University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting

“HE IS THE IMAGE AND GLORY OF GOD”: POLEMICAL IMAGES OF CHRIST FROM THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE

MARY WRIGHT

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2016

To my husband, Matthew, whose faith in me never faltered

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my parents, first and foremost, for instilling in me the interest of

Christianity and its origins. I also wish to thank my husband who stood by me when life grew difficult, yet still he believed in me and pushed me to complete this work. Last, but not least, I wish to thank Dr. Ashley Jones and Dr. Mary Ann Eaverly, my mentors, for their patience and guidance.

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 4

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 6

ABSTRACT ...... 9

CHAPTER

1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ...... 10

Introduction ...... 10 Overview ...... 18

2 ROLES THAT WERE ADAPTED BY CHRIST ...... 23

Sun Gods ...... 24 Salvation Gods ...... 26 The Shepherd ...... 28 Heroic and Anti-Heroic Figures ...... 30 Ritual Roles ...... 32 Understanding these Roles ...... 33

3 THE IMAGE OF CHRIST ...... 49

Costumes ...... 52 Roles of Christ ...... 55 Attributes ...... 61 Scrolls ...... 62 Thrones ...... 63 Crowns ...... 64 Staffs ...... 65 Sheep ...... 66 Placement ...... 67

4 THE ADAPATIONS...... 80

David...... 87 Noblemen ...... 89

5 CONCLUSION ...... 107

LIST OF REFERENCES ...... 112

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 116

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

1-1 Reconstruction showing Constantine/Sol/Christ ...... 21

1-2 Wall Painting detail of Chi-Rho Symbol ...... 21

1-3 Arch of Constantine, south front ...... 22

1-4 Christ as Orpheus ...... 22

2-1 Christ as Sol Salutis ...... 42

2-2 Sol as Sunday ...... 42

2-3 Santa Costanza: Bacchic Scene ...... 43

2-4 Sarcophagus of Constantia ...... 43

2-5 Orpheus and the Animals ...... 44

2-6 Good Shepherd, Orants and the Story of Jonah ...... 44

2-7 Good Shepherd ...... 45

2-8 Europa on the Bull ...... 45

2-9 Sestertius Showing the Marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina the younger (with Head of Marcus Aurelius (obverse)) ...... 46

2-10 Wedding Soildus Showing Christ ...... 46

2-11 Decorative Details on the Synagogue of Capernaum ...... 47

2-12 Lintel Block with a Wagon ...... 47

2-13 Catacomb of Priscilla-Tombstone with Fish and Anchor ...... 48

2-14 Augustus of Prima Porta ...... 48

3-1 Healing of the Paralytic ...... 70

3-2 Posthumous Issue of the Divine Constantine I...... 70

3-3 Christ with the Apostles ...... 71

3-4 Christ Enthroned, Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus ...... 71

3-5 Transfiguration of Christ ...... 72

3-6 The Good Shepherd...... 72

3-7 Statuette of the Good Shepherd ...... 73

3-8 Christ Enthroned Delivering the Scroll of the Law to St. Paul ...... 73

3-9 Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus ...... 74

3-10 Adventus of Hadrian and Sabina into Alexandria ...... 74

3-11 Detail of the Virgin with Peter and Paul with Christ overhead surrounded by the Evangelistic Symbols ...... 75

3-12 Christ Healing the Woman with an Issue of Blood ...... 75

3-13 Christ’s Miracles on the Andrews Diptych from Milan ...... 76

3-14 Icon of Christ ...... 76

3-15 Lamp with Christ Trampling the Beasts ...... 77

3-16 Floor Mosaic: Christ ...... 77

3-17 Casket ...... 78

3-18 Plaque from Loculus Tomb of a Child ...... 78

3-19 Vault Interior, The Starry Sky with Cross and Four Evangelist ...... 79

4-1 Christ Militant ...... 97

4-2 Coin struck by Constantine I to commemorate Constantinople ...... 97

4-3 Coin of Constantine showing a depiction of his Labarum spearing a Serpent ...... 98

4-4 Basilica of Maxentius and Constantine ...... 98

4-5 (Old) St. Peter’s Basilica ...... 99

4-6 Christ in Apse ...... 99

4-7 Comparisons of Registers ...... 100

4-8 Christ with Saints Peter and Paul ...... 101

4-9 Missorium of Theodosius ...... 101

4-10 Monastery of St. Catherine: Transfiguration ...... 102

4-11 Justinian ...... 103

4-12 The David Plates ...... 103

4-13 Arch of Galerius ...... 104

4-14 Sarcophagus with Entry of Christ into Jerusalem ...... 104

4-15 Sarcophagus relief with Scenes from the Life and Miracles of Christ ...... 105

4-16 Christ in Majesty with Angels, Saint Vitalis and Bishop Ecclesius ...... 105

4-17 Christ in Majesty under Golden Cross ...... 106

4-18 Sol on reverse gestures Victory to Constantine on obverse ...... 106

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

“HE IS THE IMAGE AND GLORY OF GOD”: POLEMICAL IMAGES OF CHRIST FROM THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE

Mary Wright

August 2016

Chair: Ashley Jones Major: Art History

From the beginning of the Principate, Roman emperors and those who sought favor with them used the attributes and imagery of divinity to express their power and divine sanction. This thesis examines the transition from the assimilation of the Roman emperor to pagan deities to the Christian context. It aims to show that the early

Christians set a precedent of adapting Christ's image to pagan attributes that allowed

Constantine to slowly manipulate the joint image of Sol Invictus and himself to Christ.

Ms. Wright argues that by controlling the style, costumes, and, often times, the placement of these images, the emperor used differing images of Christ to politically enforce his own agenda and ensure that the citizens saw the emperor as, if not a god, then the only intercessor to the heavenly realm. The project begins with a discussion of the pagan roles to which Christ's image was adapted during the third century, and concludes with the variations with which the emperors extended the image of Christ in order to assert their own power.

CHAPTER 1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Introduction

Beginning with Constantine and the acceptance of Christianity into Roman society in 313 CE,1 the image of Christ became a relevant symbol for not only those of the church, but those in power as well. The image of Christ during Imperial Rome encompassed multiple meanings depending on many varieties of design, roles that were assigned, and the type of relation that was sought. Although those who manipulated the image likely still revered the sacred portrayal, there is no doubt that many did so with the purpose of advancing their own agenda. For example, during the early Christian period the costumes of Christ depicted the imperial style of the emperor.

This was seen in two different aspects. Christ was royal and therefore was worthy of the richest and the most elaborate costume of the era. Second, the emperor was directly related to Christ spiritually, and their closeness was emphasized through their physical likeness. This aspect was not a new theory to the Romans who had likewise accepted that Julius Caesar was directly descended from Venus, and Constantine was a personification of Sol Invictus. It is pertinent to mention here that this likeness of

Constantine to Sol Invictus also carried over onto the early images of Christ as

Jonathan Bardill mentions in his book, Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian

Golden Age. H. P. L’Orange also mentions this in his article, “The Saviour-Portrait of

Late Antiquity,” but Bardill directly discusses Constantine’s perceived ambiguity with the two deities. The fact that Constantine did not refer to Christ specifically in the Edict of

Milan, 313, but instead referred to a Supreme Deity emphasizes for Bardill this point of

1 All dates are CE unless otherwise noted.

confusion. Additionally, Constantine’s Radiate Statue at his Forum in Constantinople is a prime example of this fusion (Fig. 1-1).2 While citizens may have looked upon the statue as Constantine once again personified as Sol, scholars, including Bardill, believe that others looked upon the sculpture as Christ returned to earth in the guise of

Constantine.3 By implementing the previous beliefs that emperors were one-step away from divinity, or, in some cases, divine in their own right, Constantine used these earlier methods to equate himself with Christ inoffensively. Constantine also enlisted this blending of images in order to protect himself from those who would question his authority. His vision of winning the battle against Maxentius in 312 lead to the placement of the Chi Rho symbol on his soldiers' shields, and he claimed that this proclamation of faith lead to his victory (Fig. 1-2).4 Therefore, by the hand of God, he had taken Rome.

Even though Constantine may have believed in the new Savior early on, he was careful to keep the new religion outside of the city center as he did not want to anger the elders of the Senate. As the two religions collided, it was inevitable that one would falter. Even though the old gods were well established, Christianity, with the backing of the emperor, had literally won the battle. Richard Krautheimer speaks of Constantine’s slow contribution to the Christian religion and attributes it to Constantine’s knowing he would be met with resistance if he declared war on the ancient practices and instead let

2 Richard Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals: Topography & Politics, (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983), 63.

3 Jonathan Bardill, Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 280, 334. See also H. P. L’Orange, “The Saviour-Portrait of Late Antiquity,” in Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture, (New York: Caratzas Publishing Co., Inc., 1982), 127.

