepts (Harley, 1992, the Zempoala codex (Galarza, 1980), and the 526). Santa Maria Asuncion codex (Noriega 1994, 76-77; Williams and Harvey 1997). Mesoamerican maps are strongly supported by Worldwide, there are other examples of scaled hieroglyphs, paintings and abstract symbols, maps, and with symbols for creeks, mountains, which also transmit meaning. This feature is roads, and temples dating from the second true for all written Mesoamerican works. century B.C. for the province of Hu-Nan, Under the hypothesis that Mixtec people China (Hsu, 1978, 46). adopted the calendar and from then on the tradition is carried on till the end of the X th The Spanish Conquest was a real cataclysm century A.D. it is that Mixtec glyphs have been that ended Mesoamerican power and closely related with those of the Mexica autonomy. In a few years’ time millions of (whose splendor rises from the XIII th century indigenous people were exterminated, and the and ends with the Conquest). Thus, writing and few that remained were forced to adopt a new mapmaking are based on the same graphic political, social, and religious scheme. Mann substrate using similar graphic conventions; (2006, 181), citing Cook and Borah (1979), for example those used for geographical who have dedicated a long time to features such as hills, mountains, lakes, rivers, reconstructing the population of the ancient and places (Caso 1965, 954-955; Smith 1973). Aztec kingdom after the Spanish Conquest, has estimated that the number of people inhabiting It is common to find in all maps prior to the the region fell from 25.2 million in 1518, Conquest a symbol to represent a hill, which before the arrival of Cortes, to some 700 more than being a landscape symbol, is part of thousand in 1623; a decrease of 97% in little the name of the place. This means that over a century. As a consequence of this, Mesoamerican maps represented spaces that indigenous cartography was also restructured. become visible through their names rather than Five aspects had an impact on the post- by the lines or apparent characteristics. In the Conquest cartography; the first three affected codices, the landscape is read as written words the content of the maps, and the other two (Galarza and Libura, 2002, 15). Nowadays, affected their format and appearance: 1. this is evident when the peasants talk about Population collapse in the XVI th century land classes or places to find sites or features altered the historic components of historic of the landscape. cartography, 2. Religious conversion to Catholicism ended cosmological cartography, Although scale and orientation became more 3. The introduction of a new judicial system and more important for western cartographers encouraged the elaboration of maps where the during the XVI th century, Mesoamerican limits of properties were highlighted, thus the drawers placed little emphasis on scale for the vision of the community was also drastically elaboration of their maps. However, the most affected, 4. Alphabetic writing was used important places were drawn in the center of instead of hieroglyphs, and 5. New forms of the maps, as if the drawer moved toward the representation were adopted. The last two edges. Generally, the land was represented as points dramatically changed the way in which if it were small (this is, representing large areas

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Mesoamericans mapped their world (Mundy, cartography are currently flourishing in 2000, 240). Mexico: subjective perspective of the landscape, circular format, naming of places, The changes continued and were amply non-conventional cardinal orientation, and expressed in maps of Geographic Relations. cartographic histories. For example, some These maps were done in response to a printed communities have documents from the XVI th questionnaire done in Spain by order of King century that are read and reinterpreted. In Phillip II and sent to the New World at the end many communities, there are canvasses (so are of 1570. Between 1579 and 1584, answers currently known the maps dating from pre- came from all parts of Mesoamerica. Mundy Hispanic or Colonial times), which are (1996, 30) mentions that there are currently 69 zealously preserved by community authorities, known maps, although there is different since they represent a common history of a information on the topic, since Butzer and common territory. Williams (1992, 536) mention the existence of 75 maps corresponding to Geographic Therefore, it is clear that Mesoamericans made Relations; most of them made by indigenous maps, and it is possible to understand them. It artists, The corpus of these maps is unique and is also clear that implicitly and explicitly, they invaluable, since it shows the most outstanding understood their role as cartographers. Their changes in native cartography. An important maps suggest that the academic definition of feature in the study of maps and relations is map is, to a certain point, inadequate, since it appreciating how the image of America is does not take into account the key concepts of defined in a double aspect: European and the Mesoamerican map: i).- space and time, Indigenous (Cuesta-Velez 2004). The and ii).