Chapter 3 : Pioneers of the Coast of the

BERNARDO T. ARRIAZA, VIVIEN G. STANDEN, VICKI CASSMAN, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO

INTRODUCTION

The Atacama Desert is an inhospitable region with few fresh water resources. Therefore it is remarkable that people settled in this area 10,000–11,000 years ago and quickly became highly skilled fisher folk. Reliance on marine resources allowed them not only to endure the harsh conditions of the desert, but also to adopt a sedentary way of life. It is even more intriguing that about 7,000 years ago some of these groups, those we call the Chinchorros, began to mummify their dead in a sophisticated and evocative manner — an intriguing mortuary practice that persisted for nearly four thousand years. The Chinchorros were the earliest preceramic fisher-hunter-gatherer people to inhabit the Atacama Desert shore. They are named after a beach in , which yielded hundreds of in the early 1900s with the discoveries of . Chinchorro archeology has come a long way since Uhle’s initial work. Early studies focused on chronology, but we are now focusing on evolutionary reconstruction, human diseases, population genetics, diet, and the social meaning of Chinchorro mortuary practices. In this chapter, we present the culture history of the circumstances and events that allowed for the early settlement of the Atacama coast and we explain the unique Chinchorro mummification practices.

THE ECOLOGICAL TRIAD: DESERT, OCEAN, AND SMALL RIVERS

The Atacama Desert coast, which receives no rainfall at all, is where the Chinchorros chose to live. This desert stretches for about 1,500 km along the shores from southern (Ilo, ca. latitude 18°S) to Copiapó in northern (ca. latitude 27° S). The Atacama Desert Handbook of South American Archaeology, edited by Helaine Silverman and William H. Isbell. Springer, New York, 2008

45 46 B.T. Arriaza et al.

varies gradually in width, from north to south, from a few kilometers to about 150 km. The extreme dryness of this environment is a product of the crosswinds from the Pacific Ocean pushing the coastal humidity up into the Andes Mountains. However, some unusual areas like the mining village of Paposo (ca. 25° S), south of the Atacama, with its tall coastal mountains, block the rise of the coastal humidity creating a humid microclimate, result- ing in a thick coastal fog. The fog or even light rain (locally called garua or camanchaca) can allow for the formation of relatively lush vegetation (lomas) with grasses and cactus, which attracts lizards, rodents, birds, and camelids. Isolated humid microclimates have been reported for prehispanic coastal environments, for instance in southern Peru as well, but these were rare and far between. Despite the aridity, the Atacama region has a diverse coastal geography, ranging from dry areas with steep cliffs to tiny swampy estuaries. How and why did Chinchorro people choose to settle in such a dramatic and harsh environment? There is growing evidence that ancient people settled by the coast early and rapidly. Many early sites have been discovered along the coast, from north to south: Quebradas Tacahuay and Jaguay, the Ring site, Quebrada Los Burros in Peru, dating to late Pleistocene and early epochs (ca. 11,000–9000 BC), and further south along the Chilean coast are the sites of Acha and Las Conchas, dating to the early Holocene (ca. 8000–6000 BC) (Arriaza 1995; Llagostera 1992; Sandweiss 2003; Sandweiss et al. 1998; Wise 1999). Paleo-environmental reconstructions indicate more water resources than today (DeFrance and Humire 2004; Latorre et al. 2003; Lavallée 2000; Lavallée et al. 1999; Núñez and Grosjean 1994; Sandweiss 2003; Sandweiss et al. 1998) which facilitated animal diversity and human survival to some extent, but it was not a striking difference compared to modern conditions. Settlement of the Atacama Desert coast was possible for two main reasons. First, small rivers carry run-off water from highland rain and snowmelt, and these cut through the desert at widespread intervals, forming narrow gorges and rivers, which drain to the Pacific Ocean. This creates patchy areas of plants and wildlife along the desert and particularly near the drainages. Such oases provided small hospitable and more varied environments for small groups of early humans to exploit. In addition, the geomorphology of the region provided occasional springs. Even today, local farmers tap aquifers along the valleys for agricultural purposes. Where fresh water accumulates cattails, totora reeds and grasses flourish, providing easy to collect terrestrial resources and raw materials (plants, birds, eggs, river shrimp, combustible materials, and even wood) (Arriaza 1995; Bird 1943; Llagostera 1992; Muñoz, Arriaza and Aufderheide 1993; Núñez 1983; Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1984). The second variable that allowed for early occupation was the bounty of the Pacific Ocean. The rich and diverse biomass generated an ever-present set of marine resources with seaweed, fish, mollusks, marine birds, sea mammals, and even whales. Thus, it was the combination of small and patchy fresh water resources and the bounty of the Pacific Ocean that allowed early hunter-gatherers and fisher folk to survive and even flourish in this harsh region. However, movement along the coast was difficult. The shore was rocky and rugged with cliffs common. Instead, early fisher folk explored the area by walking along the top of the coastal cordillera. Occasional beaches and harvesting grounds provided haven to prehistoric explorers. Likely greater highland precipitation and de-glaciation allowed a more abundant and permanent water flow toward the Pacific slopes of the Andes, as compared to the present day chronic hyper-arid climate. In addition, coastal temperatures were, possibly, cooler Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 47 than today. Unfortunately, as pointed out by Sandweiss (2003), there are no actual paleocli- matic sequential records for the Atacama coastal desert. Most data come from inland stud- ies where better paleo records are present. Fossil rodent middens (2,400–3,200 masl) and wetland deposits (2,500–2,700 masl) near the Salar de Atacama in the central Atacama (ca. latitude 22–24°S) showed there was a wet phase from 5000 to 1500 BC (Núñez, Grosjean, and Cartagena 2002; Sandweiss 2003). At mid-Holocene times when Chinchorro artificial mummification was present, there was a wet phase on the Pacific slope of the Andes. The cyclical El Niño phenomenon, still a factor today in worldwide weather patterns, also played a major role during the early Holocene that created variations in water tempera- tures that were generally warmer. However, after 3000 BC the water temperature became cooler again. Even today (2004–05), there are cyclical variations, with plagues of jellyfish and other warm water species along the northern Chilean coast, species that were uncom- mon only a year ago. In prehistoric times, such environmental variation may have created new resources to exploit, while others diminished. The presence of large shell middens and cemeteries suggests that harvesting was plentiful at many locations like Quiani, Playa Chinchorro-Las Machas, Caleta Vitor, Quebrada de Camarones, and Pisagua Viejo (Figures 3.1, 3.2). Their primary food was mollusks such as Concholepas concholepas (scallops) and Fissurella spp. (mussels), fish, and pelicans. Mollusks were so plentiful that the early inhabitants left many large shell mounds along the coast of modern Peru and Chile. In addition, there is evidence that they hunted wild camelids and marine mammals such as sea lions. The small rivers also provided totora reeds to make cords, basketry, clothes and twined mats.