4 L’Orange, “The Saviour-Portrait of Late Antiquity,” 127.

them die out slowly. As he built the new church near the outskirts of the center of Rome, and used private property, he slowly moved the center of worship away from the old spiritual core.5 Constantine continued to show his political intelligence by transferring the capital to Constantinople between the years 324–330.6 By doing so, he subsequently allowed any lingering religious affiliations that remained in the center of

Rome to dissolve.

Of course, his triumphal arch dedicated in 315 celebrating the 312 victory over

Maxentius, centered in Rome offers no true answers as to his religious beliefs, but instead causes more questions (Fig. 1-3). By incorporating and re-carving the faces of the five good emperors, Constantine wanted to establish that he was indeed a worthy leader. These inclusions have caused some scholars to questions his religious affiliations as many of the images depict the previous emperor, now embodied by

Constantine, offering sacrifices to pagan gods. Others have argued for and against the point that the inscription states that the divine inspired him. For some, this means that

Constantine was inspired by the Divine One, Christ, as it does not say by the gods, and for others, this still lends itself to too much uncertainty to be determined either way. Fred

Kleiner, in A History of Roman Art, believes that the absence of a pagan god’s name indicates that it was certainly intended to refer to the Christian God as “Constantine would not have resisted to name Jupiter, Mars, or another god of the ancient Roman pantheon.”7 Once again, Constantine proved his intelligence by not aligning himself too

5 Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals: Topography & Politics, 56, 61.

6 Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, edited by Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art: 1979), XIX.

7 Fred Kleiner, A History of Roman Art, (Belmont: Thomson Wadswroth: 2007), 294.

closely with either side, but leaving it open to individual-interpretation. Those who were looking for recognition of the Christian God would see it as such, and the pagan could still argue that the arch thanked an Olympian god.

Before moving forward, let us take a step back to the eras before Constantine.

Christianity was not the first religion to oppose the Dii Consentes, the 12 gods of the

Olympian realm. In fact, multiple beliefs populated the Roman Empire including philosophical teachings such as the Platonic, Stoic, Epicurean, and Peripatetic understandings. The followers of these schools often rendered portraits of their founders, which later became a basis for portraits of the gospels’ authors, the four evangelists. In the introduction to the Age of Spirituality catalogue, Kurt Weitzmann states that the popularity of new religions relied on the ability to ensure the soul was safe from damnation, and, in turn, the promise of a joyful life beyond the grave. One of these sects was the followers of Orpheus, whose many images became closely correlated with Christ during later years. Other cults, like those of Isis, Cybele and

Mithras, were derived from the Eastern parts of the Empire, and their imagery bled into

Christianity.8 Looking at the wide variety of cults during the Early Empire, there is no doubt that the Olympian gods had no qualms about sharing the stage. This was likely because the Roman gods were themselves configurations of multiple religions forged through the combination of the Greek and Etruscan deities.

Christian images were indeed present before the legalization of Christianity, but few dating before 200 remain in comparison to Pagan depictions from the same period.

In his book, Byzantine Art in the Making, Ernst Kitzinger attributes the lack of Christian

8 Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, edited by Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art: 1979), XX.

art before 200 to an overall loss of the images and a fear of image worship.9 Other reasons for this absence would have to include the legal restrictions, which often resulted in martyrdom, and the small, albeit growing, numbers of the Christian church.

In Pagans and Christians, Robin Lane Fox highlights the trials that Christians went through before their faith was legalized. Not only were the followers of Christ in Rome persecuted, but also those in other parts of the Roman Empire such as residents of

Africa and Greece. These persecutions were not only physical attacks, but also written attacks, like the book, Against the Christians, written around 270 by Porphyry, a

Platonic philosopher. Regardless, the Christians strove forward, and were building small churches, instead of meeting in personal homes, just a mere 30 years later.10

When examining Early Christian Art, it is clear that many of the early images found that are deemed Christian Art directly draw from Late Ancient Jewish Art as well.

One scholar, Jas Elsner, sees many of these divisions as ambiguous, and believes that many items that are considered “Christian Art” could just as easily fall under the category of “Jewish Art.” Like much of the early Christian art that remains, the majority of Jewish art found inside the city of Rome is funerary with the exception of worship areas. More strikingly, Elsner adds, is that the Jewish/Christian art was also used closely with Pagan symbolism. He gives the example of the Catacomb of Marcellinus and Peter where Old Testament (Jewish) images and New Testament (Christian) images coincide with seemingly pagan images such as the Orpheus who appears as the good shepherd, and a more concrete example of pagan imagery such as Hercules

9 Ernst Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making, (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980), 19.

10 Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians, (New York: Knopf, 1987), 586-87.

(Fig. 1-4).11 In Chapter 2, we will take a closer look at these early images of the good shepherd, and see the multiple ways that it could be interpreted. It is clear that Christian images drew from the older sources whether they were pagan or Jewish, and resulted in, as Herbert Kessler is quoted by Elsner, “cross-fertilization.”12 A later example of this combination between these three religions is the city of Dura Europos where many frescos are found decorating the buildings of worship such as a temple of Zeus, a synagogue, and a Christian baptistery. Weitzmann believes that this second and third century site is proof that multiple religions practiced side-by-side and would have continued had the site not been destroyed;13 however, he does not account for the outlawing of pagan worship in 395.14 The reason behind this close connection of the art of the different religions was the way in which the artists rendered images. No matter what the subject matter was, the artistic language was universal, and was able to be seen as Art.15

Not only did these images and centers for worship appear side-by-side, it is extremely plausible that the same workshops offered a multitude of religious art. The ambiguous sarcophagi that can be interpreted multiple ways generally explain this.

However, Weitzmann offers more examples such as “gold-glass drinking bowls” which

11 Jas Elsner, “Archaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient Jewish Art and Early Christian Art,” The Journal of Roman Studies 93 (2003): 114-17, accessed August 2, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184641.

12 Elsner, “Archaeologies and Agendas,” 122.

13 Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, edited by Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art: 1979), XXI.

14 Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, 94.

15 Age of Spirituality, XXI.

have been related to the same workshops, but some portray images of Achilles, routine

Roman images — charioteers, Old and New Testament scenes as well as strictly

Jewish symbols. Terracotta bowls that were produced in the same Tunisia workshop also show a variety of subject matter. Yet, the most significant examples are found in burial chambers where family member’s sarcophagi show different topics of religious matter. Because a family would have likely employed a single workshop, these differing examples prove the tolerance of the artists, and the Roman people in general.16

After Constantine, the only ruler who attempted to restore pagan worship was

Julian, but it was to no avail.17 Constantine had established a new tradition, and the majority of the emperors that were subsequent to the “first Christian emperor” followed suit. As the question of Iconoclasm grew, emperors moved away from the easily confused imagery, but the idea was never completely eradicated. Of course there are emperors who are distinguished from the rest, not particularly because they were godlier, but rather because their artwork remained through, or followed, the trials of

Iconoclasm. Those emperors, like Valentinian I, Theodosius II, Justinian I (to name a few), left a legacy that can be traced throughout the Byzantine Empire. Not only did these men attempt to be more like God, they insured that the images that were produced would indicate their closeness with the Heavenly Father to everyone that was exposed to their images.

When the relationship of the emperor and Christ became overused, the rulers began to branch out to other relationships that would also invoke the significance of the

16 Ibid, XXV.

17 Gillian Clark, “Triumph, disaster or adaptation?” in Christianity and Roman Society, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004) 94.

emperors. Scholars like Henry Maguire in “Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art,” and Ruth Leader in “The David Plates Revised: Transforming the Secular in Early

Byzantium,” thoroughly discuss this idea. Both take a closer look at the aptly named

David Plates, and the undeniable Byzantine costuming of this Biblical figure. Although the relation of the emperor to David is apparent in these images, because of the clothing, the examples given relay that through the comparison to the ancient king, the emperor is once again associating himself to Christ.18

These ideas link directly to the reasoning behind certain costumes, actions, and scenes in which Christ is placed. One may see how David’s ancestral relation to Christ gave the emperor ample reason to attempt this relation to the Old Testament king, but the manipulations of Christ’s image does not stop there. In addition to emperors, many others are also related to the images of Christ including Saints, Popes, and laypersons by the incorporation of icons. Once people believed that the image of Christ resounded through the image of the emperor giving it a mystical power, other non-deities could embody this supposed essence. Generally, it was not the Saints, Popes, and laypersons creating their own image, but those who believed that these holy people could assist their own plight. The image of Christ and the power it held lead to new aspects for the Imperial Roman people, and later became a contested detail of the

Byzantine Period when people began to worship the images as they once had done in antiquity with the pagan deities.

18 Henry Maguire, “Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art,” Gesta 28 (1989): 224, accessed August 2, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/767070. See also, Ruth Leader, “The David Plates Revisited: Transforming the Secular in Early Byzantium,” The Art Bulletin 82 (2000): 417, accessed August 4, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3051395.