- explicit human presence (Figure 2 ). Geographic Relations maps can be considered as the last great flourishing of indigenous Denomination of places . The basic land plot cartography. Woodrow (1991, 209-221) states, organization within the ejido is the bezana , based on works by Harvey (1986), that the which is considered as a place or groups of group of codices known as Techialoyan can be plots associated to a feature of the landscape, considered as the culmination of a cartographic and perfectly identified by a name. Nowadays, tradition which characterized a Mexican depending on the region, it is known as “tabla” colonial style, perhaps initiating with the maps or “bezana” (), “cantero” or of the Geographic Relations, and which was “potrero” (Michoacan state), or “campo” neither indigenous nor Spanish, but a hybrid (Morelos state), among others. There are pre- with its own characteristics. This author times Hispanic antecedents for the naming of the ending of the Techialoyan codices before bezanas, as reported by Williams (1976, 30) 1688. Thus, there is a period of a little over one when referencing the work by Seller (1904): hundred years when this new cartographic “…in the codices, the name of a place is style is established and active, maintaining pre- indicated with a glyph placed in the upper, Hispanic features and characteristics, such as external part of each sheet…” . For the time of visible topography and cultural landscape, the Colony, the map annex to the Geographic which is plainly comprehensible in them, Relation of Iztapalapa has names in Nahuatl, resulting in the combination of spatial, which are a good example of the naming of symbolic, and historic information (Butzer and bezanas (AGN Tierras, vol 2809, exp. 4, Williams 1992, 541-542). As a result, many Mapoteca 2206; Mundy, 1996, 205-207). This original works, especially maps, were is enough evidence to point out that the naming converted to alphabetical documents, written in of places is a Mesoamerican cartographic Spanish, and with official seals. Thus, what heritage. Other researchers have also reported was once represented by hieroglyphs became the use of names for places as a form of written in words. geographic location and cartographic delimitation, both in Mexico (Gomez and SOME PROMISING RESULTS Aguilar 1996) and in Latin America (Furbee 1989, 96). Mesoamerican cartographic heritage Despite the arid legacy of the Conquest, the Subjective perspective of the landscape . Pohl main characteristics of Mesoamerican and Byland (1990, 129) mention that

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Mesoamerican cultures have been even if it gives no material comfort, can give characterized as hierarchic systems of social sustenance for who sees to and respects it. organization where nobility had control of their Thus, this unwritten law regulates the right to surroundings. Through this control, they free transit, fishing, hunting, foraging, dominated the perception of the landscape and woodcutting, collecting medical plants, crop their point of view is registered in the codices growing, or simply meditating and and other artistic documents (Mundy, 2000). contemplating.” For example, Mixtecs represented the landscapes related to their surroundings within Circular format . The circular form can be the context of a visible landmark to an considered as a wholly Mesoamerican observer located at a fixed position. A starting convention which reflects the concept of local point is mentioned, and the rest follow in landscape held by the indigenous people, and sequence until it comes back to the original which at the same time shows how they self- starting point. Pohl and Byland (1990, 129) perceived their surroundings, fixed in a great named this procedure is “ a subjective circle surrounding the central community. In perspective ”, saying that the reader of a list of the map proper, spatial relations are places imagines himself as an observer located manipulated to emphasize the “center”; at a fixed spot from which he can observe the frequently increasing its size and generating a landscape around him. As an observer, he can form that represents the community and is look to the left or right and see the horizon, geometrically perfect. Actually, there is no recognizing features of the landscape that can geometrical implication, but its rationality lies be identified. This procedure implies a sense of in its rhetoric having as main argument a connection, a perception defined by the vision of unity and perfection. It is equivalent observer, that all the listed places occupy a to saying that the community is places in the place in the landscape, placing himself in the map as a perfect whole, an inviolable circle or center of said vision. Therefore, man is the square. And all this is firmly rooted in the most important feature in this vision of the community sense as the center of everything. landscape. Page 42 of the Vindobonensis This projection is distinctive of indigenous codex presents a sequence of signs that begin maps of Mesoamerica, and reflects the and finish at the place named Yucuñudahui subjective understanding of the surroundings, (Figure 3) and gives an example of the unlike the geometric/objective interest shaping subjective vision of the landscape among the procedure for map creation from the ancient Mixtecs. This vision of the landscape western point of view (Mundy 1996, 116-117; was also true for other cultures, like the Mundy, 2000, 194). Mexica. A reminiscence of the circular format of Nowadays, the