A SEDENTARY LIFE STYLE

The traditional portrayal of early Chinchorro populations is that of highly mobile groups. However, there is growing bioarchaeological evidence that indicates they had a year-round occupation on the coast rather than seasonal occupation (see Arriaza 1995; Standen 1997). Their diet, reconstructed using bone chemistry analysis, indicates heavy exploitation of maritime resources and they suffered from maritime parasites and a common cold water- related ear pathology called auditory exostosis. Their tool kit was maritime. They generated extensive shell middens along the coast and their cemeteries had long occupations, which all point to a year-round maritime subsistence. Recent studies by Aufderheide et al. (2004) found that the Chinchorros suffered from Chagas disease. This disease was associated with endemic reduvid bugs that live alongside humans within their huts and shelters. If the Chinchorros were highly mobile, Chagas disease would not have affected them. Although they were sedentary, evidence shows that they did occasionally travel to inland oases, such as Pampa del Tamarugal basin, south of Arica, Tiliviche and Aragón (Núñez 1983; Núñez and Zlatar 1980), which are located between 2 and 40 km into the valley, to gather lithic raw materials and to collect river resources like crayfish. This early preceramic sedentary way of life based on a maritime subsistence rather than was relatively unique. Though this was their preferred mode of subsistence, there were health consequences for this choice. For example, the consumption of raw fish predis- posed the Chinchorros to acquisition of tapeworm that led to anemia. Parasite ova found in the gut of mummies, and porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia in their cranial bones testify to this. Also, continuous exposure to cold wind and water caused ear irritation and bony growth in the ear canal (external auditory exostosis). This mechanical blockage certainly decreased 48 B.T. Arriaza et al.