Overview

Chapter 2 focuses on the role of Christ in early Christian images such as a replacement for pagan deities, and how the emperor would use Christ’s image as a means of protection. By looking at the gradual turn from paganism to Christianity, I hope to demonstrate how Christ became an adaption and finally replacement of pagan deities during the second to sixth century. Constantine slowly adapted Christ into the everyday life of the Roman citizens resulting in many images of the previous god, with whom

Constantine had equated himself, to reflect no real differences between Sol and Christ.

The connection that had been reserved for the emperors and the gods, in this case

Constantine and Sol Invictus, forged an impenetrable distance to the emperor, and provided a safeguard between the emperor and his people. By blending the images of

Sol, Christ, and himself together, Constantine implanted in the Romans’ minds that

Christ was just as powerful, and therefore could serve instead as the heavenly deity.

Chapter 3 takes a closer look at just how the images of Christ continue and change the pagan ideals. By looking at the costumes, specifically headdresses, the parallel between the pagan gods, the emperors and Christ are significantly strengthened. In addition, the different actions of standing, kneeling, and sitting can once again relate Christ to different pagan gods, and prove that Christ has indeed replaced the older rituals while adapting their attributes and costumes. By looking closely at Christian scenes, we see how Christ performing a marriage is strongly indicative of pagan marital scenes. Chapter 3 will go into further detail in just how these images slowly adapted Christ into the setting with great ambiguity and then finally replaced the pagan deity altogether. Other scenarios, like the Orpheus scene mentioned earlier, also prove that Christianity is constantly borrowing from the

established images in terms of costumes, actions and scenes, and using them to portray similar ideas.

In Chapter 4, I examine those who have gained from these adaption of pagan images into Christian images. From the beginning of early Christian art, Christ’s image was often seen as two-fold, or interpreted through another image such as the Good

Shepherd and Orpheus, or Christ, Constantine and Sol. Not only pagan imagery was used to tell the story of Christ, but also Biblical (Jewish) history. Ernst Kitzinger mentions in his essay, “Christian Imagery: Growth and Impact,” how the story of Jonah can be seen as an allegory for the resurrection of Christ.19 Emperors continued to use this idea, and continued to apply this method to other historical figures in order to associate themselves with power and essentially to Christ. However, this chapter will also focus on the employment of Christ’s images in non-emperor aspects and the theory behind the power that resulted in widespread icon use. As the power of Christ’s images grew, other images, like those of saints, earned a power of their own. Lastly, the result that these images had on those who viewed them will be discussed, as it must be confirmed that if the images held power then the power had to affect the viewers.

I hope to prove that Christ’s image was one of the most widely adapted images throughout the Roman Imperial Age, and these adaptations created new aspects of reverence not only for Christ, but for Constantine and the many emperors who followed.

While Constantine was not the first to utilize the similarities of Christ to pagan deities, he successfully transformed an ancient tradition of image worship into an era of image reverence. This relation continued into the Byzantine period, and was met by resistance

19 Ernst Kitzinger, “Christian Imagery: Growth and Impact,” in Age of Spirituality: A Symposium (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art: 1980), 142.

from those who saw this admiration as the same idolatry from times past. Although the actual images of Christ varied throughout the Imperial Age, the importance of interpretation continued to remain a steadfast element for the citizens of Rome.

Figure 1-1. Reconstruction showing Constantine/Sol/Christ. c. 330 CE, Bronze, Constantinople, Istanbul. Available from: Istanbul.com, http://www.istanbul.com/en/explore/info/the-column-of-constantine--- cemberlitas (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 1-2. Wall Painting detail of Chi-Rho Symbol. 4th century CE, Wall Painting, Lullingstone: Villa Chapel, England. Available from: ARTstor, http://artstor.org (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 1-3. Arch of Constantine, south front. 312-315 CE, Marble with Spoilia, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://artstor.org (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 1-4. Christ as Orpheus. 4th century CE, Mural Painting, Catacombs of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Rome, Italy. Available from: Tree of Visions, https://treeofvisions.files.wordpress.com/2015/06/christ- orpheus_from_rome_catacombe.jpg (accessed January 22, 2016).

CHAPTER 2 ROLES ADAPTED BY CHRIST

The gods of Rome played a crucial role in the lives of their Roman worshipers.

Jupiter was seen as the protector of the empire during both war and peace. Mars led the armies and protected those in war while also serving as the god of agriculture.

Minerva was seen as the goddess of war and the deity of the artists.1 All of the gods had ties to Greek and Etruscan origins, but through time and the combination of these two (and other) societies, their attributes shifted to serve the purposes of the Romans.2

The Romans and their gods were very accepting of other deities, and often created temples for the gods of conquered cities as the Romans believed that the gods had switched sides and assisted them instead of their enemy.3 Although some, Polybius for example, took issue with this, chiding the Romans for abandoning their ways and adapting the rituals of those defeated. Myles McDonnell references this theory when looking at the statues that were stolen from Syracuse, and he cites Polybius, “To abandon the habits of the victors and to imitate those of the conquered… is surely an incontestable error.”4 However, by the time of Constantine, this assimilation was common practice especially within the Roman military. Allan Hoey mentions that the

1 Michael Stapleton, The Illustrated Dictionary of Greek and Roman Mythology, (New York: Peter Bedrick Books, Inc., 1986), 126, 132, 140.

2 Tony Allan and Sara Maitland, Titans and Olympians: Greek & Roman Myth, (London: Duncan Baird Publishers, 1997), 15.

3 Ashley Jones, “Assimilation of Portraiture,” Class lecture, Etruscans and Romans from University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, September 10, 2015.

4 Myles McDonnell, “Roman Aesthetics and the Spoils of Syracuse,” in Representations of War in Ancient Rome, ed. Sheila Dillon and Katherine Welch, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 71. See also Polybius 9.10. 5-6, 12

image of Sol Invictus was used from the time of Septimius Severus, and that entire military units were dedicated to different cult gods, although these different cults were never accepted officially. Hoey uses the example of Sol to clarify the tolerance of militaristic cults by the Roman Empire.5 Although the adoption of Christ by Constantine was still seen as shocking, by looking at the history of Roman gods, we can see a precedence for the Romans accepting new gods without an official reprimand.

Sun Gods

Just as the Roman deities had assumed the roles of the Greek and Etruscan gods, Christ slowly began to replace these usurpers. Christ had already become the protector of Constantine’s army during the battle of the Milvian Bridge with the incorporation of the Chi Rho symbol on the soldiers’ shields. In essence, Christ had met the gods of battle and defenders of Rome, Mars and Minerva, in conflict, and he defeated them utterly. As mentioned before, Constantine did not push the subject, but instead slowly associated the image of Christ with that of Sol Invictus, a figure to which the Romans could still relate. Sol Invictus, the sun god, was comparable to Christ on multiple levels. For example, in the New Testament, Christ refers to himself as “the light of the world,” (KJV John 8:12) and Old Testament prophecies call him “the Sun of righteousness” (Malachi 4:2). This relation to Sol was also affected by the similarities both Sol and Christ shared with Apollo. Apollo was the only god that was adapted directly from Greek mythology, as the Romans at the time, had no equivalent. He was

5 Allan Hoey, “Official Policy towards Oriental Cults in the Roman Army,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 70 (1939): 470, http://www.jstor.org/stable/283102.

closely connected to the sun, but he was also known as the god of healing.6 Christ and

Apollo were both sons of a higher being, and both brought light and healing to the world of man. The rest of the verse mentioned earlier states, “But unto you that fear my name shall the Sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings” (Malachi 4:2). Likewise, the New Testament gospels are filled with stories of Christ’s healing abilities. The radiating statue of Sol/Constantine/Christ has already been discussed in the introduction, but it is important to note that the association of Christ and Sol to one another actually predates Constantine. In the necropolis under St. Peter’s, a mid-third- century mosaic showing Christ’s relation to Sol is intact in one of the vaults (Fig. 2-1).

Positioned in the center of the ceiling, the Christos-Sol appears again with radiating beams surrounding his head, but this time the rays form the symbol of the cross. The cross marks the image clearly as a triumphant Christ, but is still relatable to Sol and

Apollo with the inclusion of the beams extending from the figure’s head and the chariot with which all three figures are associated.7 This image likely draws from representations of Helios-Sol as Sunday, as in floor mosaics such as Sol as Sunday. 3rd century, found at the, Villa at Orbe-Bosceaz in Orbe, Switzerland (Fig. 2-2). This

Imperial mosaic shows the combination of these two gods, Helios and Sol, driving a quadriga. While the later image of Christ includes the extended nebula, the resemblance between the two images is unmistakable. The god Helios is the Greek equivalent to the Roman god Sol and equally fits into this discussion of Christ as a ruler

6 “Apollo," Oxford Reference, accessed January 11, 2016, http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195156690.001.0001/acref-9780195156690-e- 110?rskey=pbQMmr&result=1.

