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1 ‘Brexiting and Rights: Discussion seminar on the human rights and equality implications of the EU referendum’, MAC Belfast, 27th September 2016 “Brexit and NI Employment Law – a proposal for an NI- specific framework to defend workers’ EU rights?” Paper by Ciaran White Abstract One of the many issues that gives rise to concern arising from the ‘Brexit’ vote is what it will all mean for those labour law rights that have been generated or influenced by EU law. Labour Lawyers recognise freely that EU law has had a considerable influence on the development of UK employment law: prior to 1973 it was still quite common for lawyers to describe the discipline as the ‘Law of Master and Servant’, reflecting its 19th century Victorian origins. Over that period, a wide range of EU directives setting out employment- related rights and entitlements have been promulgated. These include the Acquired Rights Directive, the Pregnant Workers’ Directive, Part-Time and Fixed Term Workers’ Directive, the Parental Leave Directive, the Working Time Directive, the Employment Equality and Equal treatment Directives, to name some. Many of these have found their expression in NI law as separate NI enactments. Some examples are the Working Time Regulations (Northern Ireland), Agency Workers Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2011, Part-time Workers etc… Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2002, but the range of NI-specific EU-generated legislation is quite extensive. What will post-Brexit NI employment law look like and what will happen this 40-year-plus corpus of employment rights? What will be the status of past case law of the Court of Justice, and will future case law be relevant where EU-derived rights are retained? What will happen those rights that have been implemented by way of an UK Act of Parliament, such as the Equal Pay Act, if those Acts are repealed? The Assembly has devolved competence in the field of employment law and so is free to chart its own course, distinct from that of the rest of the UK. Can it be persuaded to retain those existing EU-derived rights already on the statute book and to carve out a declared position in relation to future EU employment law rights notwithstanding the final shape of Brexit, or will workers in NI be left to the mercy of the Assembly or dictated to by Westminster? Could any newly negotiated position arrived at by Assembly Parties in relation to EU law be enshrined within the existing constitutional legislative structure and/or in an amendment to the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement? 2 ‘Brexiting and Rights: Discussion seminar on the human rights and equality implications of the EU referendum’, MAC Belfast, 27th September 2016 Ciaran White has been a Senior Lecturer in Law at the Law School, Ulster University, since 2000. He has academic interests in public law, employment law and family law, in which areas of law he has also practised at the Northern Ireland Bar since 2003. He has a long-standing interest in issues of discrimination and equality, reflected in some of his publications and his activist work in the past and in the present: for example, he was chair of the CAJ’s Racism sub-group that campaigned successfully for the introduction of the Race Relations (NI) Order in 1997 and from 2009 until its formal termination in 2016, he was a member of the Advisory Group of Disability Action’s, Centre for Human Rights for Disabled Persons. He is also the author of ‘Northern Ireland Social Work Law’, the primary legal text used in the education of social work students and in social work practice in Northern Ireland. With strong interests in the leveraging of the legal academic and practice worlds, he has recently come to the end of his Directorship of the Ulster University Law Clinic, a live client clinic in which law students represented public clients in employment and social security tribunals, a first for the island of Ireland. Northern Ireland employment law statutes Westminster’s predominant approach to Northern Ireland employment law over the period since Common Market accession was to enact legislation that was territorially confined to Northern Ireland, keeping the employment law statute book separate and distinct from that applying in the rest of the UK, against the day when there would be devolved government. Because it was always anticipated that employment law would be part of the devolved government’s competencies, separating out the NI labour law statutes was intended to make the task of amending them more straightforward and to avoid the difficulties of an NI Assembly having to amend a Westminster statute as it applied to NI, possible and all as this is. Thus, most of the Directives listed above, have found their expression in NI law as separate NI enactments. Some examples are the Working Time Regulations (Northern Ireland), Agency Workers Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2011, Part-time Workers etc… Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2002, Maternity and Parental Leave Regulations (Northern Ireland) 1999 and subsequent amendments, but the range of NI-specific EU-generated legislation is quite extensive. Post-Brexit employment law landscape What the post-Brexit employment law landscape will look like will depend on what type of Brexit is achieved: hard or soft, and what type of model is chosen: Norway, Norway-plus, Switzerland, Canadian, or something entirely bespoke. Assume for the moment that the model chosen contains no requirement to observe or implement EU employment law. In that case, all EU labour law rights enacted into NI law as separate enactments - i.e. as Acts of the Assembly, Orders in Council, Acts of Westminster, or as secondary legislation enacted these instruments - would retain their applicability, save for those made under the European Communities Act 1972, to which I shall return. The direct effect of Directives and Treaty provisions would terminate and there would no longer be a requirement to ensure that domestic law was compatible with EU law. In such a scenario, there would be nothing 3 ‘Brexiting and Rights: Discussion seminar on the human rights and equality implications of the EU referendum’, MAC Belfast, 27th September 2016 to prevent the amendment or repeal of legislation intended or understood to implement EU labour law rights. Looking at the longer term, Parliamentary Sovereignty directs that the content of the statute book is a matter for Parliament but in NI’s case, employment law is devolved. The option would be open to the Assembly to continue to implement EU employment law separately and distinctly from the rest of the UK as long as it was acting within the confines of the devolutionary structure, and again I return to that point later. I leave aside the issue of whether there would be political will to continue on this course, focussing for the moment on legislative competence, though inevitably one runs up to the frontier between legal and political matters. Unravelling the detail A few scenarios can be used to try to imagine what might happen in this Post-Brexit landscape and how certain developments might play out. So, let’s imagine the following situations for the purposes of discussion: 1. A new EU directive is promulgated or revisions are made to an existing Directive in the employment field; eg “proposal for a Directive amending the Posting of Workers Directive, with regard to the principle of subsidiarity, in accordance with Protocol No 2”; 2. A NI Tribunal or Court is called upon to interpret EU-derived legislation on the basis of the existing corpus of EU law eg Coleman v Attridge and associative disability discrimination 3. A new judicial interpretation of existing EU law is tendered by the Court of Justice and an NI Tribunal or Court is required to interpret an EU- inspired provision in light of it eg a new decision on whether perceived discrimination is outlawed by the existing EU directives, or that casts a gloss on Coleman v Attridge. A new EU directive is promulgated or revisions are made to an existing Directive in the employment field; eg “proposal for a Directive amending the Posting of Workers Directive, with regard to the principle of subsidiarity, in accordance with Protocol No 2”; Even if the existing corpus of EU-influenced employment law is left untouched, what is to be made of revisions to existing EU law? Clearly, in the post-Brexit scenario assumed here there would be no imperative to adopt those revisions. But I suggest that there would be nothing to prevent the NI Assembly from doing so voluntarily. It may be necessary for lawyers – and ultimately the courts before which they appear - to remain aware of those changes, in any event, because the revisions themselves (or the reasons for them) may help the NI legal system better understand the pre-existing, residual EU law. But unless these new EU rules were adopted into NI law or the Assembly/Executive undertook to observe them, there would be greater divergence over time between NI and the EU law. 4 ‘Brexiting and Rights: Discussion seminar on the human rights and equality implications of the EU referendum’, MAC Belfast, 27th September 2016 A NI Tribunal or Court is called upon to interpret EU-derived legislation on the basis of the existing corpus of EU case law e.g. Coleman v Attridge and associative disability discrimination. Coleman v Attridge determines that a claim for associative disability discrimination can be made where a person is directly ill-treated on the grounds of another person’s disability. Associative discrimination does not actually appear on the face of the Directive and certainly is not found in the DDA (though it is included in the Equality Act 2010 that applies in GB).

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