Figure 3.1. Map for locating sites mentioned in text. (Alvaro Romero)

their hearing capabilities. Men suffered from lower back problems (spondylolysis) likely caused by their hunting and maritime physical activities, while females had crushed vertebra, most certainly the consequences of increased fertility and osteoporosis or bone density loss. Domestic violence was common. Chinchorro females often had arm fractures characteristic of attempts to block a blow to the head. Males in contrast quarreled with bare hands or stones as their broken noses and small round cranial fractures indicated (Standen and Arriaza 2000). Sometimes violence escalated and harpoons became lethal weapons; at least one young male had a lithic point embedded in his spine (Figure 3.3). Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 49

Figure 3.2. Caleta Camarones. ()

Figure 3.3. Human vertebrae with lithic point. (Bernardo Arriaza)

Another stress marker was a high rate of lower leg infections resembling treponema- tosis (a type of non-venereal syphilis). Arriaza (1995) postulated that these maladies were infections acquired during the mummification process. Handling infected corpses could have been an occupational hazard of the makers and their apprentices, unknowingly 50 B.T. Arriaza et al.

increasing disease transmission to the rest of the population. Furthermore, sedentary living could have increased the risk and spread of infectious diseases. In support of this position is evidence of decreasing treponematosis, as complex mummification practices faded away.

BURIALS

Classic Chinchorro burials, e.g., those with artificial mummification, represent secondary and collective interment of bodies. Burials lying next to one another are often labeled “a family” as if the mummies represented a nuclear family (father, mother, and children). However, our analyses of sex, age and burial variability within various Chinchorro sites indicates otherwise (Standen 1997). Burial internments varied from three to nine bodies neatly arranged in a row. Some group burials only had adult males and infants and no females; other cases included two or three women, infants, and adult males. In addition, there were infant and juvenile arrangements. Thus, the term family is not appropriate; the term cluster is more generic, and recommended instead. Certainly, given the proposition that these were small groups of fisher folk or bands, it was likely there was a close family relation between buried individuals. The type of Chinchorro marriage pattern is unknown, but extended family households would be most likely. Moreover, there is a tendency for those buried together to receive similar mummification treatment regardless of age and sex. This is particularly true for the styles referred to as black and red mummies (see below).

GRAVE GOODS

Chinchorro burials had few grave goods. They started to become common about 2000 to 1500 BC with an average of two objects per grave. Some were harpoons made of wood and bone, and others were atlatls to hunt land and sea mammals. Other tools were related to gathering tasks such as sea mammal ribs for prying open shellfish and reed baskets to collect shellfish. Fishing gear was found as well, represented by fishhooks made of cactus needles, fishing lines made of reeds and cotton, stone sinkers, bone and shell hooks (Standen 1997). Other grave goods included bone necklaces, and marine shells or small leather bags with colored pigments, and small vegetal brushes likely used to paint the bodies. In addi- tion, there were bones of pelicans, fish, and marine mammals. Bird skins sewn together with cactus needles and vegetal threads wrapped some of the bodies as funerary shrouds. Of all grave goods found with , the most common was the harpoon. Interestingly, some individuals have harpoons and lithic points in their hands, as if they were ready to hunt in the afterlife. In contrast, fishing and gathering artifacts were less common. Perhaps this implies that hunting marine mammals was a more prestigious and important activity within these communities. There were some sex differences in the distribution of the grave goods. Harpoon shafts and tips were common with adult males, and harpoon tips (the detachable part) were common to both adult men and women. In contrast, women had fishing artifacts (hooks and fishing lines). Artifacts for gathering (implements for prying and reed baskets) were common to both sexes of all ages, perhaps reflecting a less dangerous and more routine task undertaken by all Chinchorros. In addition, reed brushes were commonly found with women. The women likely used the brushes for painting bodies (both living and mummified). Given the sex dis- Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 51 tribution of these tools, perhaps females were in charge of caring for the bodies, such as painting or cleaning them. The other grave goods mentioned appeared randomly distributed. Another element of personal adornment included headbands of painted red reeds or camelid fiber cords in natural colors wrapped many times around the head. This was common to all ages and both sexes. These headbands also played a role in the intentional deformation of the head, which took a circular shape. This cultural practice started about 2000 BC.