peasants’ perception of the Mesoamerican maps can be seen when a landscape, as inheritors of Mesoamerican peasant begins mapping the land imagining cartographic knowledge, has been represented areas which he generally draws using in land maps, which transmit detailed and rectangles or circles to represent his plot, precise information of the lands they own and bezana, or ejido, according to the case. Thus, work (Pájaro and Ortiz 1987; Ortiz, Pajaro and each figure is equivalent to a class or group of Ordaz 1990). The definition of Land which lands, which can be drawn as isolated figures agrees the most with the peasants’ cosmovision when they are well contrasted, or as interlaced is that given by Ilich (1982) and which could figures to represent a gradual transition be correlated with the meaning of other words, between classes. This way it is easy to make a such as Iriai in Japanese, Commons in English, map of the geographic distribution of the lands. Almende or Gemeinheit in German, or Cli usi This grouping principle (categorization) is civici in Italian: Land is an aspect of the astonishingly similar to the one Bright and environment or the surroundings which has Bright (1965, 253-254) found in the been destined for the survival of the communities lining the rivers Yurok and Smith community. It is protected by a sense of in the northwest of California to represent respect, dictated by an unwritten law that plant taxonomy and which they called “the everyone knows and whose reach is beyond influence sphere model”. the threshold of personal habitation; which

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Non conventional cardinal references . The (elevation). It could also use both dimensions Mixtec, Mayan, and Mexica used real places to show the directions of a compass on a flat located in a real landscape to represent sacred field, which produces a horizontal space directions of their Universe. The four (Arnheim 1964, 161). supernatural directions are not only abstract concepts, they are simultaneously linked to The subjective view of the landscape, the well located places in their surroundings. The circular format, the non-conventional cardinal qualities of their supernatural worlds are linked orientation and the naming of places are just a to the real world. For example, on page one of few examples of an extensive series of the Fejèrvàry-Mayer codex the four directions Mesoamerican cartographic heritages, which are in the shape of a cross, where the are still kept among the peasants, seen when conceptual fusion of space and time within asked to draw out the distribution of their Mesoamerican thought can be seen lands. This indicates that this knowledge is still (Arqueología Mexicana 2005, 18-21; Pohl and as alive today as it was at the time of the Byland 1990, 124). In this calendar, the East is Conquest. For example, from the work by located in the topmost part, the North is on the Wood (1992, 153-177) peasants, pre-school left, the West is on the bottom, and the South children, students form elementary, secondary, on the right (Figure 4). Although it is also high-school, college, and graduate levels were common for a map to have no “upper side”, so asked to draw a hill and a map of their plots, or that a map could be read from any point of any surrounding they chose, according with the view. Page one of the Fejèrvàry-Mayer codex information from each informant. In every is probably the most famous map of the case, the results reaffirm that the Mesoamerican cosmos. In this map could be Mesoamerican perception of the landscape interpreted three phases represented, distinct prevails in the Mexican people. Figure 5 is but closely linked and mutually referred to the very illustrative evidence. Here we can see the three fundamental intuitions: space, time and extraordinary resemblance among the modern number, thus creating the condition to which is drawings and those of the Nuttall Codex, subject any attempt of intellectually codex which archeologists have defined, based dominating any phenomenon, and any on its characteristics and style, as synthesis of it in the unity of a “world unquestionably pre-Hispanic, and therefore concept”. This is because only through the wholly Mesoamerican (Miller 1975, xiii). intuitions of space, time, and number, and Additional cartographic evidence within the through the use of language could it carry out same codex is given by Jansen (1979, 16) its logical function: the configuration of the when he mentions that page 36 of the Nuttall impressions (observations) into representations codex is a representation of the Apoala valley (maps) (Cassier 1971, 160). in Oaxaca. This author had the presence of mind to relate the geographic characteristics of An outstanding feature of the drawings made the valley and town of Apoala with the group by the peasants is that the cardinal orientation of names and glyphs appearing in the is different from what is used in current maps, mentioned page, finding an exact concordance where the western convention is that the north between reality and the group of elements goes on the top of the sheet. Moreover, current represented in the codex, thus the page is evidences show that the orientation and later actually a map of a landscape (Hermann 2008, representation in the land maps is done using 86). As previously mentioned, an excellent directions “to the