YEATS, IRELAND and FASCISM Yeats, Ireland and Fascism
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YEATS, IRELAND AND FASCISM Yeats, Ireland and Fascism Elizabeth Cullingford M MACMILLAN To my mother Margaret Butler and in memory of my father Geoffrey Butler © Elizabeth Cullingford 1981 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission First edition 1981 Reprinted 1984 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD London and Basingstoke Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Cullingford, Elizabeth Yeats, Ireland and fascism 1. Yeats, William Butler-Political and social views 2. Politics in literature I. Title 821'.8 PR 5908.P6 ISBN 978-1-349-04548-8 ISBN 978-1-349-04546-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-04546-4 Contents Acknowledgements Vl Introduction Vll The School of John O'Leary I 2 William Morris I6 3 Fenians and Parnellites 29 4 Theatre Business 44 5 Ideas of Class 64 6 Easter I9I6 85 7 In Time of Civil War I02 8 Visionary Politics II5 9 From Democracy to Authority I44 IO The Senate I65 I I Blueshirts I97 I2 An Old Fenian 2I5 Conclusion 234 Appendix 236 List of Abbreviations 238 Selected Bibliography 239 Index 245 v Acknowledgements I am grateful to Senator M. B. Yeats for allowing me to consult unpublished material in his possession, and to Miss Anne Yeats for supplying me with a list of books of political interest contained in Yeats's library. Before his death Captain Dermot MacManus was kind enough to grant me a long intervi'ew in which we discussed Yeats's attitude to fascism. I am deeply indebted to Richard Ehmann, who supervised the original research for the Oxford D.Phil. thesis on which this book is based, and who gave me just the right mixture of stringent criticism and generous encouragement. The Fellows of St. Anne's College, Oxford, supplied encouragement of a different kind by electing me to a Research Fellowship: I would particularly like to thank Dorothy Bednarowska and Patricia Ingham, my earliest tutors. Jon Stallworthy and Gayatri Spivak. read parts of the book in draft and David Carroll and Cedric Cullingford saw it in its entirety. All offered invaluable comments and suggestions, and Michael Wheeler advised patiently on matters of detail. The author and publishers would like to thank A. P. Watt Ltd, on behalf of Michael and Anne Yeats, and Macmillan Publishing Co. Inc., New York, for the extracts from the following works: Collected Poems, © I956; The Variorum Edition of the Poems of W. B. Yeats, edited by Peter Allt and Russell K. Alspach, © I957; A Vision, © renewed I 96 5 by Bertha Georgie Yeats and Anne Butler Yeats; Autobiographies © I 96 3, renewed by Bertha Georgie Yeats; Essays and Introductions,© I96I by Mrs W. B. Yeats; The Letters of W. B. Yeats, edited by Allan Wade, © I954 by Anne Butler Yeats; Explorations,© I962 by Mrs W. B. Yeats; Memoirs edited by Denis Donoghue (London, I 972), and for the excerpts from speeches by W. B. Yeats and from drafts of A Vision and A Tribute to Thomas Davis. vi Introduction Politics, for the Irish poet, W. B. Yeats, were a constant temptation. Oscar Wilde said that the only way to get rid of temptation is to yield to it, and Yeats frequently did. Later, in constructing that myth ofhis own life entitled Autobiographies, he was inclined to disparage his political enthusiasms as peripheral to his creative achievement. No one would deny that Yeats's poetry is of more enduring value than his contribution to the Irish revolution, but Yeats himself, in more candid moments, admitted that his involvement in politics helped to determine the nature ofhis verse. Speaking oflrish writers he claimed that: 'We are what we are because almost without exception we have had some part in public life in a country where public life is simple and exciting.' 1 Ireland was the focus of his political as of his artistic interests: he was first and foremost an Irish nationalist. One of the leading characteristics of his political verse is that he speaks not as an observer but as a deeply implicated participant. The scale of the Irish situation was small enough to remain recognizably human, and Yeats was personally acquainted with most of the leading political figures. He also wrote for his own people within a tradition which accorded to the 'bard' a Shelleyan public status, and which regarded a poem or a play as a political act. Auden thought-poetry makes nothing happen: the audience at the first night of Cathleen ni Houlihan thought otherwise. Ireland- its myths, its history, and its fight for freedom provided the context of many of. Yeats's poems and plays. His excursions into practical politics - as a Fenian, as the creator of a national theatre, and as a senator - all took place in the Irish arena. While he restricted his activities to his native land, however, he remained keenly interested in political developments elsewhere. He described himself with perfect justice as 'a man of my time, through my poetical faculty living its history', 2 and the times he lived through were momentous enough. Between his young manhood in the nineties and his death on the eve of the Second World War, he saw the destruction of the Victorian dream of peace and progress by the Great War, the decay ofliberalism, and the rise of communism and fascism. His reaction to these events was heavily coloured by his experience of vii Vlll Introduction Irish politics, sometimes with unfortunate results. His interest in fascism, though never expressed in action, has laid him open to many attacks, of which the most significant and influential is Conor Cruise O'Brien's article 'Passion and Cunning: An Essay on the Politics ofW. B. Yeats'. 3 O'Brien's thesis is that while Yeats was a self-interested, half-hearted, and intermittent Irish nationalist, he was an ardent and early fascist. Since he admires Yeats's poetry he is forced to conclude that although Yeats the politician is devious and 'impure', Yeats the poet is a model of integrity. This theory implies a degree of disjunction between Yeats's political philosophy and his creative work which cannot reasonably be postulated, especially in view of Yeats's own assertion and repeated demonstration of the interrelated ness of his public and poetic interests. One of Yeats's most famous injunctions was: 'Hammer your thoughts into unity.' 4 The unity he desired was to be literary, philosophical, and political. It was not, however, to be attained by a narrowing of vision, but through the acceptance of diversity. Yeats's early political experience, although given consistency by his identifi cation with Ireland and his passion for personal and national liberty, was in other respects complex and contradictory. His involvement with William Morris and early interest in socialism warred with his later preference for a society founded on aristocratic and hierarchical principles. He experienced democracy and aristocracy as creative 'contraries' in the Blakean sense, and this suggested to him the need for a philosophy which would enable him to balance diverse extremes without compromising the validity ofeither. The result was A Vision, which, formulated at least in part as a response to his political perplexities, subsequently controlled his political thought. But while the political philosopher and the poet can permit themselves the luxury of seeing both sides of the question, the active politician is compelled to make a choice. Yeats's poetry escapes simple political labels because it is essentially dialectical, while his practical choices reveal the inappropriateness of the label 'fascist'. NOTES 1. Introduction, Oxford Book of Modern Verse, Oxford, 1936, pp. xv-xvi. 2. Ibid., p. xxxiii. 3· In In Excited Reverie, ed. A. N. Jeffares and K. G. W. Cross, London, 1965, pp. 207-78. 4· EX, p. 263. .