7 John Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979),19.

of light. Helios, just like Sol, is seen in close association with Apollo as he too is the god who controls the sun, and is often used interchangeably with Sol Invictus. Dean Miller refers to Helios as “the creator of all life,” in his book Imperial Constantinople, and recalls that during January and February, Constantine would dress as Helios in ceremonial rituals at the Hippodrome.8 As Sol/Helios was being replaced by Christ in the funerary elements, Constantine, who had previously aligned himself with the solar deities, cautiously began to transfer his association from the pagan gods to the

Christian one. By continuing to parade around in the guise of Helios, but continuing to approve Christian building programs, Constantine showed his alliance to the Christian

Savior and laid the reins of the Empire in Christ’s hands.

Salvation Gods

During the early fourth century, Christ assumed the role of Dionysos or Bacchus, the god of wine. Also known as a god of salvation, Dionysos’ saving powers and his rituals were realized in Christ by the new believers. The salvific aspects of the cult of

Dionysos made its iconography particularly appropriate for funerary monuments.9

Dionysos, like Christ, promised his followers an eternal life after death that was free from pain.10 It is unlikely that Christians saw Christ as a new interpretation of an old

Dionysos, but rather realized that a format for showing salvation and a blessed afterlife already existed. Several elements that were closely associated with Dionysos, such as

8 Dean Miller, Imperial Constantinople, (New York: Wiley, 1969), 127.

9 Richard Brilliant, “The Classical Realm” in Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art & Princeton University Press, 1979), 128.

10 Martin Nilsson, “The Bacchic Mysteries of the Roman Age,” The Harvard Theological Review 46 (1953): 184, accessed January 12, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1508384.

“the vine, the kantharos, and vintage scene,” were adopted by the new religion.11

Noticing the floral ceiling and wall designs on the tombs under St. Peter’s, John

Beckwith states, “the luxuriant vine of Dionysos has become the True Vine of Christ,”12

(see the vine surrounding Christ in Fig. 2-1). The New Testament scriptures reference the first miracle of Christ in which he turned water into wine at the wedding feast in

Cana (John 2:1-11); however, the use of the grape leaves in early Christian art is more plausible when referencing a later teaching from Christ. “I am the vine, ye are the branches: He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit: for without me ye can do nothing,” (John 15:5). The multitude of grape leaves that decorate the early Christian tombs are given explicit meaning indicating that the Christians wanted to leave a testimony and convert someone else to Christianity, or bring forth fruit. An example of these vine leaves is shown at the mausoleum of Constantine’s daughter(s), Constantia and Helena, the latter of which was married to Julian the

Apostate (Fig. 2-3.) Not only do these leaves spread across the ceiling mosaics around a beautiful image of one of the two daughters, they also adorn one of the sarcophagi

(Fig. 2-4). While it is unclear today which sarcophagus held which sister, it is evident that the more “Christian” imagery was intended for ambiguity which begs the questions if Julian was the patron. If so, he may have wanted to honor Constantia’s wishes while still adhering to more traditional imagery that could be read as either pagan or Christian.

Made from porphyry, a stone reserved for royalty, the coffin enlists secular and religious themes much like the rest of the mausoleum. The pair of peacocks represents the

11 Kurt Weitzmann, “The Late Roman World,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 35 (1977): 4, accessed January 12, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3259887.

12 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 19.

resurrection and eternal life while the lamb symbolizes the sacrifice of Christ upon the cross. The masks that adorn the lid are called Dionysiac faces, and refer back to the god of wine.13 Beckworth does not dwell on this distinction, but it is clear that the motifs of Christ, peacocks and lambs, are intertwined with the symbols of Dionysos. The use of these objects tell us that either the early Christians saw Dionysos’ responsibilities, such as ensuring a pleasant afterlife, as a part of Christ’s duties, or it could only mean that

Constantia, or Helena, was not fully committed to Christianity at the time of her death. If it were the first interpretation than the Christians were not only replacing a Pagan god with a new god, but were attempting to show nonbelievers that Christ could fulfill and exceed the requirements expected of Dionysos.

The Shepherd

A rather specific representation of Christ falls under the guise of the Good

Shepherd. Traditionally, the images we see of the young man holding a sheep across his shoulders are likely ones of Orpheus. A follower of Dionysos, Orpheus was a poet and musician much like the Old Testament king, David.14 Take for example the wall painting of Orpheus and the animals found in the Catacomb of Domitilla (Fig. 2-5). If you are familiar with images of the Good Shepherd, you might argue that this image is what you are seeing. And truthfully, the Christians borrowed heavily from this Pagan imagery.

In the Catacomb of Marcellinus and Peter, the tomb that holds both Christian and pagan paintings, Orpheus appears with his lyre (Fig. 2-6). According to Jas Elsner, because of the surrounding imagery such as Peter and Daniel, viewers would have likely “de-

13 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 27-30.

14 Allan and Maitland, Titans and Olympians: Greek & Roman Myth, 12.

paganized” this image of Orpheus, and instead interpreted him as a representation of

Christ.15 Why Elsner attributes this shepherd to Orpheus and not the image of King

David is a mystery as David too was known to play the lyre to sooth his sheep. With the surrounding images, of Peter and Daniel, this image being David, who is often known to represent or be the precursor of Christ, is likely. However, it makes my point that the two images were easily interchangeable, and still allows for ambiguity for scholars to debate. The Vatican’s website clarifies this dilemma in its description of a similar image in the Catacombs of Priscilla, it states, “the model is taken from pagan culture,”16 (Fig.

2-7). Clearly many early Christian images were modeled after pagan images, and the idea of Orpheus as a shepherd had to stem from the many images of him surrounded by animals. This symbol of Orpheus was often used to indicate pietas.17 Beckwith agrees that these images of shepherds were a common sight in pagan decor as they glorified nature and indicated the good life that was represented in bucolic poetry. He, too, agrees that this was an element that was transferred quite easily to Christianity.18

The Christians took his image of a man surrounded by his flock and related it to the scripture, “I am the good shepherd: the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep,”

(John 10:11).

15 Jas Elsner, “Archaeologies and Agendas,” 117.

16 La Santa Sede, “The Christian Catacombs,” vatican.va, http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_commissions/archeo/inglese/documents/rc_com_archeo_do c_20011010_cataccrist_en.html - Pastore (accessed September 13, 2015).

17 André Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 11.

18 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 21.

Heroic and Anti-Heroic Figures

As mentioned by Richard Brilliant in the chapter, “The Classical Realm,” Christ was also seen as an analog of Greek heroes. Just as Achilles died during the heat of battle, and Hercules was resurrected in the celestial world, Christ was seen as an analog of each as he also died triumphantly, returned to earth and then proceeded to ascend to the world beyond. Like Achilles who was destined to live a life that was short and glorious life or long and unremarkable/unremembered, Christ is seen as the

“suffering hero.” Brilliant sees Hercules as the best example for this relation. Hercules, like Christ, was the son of a mortal and a god. While on earth, Hercules was the most powerful man, and could accomplish the impossible. As a young child, he faced potential death from Hera, just as Christ did from Herod, the ruler of Judea. Someone close to them betrayed both leading to their deaths. Additionally, Hercules was seen as one as who could soften death’s blow as he could accompany mortals through Hades’ gate, and, at times, rescue the lost.19 This idea resonates in the Christian story of

Christ's descent to hell and return, victorious over death (Revelations 1:18). Both

Hercules and Christ were seen as half-men, half-gods, and embodied a higher power with which they could intercede on behalf of mortals. Grabar gives the example of the catacombs of the Via Latina, which show Hercules, and those whom he assisted. By leading Alcestis to her husband, Hercules displays his ability to navigate the unknown realm of death. Likewise, Christ brings Lazarus back from death’s shadows. These

19 Richard Brilliant, “The Classical Realm” in Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art & Princeton University Press, 1979), 128.

stories are not always indicative of deliverance from death, but also show divine intervention at a time of crisis.20

While we have looked at several interesting aspects of myths that relate closely to the Christian ideals of Christ, some myths assimilated to Christ are quite unexpected.

The image of Bellerophon, a murderer, demonstrated that even the outcast could defeat evil and rise again. Christians quickly latched onto this idea as Christ was not always favored, but still defeated the enemy. When looking at these conversions of mythology to Christianity, Brilliant applies an odd hypothesis to adaptation of the myth of Zeus and

Europa. Zeus transformed himself into a bull in order to trick Europa and take her away from her friends so he could take advantage of her. Although this seems quite shocking to relate to Christ, Brilliant does so rather cleverly. He indicates that the transformed bull can be seen as the transformation of the spirit of Christ who captures the church’s soul

(Europa). He mentions this story in connection to a fourth-fifth century plaque from

Egypt that shows a female sitting atop a rather peaceful looking bull, (Fig. 2-8). Due its late date, Brilliant argues, “the rape of Europa… may have come to stand more for the rapture of the soul by deity than the erotic possession of the body.”21 While it is plausible, that the plaque solely refers to the ancient myth, Brilliant’s point is one to note.