THE MUMMIES

The Chinchorros were preceramic fisher folk with a simple tool technology, but Arriaza (1995) and Arriaza and Standen (2002) have pointed out that the process of intentionally preparing their dead was one of their most remarkable achievements. The Chinchorros transformed their dead into highly artistic mortuary icons, epitomized by the so-called black and red mummies. It seems their mummification practice started in the Camarones Valley about 5050 BC and spread north and south from there. The ancient tradition is one of the oldest in the world, and it lasted for several millennia, declining about 1700 BC. It was a coastal cultural phenomenon from Ilo in Peru to perhaps in northern Chile. However, the cultural core of this practice was Arica-Camarones. The Chin- chorros manipulated their dead in various ways, and styles change through time. The most common classification system used today to describe these mummies is the one proposed by Arriaza (1995) who divided them into black, red, bandaged, and mud-coated mummies (Figures 3.4, 3.5). The black, red, and bandaged mummies are subtypes of the complex preparation as described by Uhle (1919). Recently, Llagostera (2003) added another vari- ation: corded mummies or mummies wrapped in reed cords as seen in the Camarones 15 and Patillos sites. The styles of mummification changed with time and region from black to red and from red to corded techniques. The oldest intentionally prepared mummies were children from Camarones. Unfor- tunately, their mummies are very fragmented (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1984). Nev- ertheless, the black mummies are the oldest and most elaborate starting at Camarones 14, around 5000 BC, and declining around 2800 BC (Maderas Enco site). Sites containing black mummies include Camarones 17 and various Arica sites (Chinchorro, Maderas Enco and Playa Miller). They are commonly buried in groups of 4 to 6 individuals (Arriaza 1995; Aufderheide, Muñoz, and Arriaza 1993; Standen 1997) (Figures 3.4, 3.5).

HOW WERE THE BODIES MUMMIFIED?

Black mummies were the result of secondary burials. The morticians buried the bodies, likely in a swampy area, subsequently exhuming them to clean the bones and remaining flesh. They removed the brain and organs of the trunk and replaced these with grasses and clay. Later, cranial bones and the entire skeleton were re-articulated. The skeletal structure was reinforced and secured with thin wooden poles, running from the head to the ankles, and tied with reed cords. This inner structure was modeled with gray clay. Sexual organs were modeled as well. This reshaping brought back some of the original form and sex of the deceased, now as an anthropomorphic gray effigy. The morticians worked meticulously 52 B.T. Arriaza et al.

Figure 3.4. Chinchorro black mummy. (Bernardo Arriaza)

Figure 3.5. Chinchorro red mummy. (Bernardo Arriaza)

and must have possessed great anatomical knowledge since bones are in proper anatomical positions. Then they proceeded to reattach whatever original skin was left and patched the body with animal (seal or sea lion) skin. In most cases the facial skin appears to be its own, with slits for ears, nostrils and eyes—thus facial skin was likely removed initially before the primary burial. The head was adorned with a short, black-haired wig. As a final touch, morticians painted the gray body with a thin layer of black-blue manganese paste; hence the reason for the title “black mummy” (Arriaza 1995; Arriaza and Standen 2002: 29). Generally speaking, the red mummies were simpler than the black, yet they were visually more powerful. The morticians made incisions and sutures at the shoulders, groin, Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 53 knees, and ankles in order to remove organs and part of the muscles. The head was detached from the trunk. They removed all inner organs and dried the body’s cavities, likely with glowing coals and ashes. Similar to the black style, the morticians used long wooden poles to reinforce the body. In this case, however, the sticks were slipped under the skin through the arms, legs, and spine. The sticks provided support and rigidity. To gain back the body’s volume, they stuffed the empty anatomical cavities with feathers from sea birds (pelicans and seagulls), different types of soils and camelid hair (guanacos or llamas). The head was also stuffed, however this time they took additional steps by ornamenting it with a 60 cm- long wig made from tresses of human hair. This wig was secured to the head with a thick paste of black manganese. The preparers gave the face a life-like appearance by emphasiz- ing open eyes and mouth. Afterwards, the morticians painted the entire body with bright red ochre, except the face and wig. Morticians and shamans must have been very proud of their work, a powerful mortuary icon: a red body with a black face, open eyes, glean- ing white teeth, and a long flowing wig. This red style first appeared around 2000 BC and continued for almost 500 years (Arriaza 1995; Arriaza and Standen 2002). Bandaged and corded mummies were a variation on the red mummies except that the replaced skin, now in strips, has the appearance of bandages. They also had sticks for reinforcement and long wigs. These mummies date to about 2000 BC. The corded mum- mies represent bodies wrapped with thin reed cords, as found in Camarones 15, and date to about 1000 BC. The mud-coated mummies were naturally dried bodies covered from head to toes with a thick layer of mud, possibly prepared with a mixture of earth, water, and an adhesive of unknown origin (Arriaza and Standen 2002). Their antiquity is unclear, but some date to 1700 BC.