right” or “to the left”, “up” or example of the Colonial time maps is the one “down”, mainly referring to visual aids. The drawn in 1589 by Martin Cano, “official cardinal directions of western cartography are painter”, which was annexed to the petition for not essential to peasants’ maps. These are more a land concession in Ixtapalapa (Mundy, 1996, like children’s drawings, where only two of the 205-207; AGN Tierras, vol 2809, exp. 4, three spatial dimensions can be directly Mapoteca 2206). The attractive feature of this represented in a drawing plane. Peasants, like map is that it shows both plot distribution and children, use the vertical axis of the plane to the nearby hills, whose drawings are similar to distinguish up from down, and the horizontal those made by the interviewed Mexican axis for left and right, and thus obtain what population. could be considered as vertical space

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The words by Miller (1975, xi) when he refers draws out a local map, for a specific site, to the drawing style of the Nuttall codex would within a determined space, and whose also be pertinent with the drawing styles of information is exclusive for that site (Chown, Colonial and current times, included in figure Kaplan, and Kortenkamp, 1995, 26). five: “…the drawing style is simple, frontal and side perspectives are shown of people, In essence, peasants also follow this procedure animals, clothes, ornaments, and architectonic when drawing a cognitive map of their plot, structures. All things are represented in their and the land distribution of the lands they clearest and most identifiable aspect. The know. Said map is not conventional, and sketched images exist in a bidimensional world neither is it in accordance with Euclidean that does not use overlapping to suggest space. fundaments that rule formal cartography, This kind of pre-Columbian drawings is which is more interested in “portraying” the directly related with a visual mode which must physical medium. The perception of peasants, be considered as being presentational rather however, is much more complex, interested in than representational since it transmits ideas representing themselves and their immediate and concepts not images of the real world…” surroundings, which do not exceed in size that which they know: their plot, the place where Diverse areas of knowledge and their this is located, and perhaps the ejido to which relationship with land cartography it belongs. This is just like a pre-Hispanic map, The information obtained so far allows to with cartographic histories. This is the relate land maps with at least four other topics geographic environment that peasants have in intertwined with the Mesoamerican mind, and in order to make a map they need no cartography heritage: cognitive maps, further knowledge than that developed children’s drawings, modernist painting, and everyday through their relationship with their topology. These topics are only superficially surroundings, accumulated and transmitted by mentioned, as they will be treated in depth in tradition for millennia. Therefore, the other papers. following definition can be established: “a Land Map is the projection through graphic Land maps as cognitive maps signs of the abstract spatial relationships from From a mental perspective, the geographic- the knowledge of a determined environment, be environmental knowledge that an individual it a plot, bezana, or ejido; and it is available in possesses takes shape through a cognitive map, the cognitive maps corresponding to each as conceived by Tolman (1948) in his pioneer case” . work, where he hypothesized that humans build a representation of the environment Land maps in children’s psychological- within the “black box” of the nervous system, cognitive scope which is a guide for our everyday movements From the psychological-cognitive perspective, (Gram, 1976; Kitchin, 1994, 2-3). This term the most convincing theoretical position assumes that the information stored allows its concerning how humans conceive and perceive owner to function within a determined time- space was developed by Piagett and his space context, and to process environmental collaborators, mainly through clinical- and geographic information. This would be the psychological work, observing children from internal form of thought, while the external their birth until their adolescence. Although product is the map or drawing as such, thus it Piagett and his colleagues did not experiment is named cognitive map . From a physiological using maps, they did carry out extensive point of view, the postulate is that the mental research using schematic drafts, which serves elaboration of cognitive maps is carried out in to establish fundamental concepts when the hippocampus (O’Keefe and Dostrovsky, making maps and interacting with them 1971; O’Keefe and Nadel, 1978; Nadel 1999, (Robinson and Bortz 1976, 88-89). 319-321). Nevertheless, there are other researchers who do not agree with Piagett’s ideas (Berk 1994, The images on a map are drawn by hands, but 60); and still others who demonstrate that controlled by the operations carried out in the cartographic abilities are present in children human mind (Beck and Wood, 1976; Wright, long before what Piagett and Inhelder (1971) 1942, 527). Under this process, the individual predicted (Stea, Blaut and Stefens 1996).