20 Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, 15.

21 Brilliant, “The Classical Realm” in Age of Spirituality, 129, 168.

Ritual Roles

Christ also took over the role of blessing and performing marriages. A role that was in antiquity assigned to Juno, Sol Invictus, Hercules, or Cupid and Venus was soon assigned to Christ. Not surprisingly, the ideal state of marriage, Concordia, was personified and acted as a witness for marriage as the couples clasped hands. These types of images were common before Christ and generally always consisted of a trio, with the exception of those in which Cupid appeared with Venus. Ernst Kantorowicz gives a prime example of these trios in his essay, “On the Golden Marriage Belt and the

Marriage Rings of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection.” He begins with an example that shows the marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina the younger (Fig. 2-9). Concordia, who places her hands on their shoulders, joins them. Kantorowicz tells us that in 450, a wedding solidus was produced with Christ in place of these pagan deities (Fig. 2-10).

The only recognizable change, other than the inscription, is the “crossed halo of the pronubus.” The dress of the bridal couple remains the same, and they still wear diadems while the deity wears the current imperial style.22 It is obvious that Christ has replaced his pagan predecessors and is now the benefactor of marriage. This attribution echoes throughout the wider realm as Christ is seen as the joiner of earth and heaven.

Clearly, the patrons of the church of Santa Croce in Ravenna had this idea in mind when they inscribed cuncti concordia mundi next to an image of Christ proclaiming that he is the Concord or harmony of the whole world.23 Kantorowicz gives several more

22 Ernst Kantorowicz, “On the Golden Marriage Belt and the Marriage Rings of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 14 (1960): 5-8, accessed July 14, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1291142.

23 Santa, the Italian word meaning Saint, will be abbreviated as S. in further descriptions with Saints being abbreviated as SS.

examples of Christ as Concordia, including sarcophagus reliefs. Regardless, it can be said that a personified Concordia was no longer able to give marriage blessings alone, but instead was now seen as a gift from God.24

Understanding these Roles

But why did Christian images begin to appear, almost suddenly after two hundred years of Christian worship? Already mentioned in the introduction was Kitzinger’s opinion as to why New Testament imagery did not exist before 200–decay and concerns of idolatry.25 Jewish art, upon which early Christian art was largely based, did not begin until the reign of Septimius Severus. With no precedence to base Christian imagery, artists only had the Pagan images to copy, but with the introduction of Jewish art, Christian images began to emerge more rapidly. After the Old Testament prophet

Moses destroyed the golden calf that the Hebrews had built in the desert, the Jewish people abstained from sacred images, and this aniconism carried over into the Christian community. One of the earliest known examples of Jewish art is at the synagogue of

Capernaum in Galilee, which, according to Grabar, shows symbolic reliefs.26 These reliefs range from images of the Star of David enveloped by intricate designs to representations of the Ark of the Covenant (Fig. 2-11, 2-12). However, in contrast with

Christianity, Judaism began producing more and more figurative art due to the legalization of the Jewish religion in the Roman Empire at the beginning of the third century. Synagogues and other Jewish sites became more visible as the demand for images increased. However, even though Christianity was still not recognized and

24 Ibid, 8-9.

25 Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making, 19.

26 Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, 23-25.

accepted before 250 had arrived, Christian art had blossomed in the East at Dura

Europos as well in the West in Provence. The images produced in the extremities of the

Roman Empire had similar themes that often times depicted the Good Shepherd.27

Grabar argues that Christian and Jewish imagery began as a way to differentiate their beliefs from not only the Pagan ideals, but also each other. Both religions produced symbols that were easily “reproduced [and] isolated, in any location…” in order to show that a building was reserved for Christian or Jewish worship.28 Christianity, the newer of the two religions, looked to the Jewish symbols, like the Star of David, and produced their own symbols that were solely indicative of the Christian faith. The symbols that came to represent the Christian faith were the fish (ICHTHYS), the letters Alpha (A) and

Omega (Ω), the dove, and the lamb, as well as many others.29 Elsner adds that certain symbols, like the cross or the fish, were used often enough in Christian art to tell the story of the crucifixion or to illustrate how to be fishers of men that particular tokens became strictly affiliated with Christianity.30 Additionally, scholars have looked to the

Paedagogos written by Clement of Alexandria, an early philosopher, for clarity concerning early symbols. Clement, writing between 185 and 215, outlines the symbols that should be used on signet rings especially by Christian men. James Francis interprets the Paedagogos as saying that the image of a fish on a signet ring did not mean that the man was a fisher at all, but instead the fish was again meant to remind

27 Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, 22.

28 Ibid, 23-25. The Jewish symbols that Grabar mentions are “the seven-branched candlestick of the Temple, the star, the crown, and also the eagle, several quadrupeds, and the palms of paradise.”

29 Ibid, 24.

30 Elsner, “Archaeologies and Agendas,” 125.

the individual of their duty to Christ. After all, he argues, a fisherman would not have the need of a signet ring.31 Francis argues that the Paedagogos reveals to us the mind of “a leading Christian thinker” and the importance of reading images that influenced the rise in New Testament art.32 These symbols continued to increase in number and evolve, and finally led to a more established form of Christian art.

Depending on the viewer, these symbols could be interpreted differently. They could be seen as literal images, such as a fish being simply a fish, or as symbolic. While fish were adopted by the Christian faith, it is imperative to remember that fish were not only used by Christians.33 The image found in the Catacomb of Priscilla of two fish on either side of an anchor can be looked at from different points of view (Fig. 2-13). The image could be read as the sign that the family business deals with aquatics, or in terms that are more allegorical it could represent a Christian background. Lois Drewer asserts that fish were a symbol of Christian souls that were captured by the fisherman who, like the shepherd, is a symbol of salvation.34 A fish could also be interpreted metonymically and metaphorically as the Greek term, ICHTHYS, which was an acronym for “Jesus

Christ, Son of God, Savior.” However, contingent upon the background of the viewer and the inclusion of additional Biblical imagery, if the observer was not Christian then

31 James Francis, “Clement of Alexandria on Signet Rings: Reading an Image at the Dawn of Christian Art,” Classical Philology 98, no. 2 (2003): 179-180, accessed June 8, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/381372.

32 Ibid, 183.

33 Robin Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, (New York: Routledge, 2000), 47.

34 Lois Drewer, “Fisherman and Fish Pond: From the Sea of Sin to the Living Waters,” The Art Bulletin 63 (1981): 33-35, accessed January 23, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3050162.

they could just as easily interpret the image as a general Maritime theme.35 By the time of the Byzantine Empire in the sixth-century, these symbols had impacted the world so greatly that each image had a specific role in relaying the spiritual realm. For example,

Elsner states, “the emperor was an image of Christ, the state of the divine economy, and the good Christian life of the lives of the saints.”36 Therefore, not only did the images convey the divine, every aspect of life did as well.37

By looking at these early symbols, we see that the Christians used them to indicate a specific message especially to other believers. The anchor, especially like the one shown in Fig 2-13, spread the message of hope.38 Jensen states that the anchor is the “hope in salvation–a salvation represented by the cross.”39 Indeed, the anchor certainly recalls the standard image for the cross of crucifixion. Each representation discussed thus far, would have reminded the (Christian) viewer of a message. By placing Christ in the role of the solar deities, the Christians showed that he brought healing and life to those who served him. When Constantine used his symbol, the Chi-

Rho, the symbol offered protection for Constantine’s army. When used with the symbolism of the god of wine, Christ offered salvation through his own spilled blood that was represented at the Last Supper when he offered wine to his apostles in

35 Jas Elsner, Art and The Roman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 2-3. For more information on Maritime themes see Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 48.

36 Elsner, Art and The Roman Viewer, 9.

37 Ibid, 9.

38 Charles Kennedy, “Early Christians and the Anchor,” The Biblical Archaeologist 38 (1975): 116, accessed September 13, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3209591.

39 Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 140.

remembrance of him. The image of Orpheus, or the Good Shepherd, reminded

Christians to be devout, and served as a reminder of God’s role in caring for his flock. In the guise of a pronubus, Christ brought peace and harmony to souls and nations. Other images, like those of Zeus and Europa, reminded the Christians to open their souls to

God so that he can enrapture their souls. However, these symbols and Christ’s relation to pagan deities continued to grow in popularity, and the emperors soon discovered that coupling themselves with Christ, the new source of power, would reinforce their own authority.