TWINED MATS

Most remaining Chinchorro textiles (dated to approximately 7000–1000 BC) are twined vegetable fiber mats/shrouds measuring up to approximately 2 × 1.5 m. Though large in size these reed blankets were not loom woven, but made by hand manipulations. The Chin- chorros twined pairs of reed yarns or wefts binding sets of vertical elements or warps, to make mats. In later periods (approximately 2000–1000 BC), the Chinchorros made twined mats using camelid fibers, but these are rare. Even though the Chinchorro mummification practices changed drastically through time with natural, black, red, bandage, and mud-coated mummies, the twined textile covers remained an integral and relatively unchanging feature of the mummy bundle. The tight wrapping of the mummies added to their preservation and integrity. The reed wrapping started early. The Acha body, from 7000 BC, had a painted twined mat/blanket. Though twined mats have received very little attention, they are the most endur- ing Chinchorro characteristic. In other words, the presence of a mat shroud is a constant and diagnostic feature of Chinchorro culture. Usually a mat wrapped a single individual; however, there are examples of very large mats covering a group of Chinchorro individuals (Muñoz, Arriaza, and Aufderheide 1993: 115–116). The same is true centuries later for the Acha 3 site and bodies. There, three bodies have a painted mat covering them plus a camelid fur under the mat (Standen and Santoro 2004). In brief, mortuary mat shrouds were typical throughout the Chinchorro period and continued to be common in the culture known as Quiani (1500 BC) that marks a transition to a new cultural era based on new mortuary 54 B.T. Arriaza et al.

traditions. During Quiani times, the dead were buried in a semi-flexed position and artificial mummification was no longer practiced. In comparison, later agropastoral cultures, with distinctive flexed burials, used woven cloth of camelid yarns for mortuary shrouds. Even today, plant fiber sources of totora and junquillos (reeds) are found in the deltas of the two rivers that flowed through the Lluta and Azapa valleys into the Pacific Ocean. With the help of botanist Eliana Belmonte we identified various species found today: Scirpus americanus var. ordalus (Cyperaceae), Scirpus americanus, variety with a triangular stem (Cyperaceae), Scirpus americanus var. monofilus (Cyperaceae), Equisetum giganteum (Equisetaceae), Cortaderia sp. (Gramineae), Distichlis sp. (Gramineae), and Polypogon (another Gramineae). From comparative microscopy, it appears the Chinchorros used one of the Scirpus varieties. The Chinchorros sometimes painted their shrouds with red and yellow ochre, as well as manganese pigment for black. In addition, the Chinchorros decorated their shrouds with embroidery in brown camelid yarns along the edges and as colorful linear geometric sym- bols on the surfaces. They often used a wrapping technique. If one tries to imagine Chinchorro society, one has to acknowledge the dual nature of matting and cordage. These organic materials were a vital resource for practical and symbolic uses in the everyday lives of the Chinchorros. These materials clothed, decorated the body, sheltered households, and provided nets and fishing lines for gathering marine resources to eat. Within the mummies themselves, cordage replaced human muscles and ligaments, and the twined mats provided the vehicle and environment for transporting or holding the body for the journey to the other world.

THE PEOPLE

The Chinchorros were short but stocky with powerful arms. Their height was about 1.5 m for females and 1.6 m. for males. They were expert craftspeople. Their tool kits included fishhooks made of bone, shells and cactus needles, composite fishhooks, lines, elongated stone sinkers, bone prying tools (chopes), lithic knives, scrapers, awls and bifacial points. To kill large animals they used harpoons and throwing sticks with atlatls (Figure 3.6). To collect mollusks they wove small net bags. Clothing was minimal; males wore at most a small breech cloth and females grass skirts. There is a tendency for females to be buried wearing fringed skirts made with grass or camelid fibers. In some cases, mummies had up to three skirts. Sometimes even fetuses, newborns, and anthropomorphic clay statuettes resembling the mummies have fringed skirts. Many mummies, however, do not have clothes. It is therefore likely that the Chinchorros wore little during daily activities. Apparently, they wore their hair in various lengths, but without braiding it. Some- times they ornamented themselves with small polychrome headbands made of cords, in addition to shell and bone necklaces. There is no direct evidence, but it is imaginable that they painted the bodies of the living too, since it was a vital element of the death ritual.