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The evidences collected from various parts angles, measurements, and projective around Mexico allow to state that Piagett and relationships), but rather begin with Inhelder’s (1971) theory could also be applied topological concepts (based on qualitative to the drawings of land maps made by correspondences, and include concepts such as peasants, just as if they were children’s proximity, separation, order and nearness). drawings. They would then be placed in the Under this approach, a land map is a stage of intellectual realism. The three possible topological transformation, which has its scenarios where children’s drawings could be origins in the infinite modifications that a made are: I. Synthetic inability ; in this stage, a figure can suffer through continuous drawing is a representation of perceived deformations. The mentioned transformations, shapes, which could be completely different to which totally modify the shape of things, do what is perceived; children make simple not take into account any metric properties, as “scribbles”. Children from 4 to 7 years of age far as a segment, for example, can be are at this stage. II. Intellectual realism ; at this transformed to a different length of a surface stage, spatial representations are essentially have a different area. topological, in harmony with the drawings made, which appear to be flexible and On the other hand, the same segment can lose deformable objects. Here begins the process of its straightness, becoming a curved line; a copying Euclidean shapes or figures, although circle can become a square, a concave figure to there are no projective relationships or system a convex one. In topological transformations, of coordinates and proportions. Children in this metric properties are lost or are not important stage are 7 – 8 years old. III. Visual realism ; (Consultor Temático 1989, 162-166). An Around the age of 8 or 9 children enter a stage example of a topological transformation of a where they use perspective and become land map beginning with a circular format is conscious of distances and proportions; this shown in figure 6. they systematically apply in their drawings. It is at this stage that a gradual use of reference Figure five, previously mentioned, could also systems, coordinates, begins, as well as a right- be a synthesis of topological transformations of left orientation followed by another front-back. a hill and a plot map, which although drawn in different periods (pre-Hispanic, Colonial, and From the age of 10 on, the child is capable of modern), the common characteristic of the making a diagram of a specific site. And it is individuals drawing them is that they were in precisely the development of abstract the cognitive stage of intellectual and visual perception operations that allows him to realism. Consequently, the maps and other understand maps and coordinate axes. He can features of the landscape drawn by peasants also draw any object prior to receiving any are like those made by children whose age formal drawing classes, since in his everyday ranges from 4 to 9 years, and would life he has developed a set of concepts, which correspond to simple topological combine with coordinates, perspective, transformations. similarities, and proportions. The interviewed Mexican population makes Finally, at an age between 11 and 12, the child drawings of space perception, which are is capable of making a diagram or map of any unique and similar to those in the codices, site. In practice, this implies at least three where the determining factor of this perception actions: the selection of certain graphic is a limited or null western schooling conventions, a system of coordinates, and the influence. This is common among peasants and reduction of the drawings to a specific scale. children in the first stages of formal schooling, locating them in the cognitive stage of Land maps and topology intellectual and visual realism, dominating and From the basic work by Piagett and Inhelder expressing the Mesoamerican cartographic (1971), it is possible to understand that the heritage. Another common characteristic spatial concepts used by children when among the pre-Hispanic, Colonial, and modern drawing spontaneously, or when copying drawings in figure five is that the objects simple forms, are not exclusively Euclidean drawn therein are distorted, as if they were (taking into account rigid shapes, distances, plastic. Thus, distances, and consequently

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cardinal reference systems are not part of those Thoughts about land cartography drawings, evidently childlike. All of this Land maps help anyone interested in being at reflects that codex drawers of pre-Hispanic the same perceptive level of peasants, as times, of Geographic Relationship maps during legitimate owners of such knowledge and land the Colony, and currently the peasants; users. They are drawn without any cardinal children and some interviewed adults, all have orientation or “upper part”; as hey are drawn a common way of perceiving and representing by our informants, although it is evident that the landscape. It is evident that perceptual and they can have a certain geo-reference, and may representational characteristics of these even be combined with more sophisticated drawings are more widespread since they are techniques, such as geographic information elemental. The development of these graphic systems (Ojeda, 2002). forms is supported on the basic properties of the nervous system, whose functioning is not With these maps we can obtain precise greatly modified by individual or cultural references, of bezanas or places, and of differences (Arnheim, 1964, 167). Similar specific sites such as lots (Figure 7), local results have been found in other, non-western names through land classes (Figure 8), and a cultures (Bar-Gal 1980, 278). diagnostic of the problems of these classes of their surface (Figure 9). This can be considered Land maps and modernist painting as another reminiscence of Mesoamerican