The Olympian gods were not the only deities of the Roman pantheon, and the ability to prove a connection with a supreme being served as a launching point for many careers. Before Constantine, the emperors of the Roman Republic were often even divinized. While most were only recorded as a divine being after their death, a few were divinized even before by exploiting their supposed genealogy. This idea began as early as the fourth century BCE with the Macedonian king, Alexander. He was one of the first divine humans documented and his divinity came from his acclaimed ancestry in Zeus himself.40 The next well-known documentation was in 194 BCE, when T. Quinctius

Flamininus’s face was struck on a coin in Greece, and the barrier between calling the living divine and showing it was broken as no other living being had been placed on money.41 While this was still not common practice in Rome, the association of leaders to gods became more widespread towards the end of the Republic. Even so, the first living

40 D. G. Hogarth, The Deification of Alexander the Great,” The English Historical Review 6 (1887): 317, 321, accessed September 13, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/546481.

41 R. A. G. Carson, “The Gold Stater of Flamininus,” The British Museum Quarterly 20 (1955): 12, accessed September 13, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4422504.

man to place his portrait on coinage in Rome was Julius Caesar, the first man to become a deity while alive in Rome’s eyes. Throughout his life, he claimed a lineage to the goddess Venus through her demigod son, Aeneas.42 It is from around this time that we find sources of the Roman triumphs that recall how a slave would stand behind the triumphator and constantly whisper a reminder that he was only a man.43 Upon his death, the senate finally capitulated and honored Caesar with deification, although most of Rome referred to him as such beforehand.44 Thus the trend had begun, and now future leaders could call themselves divine, and would not be looked upon with horror at their egotistic relationship with a god.

While Chapter 3 will take a closer look at those emperors who equated themselves with Christ, I still, for a moment, want to discuss why emperors choose to be displayed as god. The history of Rome begins with Romulus and Remus, sons of Mars.

After the establishment of Rome, many of the successive rulers attempted to find a connection to this divine lineage in order to strengthen their own ties to vindicate their position of power. What a powerful force to be reckoned with, is a nation that was born of the gods. In the case of Alexander, he did not equate himself with a god insomuch as he was viewed as one; however, this too has its benefits. He was seen as the

“champion of Hellas” and conqueror over other barbarians.45 Flamininus, too, received

42 Kleiner, A History of Roman Art, 58-59.

43 Larissa Warren, “Roman Triumphs and Etruscan Kings: The Changing Face of the Triumph,” The Journal of Roman Studies 60 (1970): 61, accessed September 14, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/299413.

44 Peter White, “Julius Caesar in Augustan Rome,” Phoenix 42 (1988): 340, accessed September, 13, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1088658.

45 Hogarth, The Deification of Alexander the Great,” 321.

divine honors, but was seen as a revered man instead of equating himself to a god. For

Flamininus, it is not recorded that he was descended from a divine inheritance, but he was seen as the “liberator of Greece,” and bringer of freedom to the Macedonians.46

While Alexander and Flamininus were from the East where ruler worship was always more prevalent, those in the West had greater difficultly being accepted as divine. In

Rome, Julius Caesar’s connection to Venus and his status of divinity was more widely discussed by the public. In the end however, the Romans felt that they were elevating the empire itself by honoring Caesar with divine rites. Peter White reminds us that this had never been done in Rome and that it was “an absolute departure from Roman custom.” White goes on to say that Augustus, Caesar’s adopted son, was able to mold the cult that followed the deified Caesar into the way that best fit his needs.47 The

Statue of Augustus at Prima Porta presents again this relation of man to god (Fig. 2-14).

The lack of shoes shows that the subject is either a god or hero, but the dolphin carrying

Cupid reminds the viewer of Augustus’s Julian ancestry. The Julian clan claimed to be descendants of the goddess Venus through the birth of her son Aeneas, the prince of

Troy. This image, like the radiating Sol/Constantine/Christ, is a political statement with its hand raised in address; however, the statue does not disguise itself as a deity itself, but instead embraces Augustus’ family history. Augustus points towards the heavens reminding us that his adopted father, Caesar, is now a defied spirit.48 The statue insists that Augustus comes from a long line of deities, and that he is the closest connection

46 Lily Taylor, “Tiberius’ Refusals of Divine Honors,” Transactions and proceedings of the American Philological Association 60 (1929): 88, accessed September 14, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/282811.

47 White, “Julius Caesar in Augustan Rome,” 355.

48 Elsner, Art and The Roman Viewer, 161-162.

that the earthly realm has to the immortal rulers. As such, Augustus’s statue at Prima

Porta represents the ancestral connection between the gods and mortals, and relates a message of unity between the leaders of Rome on earth and in the divine realm.

Additionally, the Cupid at the bottom of the statue indicates that Augustus could, and would, maintain order with help from his divine genealogy.49 Like his adopted father who had established order during his dictatorship, Augustus shows with the Prima Porta statue that he too has the strength, and the connections, to rule successfully.

This connection of gods and men became stronger, and eventually the earthly statues of deified men became the embodiment of the divine beings. Elsner shares the idea that the harming of an image of a man deemed to be a god was the same as transgressing against the divine himself. There was no separation between the image and the divine, and as a result, the image had to be treated with the same amount of respect as if the viewer was standing in the presence of the divine. In an effort to conserve authority, statue reverence was strictly kept within the confines of the Imperial family in Rome.50 In the shadow of this long history of mortals intertwined with gods,

Constantine, in the early fourth century, associated himself with Sol Invictus, and later

Christ. These assimilations not only granted glory to the emperor, but also served as a shield against those who would question his authority. Who indeed could challenge the savior of Rome when he had a personal connection to Christ, the one who had replaced the old gods and their powers? Interestingly, these men who aspired to these heights

49 Ibid, 166.

50 Ibid, 170.

are contrasted by Christ who left Heaven to become a man.51 Constantine even took this aspiration a step further when he built the Church of the Holy Apostles in

Constantinople. He desired to gather relics of the twelve apostles and entomb them surrounding the crossing. His original intent was to be buried in the center of the grouping, showing that he was the thirteenth apostle, and worthy of this great honor.

Elsner concludes this idea quite nicely when he writes:

As Constantine perceived, nothing could raise the status of the emperor as effectively as reducing him from a dives to a homo but simultaneously elevating him to homo with special access to the Divine–the thirteenth apostle.52

Effectively, the systems of the old ways were over. Christian art had taken what it needed from pagan and Jewish imagery, and was creating new ideals. The symbolisms that had progressed from a need to distinguish and communicate began a new trajectory of imagery that was acceptable. This posed a dilemma for the emperors who had once been gods themselves. It was no longer acceptable to equate oneself to the gods, and the emperors, beginning with Constantine, quickly discovered that the only way, the new way, to be accepted was to be a representative of the Christian Savior.

With direct access to Christ, and acting as his mouthpiece and mediator, the emperor could ensure that he was the closest being to the divine, and therefore received the highest honors.

51 Ibid, 177.

52 Ibid, 188.

Figure 2-1. Christ as Sol Salutis. c. 250-275 CE, Vault Mosaic, Mausoleum of the Julli, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://artstor.org (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-2. Sol as Sunday. 3rd century CE, Floor Mosaic, Villa at Orbe-Bosceaz, Orbe, Switzerland. Available from: Theoi, http://theoi.com/ (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-3. Santa Costanza: Bacchic Scene. mid. 4th century CE, North Ambulatory Vault Mosaic, Santa Constanza, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-4. Sarcophagus of Constantia. c. 354 CE, Porphyry, 2.26 m tall, Museo Pio- Clementino, Vatican City, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/(accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-5. Orpheus and the Animals. 3rd century CE, Mural Painting, Catacomb of Domitilla, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-6. Good Shepherd, Orants and the Story of Jonah. 4th century CE, Vault Mural, Catacomb of SS. Pietro e Marcellino, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-7. Good Shepherd. 3rd century CE, Vault Mural-Fresco, Catacomb of Priscilla, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-8. Europa on the Bull. 3rd century–4th century CE, Ivory, 5.9 x 5.1 cm. The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Maryland. Available from: The Walters Art Museum Online Collection, http://art.thewalters.org/detail/38847/europa-on- the-bull-2/ (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 2-9. Sestertius Showing the Marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina the younger (with Head of Marcus Aurelius (obverse)). 145-160 CE, Copper Alloy Coin, 23.87 grams. British Museum, London. Available from: The British Museum Online Collection, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_de tails.aspx?searchText=marcus%20coin%20faustina&ILINK|34484,| (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 2-10. Wedding Soildus Showing Christ. 450-457 CE, Gold, 22 mm. The Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery, University of Glasgow. Available from Hunterian Museum & Art Gallery Online Collections, http://http://www.huntsearch.gla.ac.uk/cgi- bin/foxweb/huntsearch/DetailedResults.fwx?collection=all&SearchTerm=3254 3&mdaCode=GLAHM (accessed January 22, 2016).

Figure 2-11. Decorative Details on the Synagogue of Capernaum, late 2nd or early 3rd century CE, Architectural surface element. Capernaum, Israel. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-12. Lintel Block with a Wagon, late 2nd or early 3rd century CE, Architectural surface element. Capernaum, Israel. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed January 12, 2016).