SOCIAL MILIEU

It seems remarkable that the Chinchorro people, though unfamiliar with complex tools and artifacts such as ceramic vessels, metal knives, or looms, mastered the art of mum- mifying the dead. Normally, we expect to see complex mortuary practices in politically Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 55

Figure 3.6. Chnchorro artifacts. (Bernardo Arriaza)

complex societies such as the Egyptians or Incas for example. The long lasting (nearly four millennia) Chinchorro practice was obviously central to their religious experience and their human existence. The Chinchorros left no written records so the central question about why they developed this practice is open to discussion. Children and adults of both sexes were mummified. In 2001, we debated whether social differentiation could be one expla- nation, where only a faction of the community, such as higher-ranking individuals, was mummified (Arriaza et al. 2001). However, only four bodies with natural mummification, out of a total of thirty-six, cluster within the artificial mummy period (5000–1700 BC). If artificial mummification honored the elite, one would expect that bodies with complex 56 B.T. Arriaza et al.

artificial mummification would be in the minority, but this is not the case. Belief in the afterlife, religion, and social issues are certainly at play. Mummification, in a way, brought back the deceased individual, not as a decom- posing and smelly body, or even a dehydrated body, but rather as an effigy pleasant to gaze upon. As such, mummification provided a canvas to display the body as a religious or family icon, similar to viewing embalmed bodies in a wake today. As Huntington and Metcalf (1985: 63) have suggested: “The corpse is feared because, until its reconstruction in the beyond is complete, part of its spiritual essence remains behind, where it menaces the living with threat of further death”. Arriaza and Standen (2002: 40–41) observe that many cultures believe “the soul of the deceased runs the risk of losing its existence if the body decomposes, or the living would lose contact with the soul of the deceased should the body decompose”. The death of a loved one, or an important person, creates social shock and uncer- tainty. What is going to happen to the cadaver? Who is going to take care of it? Chinchorro people minimized social uncertainties by transforming the dead into a durable icon thanks to the morticians. After accomplishing the mummification, Chinchorro mourners likely feasted with the dead, just as the Incas did thousands of years later parading mummified ancestors, giving them drink, food, clothes, and other offerings. The mummy represents a new beginning, continuity of life and stability, the dead and living become part of a new social intercourse. Regarding the origin of this unusual mortuary practice Uhle (1919) believed that arti- ficial mummification had its roots in Peru, and Rivera (1975) postulated a jungle origin for this practice. Arriaza (1995) and Standen and Santoro 2004 (among others) have postulated a local origin, in the Camarones area. Why the Chinchorros went the extra mile to mummify their dead is debatable, but that they invested a great deal of energy in mummifying their dead is unquestionable. Our previous studies have pointed out that these mummies are a unique phenomenon in the world for various reasons. We now know the following:

● The mummies were produced by a preceramic fishing culture whose antiquity pre-dates the advent of agriculture, pottery, metallurgy, the loom and socio-political complexity. ● Chinchorro culture has a large geographic territory and long chronology. ● These mummies represent the earliest evidence of religious icons in the Andean area and a complex mortuary practice for preceramic people. ● Chinchorro morticians had anatomical and technical knowledge, and undertook careful planning to accomplish their elaborate mummification process. ● The mummies provide clues to decipher ideological concepts of these early fishing populations. Due to the nature of the preceramic record (minimal crafts and grave goods), often our studies are biased toward subsistence strategies and mobility.

CONCLUSION

In summary, Chinchorro Culture represents the pioneers of the Atacama coast. Chinchor- ros’ most remarkable achievement was the intentional mummification of the dead begin- ning about 5000 BC and declining about 1700 BC. The remarkable transformations of the dead into polychrome effigies using simple technologies and materials locally available to Chinchorro Culture: Pioneers of the Coast of the Atacama Desert 57 them have endured the millennia, and still inspire awe. In addition, as we learn more about this culture, we realize that they defy the stereotype of early mobile hunter-gatherers and simple societies because the Chinchorros were sedentary, due to the abundance of marine resources. The implications of early village life in the Atacama desert region provides many new potential models yet to be tested. Although we have been able to piece together a clearer picture of who the Chinchorros were, there is still much to be learned about their complex rituals and the reasons behind their unique choices for living and dealing with the afterlife along the Atacama coast. Chinchorro bioarchaeology is opening a door to a differ- ent reconstruction of the past, including ecological and humanistic views.

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