From the perspective of Art (Arnheim 1964, cartographic histories. If we compare the 90-91; Willen, 1939), land maps are equivalent Chiepetlan canvass (Figure 10) with the to modernist paintings, where the distortion of mentioned figures, we can say that they are symmetry axes, a change in proportions, and a equivalent. What the Chiepetlan canvass shows rearrangement of positions relative to other in drawings, peasants nowadays express objects is prevailing. This is evidence that they through words, drawings, or both. The are an expression of a different way to see the common characteristic is that they show what surrounding area, which is different from the man perceives and does on his land. The realistic vision of technicians, who are cultural environment is visible in these maps interested in accuracy and tridimensionality, as and the condition of the landscape is they are strongly influenced by the positivist comprehensible. paradigm. Mundy’s comments (1996, xi-xvi) referring to Concretely, if we qualify land maps from the Mesoamerican maps would fit perfectly to land viewpoint of Paul Klee’s works, who in maps “…they are not based on geometric or Tibol’s (2009, 65) words turned purposely Euclidean projections. They are based on a infantile to achieve illogical arrangements, we humanistic and social projection. Spatial would see that the fundamental link among reality in these maps was defined and Paul Klee’s work, children’s drawings, and structured by social relationships, which were land maps would be the elemental and clear consolidated through time.” Nowadays, land visual language. It is even consistent with maps represent a community, showing its drawings made by other non-western groups to territory and history. Human presence in these express the complexities of space in a bi- maps defines space in terms of its relationships dimensional surface (Marsh 1957). Just as with the surroundings (and not with a surface Goodnow (1997, 9) mentions “…the essence area delimited through official endowment), of this activity expressed through lines and both through the assignation of names and figures is an indicator of a more general human through the explicit movement of a determined life. These drawings can be considered as area, by recognizing and moving through the expressions of the search for order in a land classes and describing distinctive features, complex world, as examples of or identifying and solving specific problems communication, as indicators of the type of concerning the land per se , or its surface, society where one lives, as signs of intellectual which is nothing more than human presence in development, or as memories of our mettle and a determined area. Therefore, says Mundy lost innocence. The drawings are natural rather (1996, 116), it is possible to speak of a than imitative…” “communicentric projection ”. This term would also apply to land maps. From the cognitive

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viewpoint, these maps reflect the peasants’ construction of a cartographic system useful to daily experience, more than being an abstract know, systematize, and solve any determined structure of data. It is the environment that problem. An example of how to use land maps gives shape to the representation, and not the at municipal level is published in the representation that shapes the perception of the Municipal Development Plan of San Salvador environment. Confidence in the direct Atenco, in the State of Mexico (GEM 2001). experience from which these maps are made might lead to call them “ egocentric ” (Chown, From the point of view of human mobility and Kaplan and Kortenkamp 1995, 8), which spatial orientation, the common practice of agrees with what was stated by Mundy (1996, assigning names to places and topographical 116). On the other hand, land maps, as features of the environment has an important cognitive maps that they are, can also be function for the human race. These points are considered as prospects that extend beyond the integrated with individual knowledge and knowledge of spatial relationships, since they experience of the terrain to establish a scheme contain social and environmental significance of points of reference for topographical that determines attitudes, perspectives, and orientation. These points, once they are known, behavior patterns in the local and national serve as a guide for action and can be scale (Kitchin 1994, 9). Although it seems that manipulated and organized into cognitive any map is the product of a particular maps, and therefore the spatial scheme implicit conception of space, socially conditioned, and in them can be communicated and drawn. therefore its condition of mental map is thus Thus, maps made by non western populations, reaffirmed (Bjorn and Jones 1987, 461). and in some cases illiterate, are a projection in he form of graphic symbols of the spatial It is fundamental to consider that in Mexico the relationships abstracted from the knowledge peasants and the population in general perceive already available in these cognitive maps and delimit space differently from planners (Hallowell 1977, 131-139), rather than being (Pájaro 2006, 240-243; Sikana 1993, 93). For the result of sophisticated techniques like those example, using distinctive features which are used in soil surveys or remote perception. so obvious that they almost “jump out” (Berlin Peasants use a conceptual-cognitive approach, 1992, 10) and therefore seem irrelevant to while cartographers use an approach involving academicals, but not so for peasants (Figure data handling (Klippel et al . 