Figure 2-13. Catacomb of Priscilla-Tombstone with Fish and Anchor, late 2nd or early 3rd century CE, Sculpture. Via Salaria, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed January 23, 2016).

Figure 2-14. Augustus of Prima Porta, early first century CE copy of a bronze original of ca. 20 BCE, Marble Sculpture. Vatican Museum, Rome. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed January 24, 2016).

CHAPTER 3 THE IMAGE OF CHRIST

After the legalization of Christianity, visual expressions of the new faith blossomed. While it may be futile to argue the differences between Pagan, Jewish or

Christian artwork, many images stand out as strictly Christian. Of course, the dividing line between Jewish and Christian art was the inclusion of Christ, and the two religions often used particular scenes which strengthened the legitimacy of their faith. As already discussed, Christian art appropriated many Pagan programs and images as its own.

Christian images brought life to a variety of meanings by the different costumes that

Christ wore, actions that he completed, and symbols that were included in the imagery.

The combination of these elements with the placement of the images, whether it was a tomb or a church, allowed Christians to interpret these images in varying ways.

Additionally, the artwork changed slowly as the religion moved from minority status to a position of power for example, the change in costume from lowly shepherd to Ruler of the Universe shows how the Christian mindset changed and grew throughout the late third to the early sixth century. Christ’s costumes continue to be updated as he gains power signifying the importance of his dominant rule, and by the Byzantine Empire,

Christ emerges in expensive dress that mimics that of the emperor. The nonfigurative images that accompany Christ refine the meaning of the costumes and actions, and often correlate to pagan imagery. With the main audience being Christians, these symbols, such as the fish, allowed a secret understanding of the Christian faith with gentle reminders of the salvation, like the anchor, that Christ brings. Lastly, the placement and medium was an important aspect of Christian artwork. Whether placed in a catacomb or a Christian basilica, this artwork demanded an audience. While an

apse mosaic commanded more respect than a floor mosaic (placement), the medium required the same amount of veneration whether it be a carved wooden panel, a mosaic image, or a fresco painting. Through these variations, these images proved that they were more than just decorative art. The Christians strove to embed a sense of history through their relations with the Jewish and Pagan allusions, but the followers of Christ also created these pieces to remind and instruct the neophytes and catechumens of

Christ’s power.

The first emperor to have an image of Christ depicted was Alexander Severus,

222-235. He was not a Christian, but as mentioned earlier, acknowledged gods other than his own. While the statue is lost, we know of it due to a late fourth-century text, the

Historia Augusta.1 The author remarks that Alexander Severus had images of “Christ,

Abraham, Orpheus, and others of this same character and, besides, the portraits of his ancestors,” in his private sanctuary.2 Of course, the Baptistery at Dura Europos showed images of Christ even from 232 (Fig. 3-1). The wall paintings show Christ dressed in a chiton with full-length sleeves, and himation performing miracles, such as the healing of the paralytic. In these images, Christ has a beard and “thick” hair,3 but these images were depicted in the East. Important to remember here, is that early on, the image of

Christ was discouraged, due to the restrictions of the Old Testament and in an effort to

1 Margaret Frazer, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art & Princeton University Press, 1979), 513.

2 “The Life of Severus Alexander, 29, 2,” in Historia Augusta (Bill Thayer, Trans.). Loeb Classical Library, 1924, accessed February 2, 2016, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Severus_Alexander/2*.html.

3 Erich Dinkler, “Abbreviated Representations” in Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art & Princeton University Press, 1979), 404.

avoid pagan idolatry. When Constantia, Constantine’s sister, asked (likely before the death of Constantine) that the Bishop Eusebius send her a portrait of Christ, he refused, and St. Augustine, the philosopher and theologian of the later fourth century, was also adamant about restricting images of Christ. Again, this was in large part due to fear of idolatry, but St. Augustine and even Bishop Eusbius may have wanted to not draw attention to a contested religion during times of persecution.4 The next Imperial image depicting the Christian God was a coin struck shortly after Constantine’s death (Fig. 3-

2). On the front, the coin shows a veiled Constantine with the inscription reminding the citizens that the emperor was now divine; the back, however, shows an image of

Constantine on a quadriga with a hand reaching down to raise the deceased emperor to heaven.5 Although this motif of the ascending emperor had been used before, the gods were normally shown and not just a hand, indicating that the artist was either unsure how to present the image of Christ or was adhering to the idea of not presenting a graven image. Therefore, although the image for Christ had been established,

Constantine’s descendants were still ensuring that the image both followed the laws of the church elders, and could still possibly be openly interpreted as any deity. For those who knew the Old Testament text of 2 Kings Chapter 2, this image on the coin indicated more than just the hand of a deity reaching down accept Constantine. The text reads,

“And it came to pass, as they still went on, and talked, that, behold, there appeared a chariot of fire, and horses of fire, and parted them both asunder; and Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven.” The imagery on Constantine’s coin resounds this idea of the

4 Frazer, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 514.

5 Elizabeth Hartley et al., Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, (York: York Museums and Gallery Trust, 2006), 101-102.

heavens opening and the servant of God ascending to the afterlife without the pain of death.

Costumes

The costume or dress in which the artists show Christ indicate a specific message. Beckwith lists some descriptions of Christ in his book, Early Christian and

Byzantine Art. He describes Christ as having “a youthful appearance, beardless, comparatively short-hair,” (Fig. 3-3).6 Seated in the middle of his twelve apostles, Christ is elevated to show his importance, but the (humble) tunic shows that he is no different from the Roman viewer. Later, he describes a different image as “beardless, without a nimbus, seated on a globe and flanked by St. Peter and St. Paul…”7 Although he does not include the exact picture he is discussing, this description could just as easily be ascribed to the top central scene on the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus (Fig 3-4). A young beardless Christ represents his eternal youth, and reflects the style of the period while Peter and Paul are shown with their beards as a reminder of their wisdom in the faith. Christ holds a scroll in his left hand, indicating that he is a teacher, but his right hand is damaged. His foot rests on the head of Caelus, the personification of sky, which could also be interpreted as the heavens. The viewer would thus see this philosopher, or teacher, as having, not only knowledge of the divine, but also ruling over the sky.

When images begin to show Christ bearded in the later sixth century, as in the apse mosaic of St. Catherine’s at Sinai, they too follow the style of that time, and represent the wisdom that comes with age (Fig. 3-5). Likewise, the hairstyle and length follow the

6 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 31.

7 Ibid, 42.

style of the era. This image of transfiguration, with the gold sandals and hem, show this

Christ as a heavenly ruler placed by God himself. He presents the sign of blessing, which in this case is the third finger touched to the thumb to his apostles that are gathered around him (not pictured). The Christ transformed shows the church that while

God has proven Christ to be his son, through Christ, and his blessing, the faithful are accepted into the family of God. Due to the theological controversies of the transfiguration during the sixth century, this mosaic holds even more depth as the debate to whether Christ’s body “was glorified by the glory of his divinity” or “by laying aside of the human form of the body.”8 Either way the Christian viewer could interpret how Christ, in the flesh, was not that different from him or her as it is promised that the faithful will receive a new body in Heaven or the Christian could be so filled with God’s glory that the earthly body would be transformed.9 While the aforementioned globes and nimbuses (or lack thereof) may fall under the category of symbols, they too are a product of costume. The globe shows Christ’s global domination while the nimbus represents his holiness.

The image of Christ as the shepherd was a popular motif as it recalled the earlier version of Orpheus. One example is a figurine from Egypt carved during the third or fourth century (Fig. 3-6). The shepherd wears a Phrygian cap, which was generally reserved for figures from the East, and relates the images even more to Orpheus. The man wears a knee-length tunic wrapped around his right shoulder, and has embroidery around the hem. Three (four?) sheep accompany the shepherd, with one hoisted above

8 Andreas Andreopoulos, “Saint Catherine Monastery on Mount Sinai,” in Metamorphosis: The Transfiguration in Byzantine Theology and Iconography (New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2005), 133.