2002). Evidently, 11). In scientific terms, peasants give these are contrasting strategies. cartographic shape to a language that is probably more like the one used by biologists The human race, in all its cultures, has built a and physicists (Roe 1951, 463). It is important spatial reference framework that includes those to consider the point of view and perception of things closer to its surroundings as well as peasants; not doing so would lead to different those further away, assigned to the spiritual interests and results. If this knowledge is taken world of the regions in the Universe. This seriously by modern science and incorporated orienting structure, defined by culture, with its into research and development programs, then usual points of reference with regard to certain the owners of this knowledge must be natural phenomena reveals a basic orientation considered as ingenious, pragmatic, and scheme in the spatial world. In functional intelligent people (Posey, 1983, 892). Form an terms, it is not only the direct experience of institutional perspective, it is possible that with knowing the land that helps the individual in this cartographic approach the rural the construction of his spatial world; it is also development office in each municipality of the language that solidifies this knowledge Mexico can be helped to create specific plans through the habitual use of the names of or projects, with the particularity of being places. The names of places work jointly with based on the general interest of the peasants, geographical knowledge and the individual’s their representing authorities, or organized experience. Consequently, local names refer to groups, and with a well known spatial topographical features, as well as other reference (the ejido, bezana, or plot land map). characteristics, within the radius of personal With this approach an “ideological bridge” action. Within an area with which he is could be had (Posey 1983, 892), through which familiar, because he knows it from childhood, the peasants could participate in the an individual can place himself perfectly, he

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has an idea of the relative distances, or any Spanish Conquest, which gave rise to a new other topographic feature, and therefore, this type of cartography, following European knowledge requires only a graphic projection norms. Nevertheless, it was not completely in order to have a rudimentary map. The devastated, given that the pre-Hispanic legacy organization of spatial perceptions of the signifies that the current descendants of the individual as a whole constitutes a cognitive ancient Mesoamericans, if properly motivated, map, which is only valid within the narrow can make maps of their territories, based on the limit of the known territory, which in turn is ejido endowment maps, and make them as they firmly supported by his “active, everyday” were made before the Conquest, by drawing experience. Thus, we have a simple form of a land maps from an egocentric perspective. The map, with no accuracy in coordinates, combination of both schemes results in a new direction, distances, areas, or limits, but which cartographic approach, with diverse and constitutes a good resource to know a certain outstanding characteristics. place. As can be expected, there is an inverse relationship regarding knowledge of a place in Land maps maintain distinctive features of this kind of maps: the lesser the area, the Mesoamerican cartography, such as subjective greater the knowledge, and vice versa. perception of the landscape, a circular format, identification of places, non-conventional The analysis and comparison with the theory cardinal orientation, and cartographic histories. developed in other areas of knowledge has From a mental perspective, they are cognitive allowed to clarify that there is enough maps that help to know the physical and social information to support the present results and environment perceived by the peasants. And conjectures regarding land cartography. Thus, form the perspective of their elaboration, they the proposal initially stated: Land maps are a are topological transformations like the Mesoamerican cartographic heritage that drawings made by children whose schooling is transmits environmental knowledge of the still beginning and therefore with little peasants and takes shape through a cognitive influence from western thinking, and thus map , is a hypothesis that has gradually been contribute to reaffirm their Mesoamerican contrasted, with good results. heritage.

Mapmaking is a universal behavior, so land There are, then, two groups of maps: those maps made by peasants cannot be excluded. made by the peasants, and those made by The results obtained so far reaffirm at least academicals. The former are made from three fundamental aspects that Stea, Blaut and information obtained directly from the Stefens (1996, 345) mention: 1. All humans, peasants, and the latter use the tools of western from an early age, are initiated in the handling knowledge. Both categories are different of the material world of objects and surfaces, visions of reality. In the modern context, maps being trained to acquire a cartographic drawn by peasants are the representation of behavior, and therefore to make maps; 2. Maps themselves, while technical maps are a have been made since ancient times, at least representation of an area. since the Upper Paleolithic; and 3. All cultures, wherever they may be, make maps, according Therefore, it is clear that environmental to their material and cultural context. The cartographic knowledge of the peasant paradox here is that western knowledge serves communities should be juxtaposed , this is, to justify the existence of autochthonous placed next to that generated by other cartographic knowledge in lands of Mexico. institutions, as something evident, useful, and This is enough reason to state that both types valid. It is incommensurable , since it has its of knowledge are mutually supported and own characteristics that distinguish it from interdependent; leaving behind the assumed western cartographic knowledge. Finally, it supremacy of western cartographic knowledge. must coexist with those that are generated by academicals, given that it is still current at least CONCLUSIONS since more than two thousand years ago, as anthropological, archeological, historical, and It is unquestionable that the integrity of current evidences testify. Mesoamerican cartography was broken by the

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