9 Ibid, 134.

his shoulders. This type of image, a man carrying a sheep, is called a criophoros, and serves to show how Christ is able to take care of his flock.10 Another one of these images of the Good Shepherd shows a man with no cap, but still wearing a belted knee- length tunic and holding a lamb across his shoulders (Fig. 3-7). He leans on a staff with the right hand and holds the lamb’s legs around his neck with the left. Attributed to the

Eastern Mediterranean, it shows that these figures were being made in the East as well as Northern Africa.11 Even though the images were made roughly around the same period, we can see the influences of the Romans attempting to make the image of

Christ’s Good Shepherd into a more Romanized image. The example from the East shows a more “Romanized” image of Christ where he does not wear the Phrygian cap and wears the t-shirt like tunic. The costume of the Good Shepherd resonates on many levels. Example from Biblical texts include Christ as the Good Shepherd rescuing the lost sheep (the unsaved), even dying for them, and the sheep, because of the animal sacrifice that was prominent during the Roman Empire, double to represent Christ’s sacrifice on the cross.12

While Christ is generally adorned in a tunic, pallium, and wearing a halo, however, it appears, at times, that He is not always a he (Fig. 3-8). Thomas Mathews makes this point and argues that Christ’s male qualities are often ambiguous. He credits this ambiguity to the idea that if Christ could not be seen as encompassing all (female

10 Hartley, Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, 225.

11 Dinkler, “Abbreviated Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 396.

12 “I am the good shepherd: the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep.” John 10:11; “The LORD is my shepherd; I shall not want.” Psalm 23:1; “But with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot,” 1 Peter 1:19; “The next day John saw Jesus coming toward him and said, "Look, the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world!” John 1:29.

and male), then he could not be the Savior that the world needed. Mathews writes of this in relation to images where the beardless man with long hair indicates an effeminate Christ. Those who surround Christ often have beards or short-trimmed hair which only exacerbates this effect. Regardless of this notion, Mathews is right in the fact that this hairstyle and lack of beard does set Christ apart from the others.13 Although

Emperors during the early Christian period would not have related themselves to this

Christ with long flowing hair, this hairstyle again recalled Apollo, the god of youth.

Apollo’s long hair indicated a ritual where adolescent males dedicated their locks of hair to show their coming of age.14 It is possible that these arguably feminized images of

Christ reiterated the idea of his “life-giving fecundity,” where Christians are born anew under his grace, and again are born again after death.15 However, showing Christ in this manner emphasizes his eternal being, which can be depicted by the youthful figure that is not quite a fully-grown man.

Roles of Christ

Christ assumed a great many number of roles in Christian artwork that extended far beyond a relationship with Sol Invictus. For instance, within the relief of the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, 359, Christ engages in many actions (Fig. 3-9). This one item shows ten different reliefs including New and Old Testament figures along with narrative and symbolic scenes. These scenes were meant to instruct and remind, as already mention, converts of Christ’s power both on earth and in the heavenly realm.

13 Thomas F. Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999) 121-124.

14 Ibid, 126-127.

15 Ibid, 135.

In the center image resting on the top, Christ is shown enthroned above Caelus, the Roman god of the sky (Fig. 3-4). Christ holds a scroll in his hand and two apostles stand on either side of him. This action shows the young Christ as ruler over all as he is trampling on the personification of a much older god who is shown with a beard. This image can be seen as a symbolical representation of Christ conquering the old gods and assuming their roles. Another image, on the wooden panel doors from Santa

Sabina in Rome, displays Christ as ruler of the heavens (Fig. 3-11). This image, from

432-440, shows Christ holding a large piece of parchment, and suspended in a wreath with the Alpha and Omega symbol.16 The four symbolic evangelists are present in the corners surrounding the wreath, and below, in a clearly separate field, we see two apostles with a female figure. This image has been deciphered many ways with some saying it is the Holy Spirit descending on the Virgin Mary, but the most agreed upon interpretation is the second coming of Christ who is returning to claim his bride, a personification of the church.

Multitudes of other symbolical scenes have already been discussed such as

Christ taking over the marriage scenes in the place of the emperor or Concordia

(Chapter 1). The first example that was presented was a wedding solidus from 450. On the solidus, two figures are joined together in matrimony by a figure wearing a “crossed halo.” This new halo is the only indication that the pagan gods are no longer the pronubus.17 The marriage documents, which had before been signed in front of the

16 Herbert Kessler, “Narrative Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 486-488.

17 Kantorowicz, “On the Golden Marriage Belt and the Marriage Rings,” 8.

emperor’s image, were no longer under the domain of the Imperial Power, but were instead signed in front of a bishop who represented Christ.18

Another symbolical image, a lamp found in North Africa, shows Christ triumphant upon his second coming (Fig. 3-15). Dating to the fifth century, this carving shows Christ with a cross-staff, halo, and standing between two angels. Four animals lie under his feet, as he is shown triumphant over them. This image of Christ comes directly from the book of Psalms, which names the four animals.19 Psalm 91:13 states, “Thou shalt tread upon the lion and adder: the young lion and the dragon shalt thou trample under feet.”

This image recalls the pagan ideal of victory where the emperor would crush the enemy.20 Examples of the Roman Emperor crushing the enemy still existed at that time like the bronze equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius. Although the enemy, the barbarian, is now missing, this too was a regular notion in the Roman world and appeared on many coins by multiple emperors. This connection of utterly crushing the enemy was borrowed from the Roman Emperors and displayed that Christ could not only defeat the earthly opposition, but also the hellish beasts sent to destroy the

Christian mind. Therefore, the role that Christ performed served to remind Christians, and new and perspective converts of his importance, not only to their daily life, but also in their spiritual and immortal lives.

While we could get lost in the submersion of symbolical images of Christ, I must return to the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. Many of the images of Christ are narrative, meaning they depict the actual life and activities that Christ undertook, and upon the

18 Ibid, 9.

19 Boyd, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 526.

20 Ibid, 526.

sarcophagus we see three narrative scenes of the Passion. On the right of the

Enthroned Christ with see two panels depicting Christ before Pilate, and below the

Enthroned Christ, we see Christ riding a donkey, recognized as the entry into Jerusalem shortly before his arrest. This scene of entry is typically called the adventus that recalls when the Roman emperor would enter the city.21 Some early examples are from coins during the reign of Hadrian. The first coin shows the emperor being welcomed by the provincial personifications, while other coinage shows the Egyptian gods, Sarapis and

Isis greeting Hadrian and his wife Sabina (Fig. 3-10). While it may seem unusual for the gods to treat the imperial couple as equals, Ernst Kantorowicz attributes this to the idea of “throne-sharing” during the Hellenistic age.22 This culture that accepted that the gods would leave the city to welcome in the Imperial Ruler, were paving a path for the emperor to relate himself to Christ.

The remaining two New Testament scenes include Peter’s arrest (top row, second panel) and Paul’s arrest (bottom row, last panel). These scenes visually relate to the arrest of Christ and are meant to invoke the reminder that, as a Christian, one must be willing to sacrifice his own earthly life in order to achieve an eternal life.

Additionally, the Old Testament panels are scenes of sacrifice and remind the viewer of

Christ’s own sacrifice and the trails which he or she might have to undergo such as

Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac, Job’s sacrifice of everything he owned, and Daniel, who refused to stop praying and hence risked his own life. The only panel that does show a sacrifice is that of Adam and Eve, although one might argue that the loss of Eden was a

21 Susan Boyd, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 527.

22 Ernst Kantorowicz, “The King’s Advent: and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina,” The Art Bulletin 26 (1944): 213, accessed July 14, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3046963.

cost; however, it is more likely that this image is meant to remind the viewer of why

Christ had to become the ultimate sacrifice. These Old Testament images (and those of

Peter and Paul) might too be seen as symbolic of the actions of Christ, yet they must be considered a symbolic narrative as they too tell a story.

What is clearly missing from the Junius Bassus sarcophagus are scenes of miracles. A wall painting in the Catacomb of SS. Marcellinus and Peter, from ca. 425-

450, shows an image of Christ with the woman with the issue of blood (Fig. 3-12).

Drawing directly from the Biblical scene, the woman touches the hem of his garment while attempting to remain out of sight. Christ twists his body to look towards her while reaching out his hand. This gesture is called by Dinkler “a gesture of speech,” however, it much more reminiscent of the emperor reaching out his hand in order to accept the pleas of a defeated enemy. Dinkler includes this idea when looking at the whole scene

(first figure kneeling, second reaching out his hand), and recalls the idea of “restitutor provinciae,” which resonates the promise that Christ will restore the Empire to its former glory. Christ wears a white tunic with a pallium, wears no shoes, and has short hair. It is likely this tomb belonged to a female because of the many other female images such as the Samaritan woman, and the healing of the bent woman.23

The images of Christ had slightly changed by 450-460 as displayed on the

Andrews diptych (Fig 3-13). These panels show different images of Christ’s miracles.

The typical images are present which include the resurrection of Lazarus, the turning of water into wine, cleansing of the leper, the blessing of the loaves and fishes, healing of

23 Dinkler, “Abbreviated Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 439.

the blind man, and healing of the paralytic.24 Christ appears in each of these images with a tunic, pallium, scroll and halo surrounding his head. However, in these images he wears sandals and has long braids. In two of the images, he holds the rod while in the rest he gestures the sign of blessing with his right hand. In the blessing of the loaves and fish, Christ sits enthroned atop the loaves of bread. Susan Boyd states that the long

-haired Christ is not seen as often as the youthful Savior, but it presages the popular version of Christ Pantocrator.25

The fifth century image of Christ presenting his sign of blessing within a narrative scene developed into the iconic portrait of Christ Pantocrator by the mid-sixth century.

The most well preserved example is the Icon found at Mt. Sinai in the Monastery of St.

Catherine (Fig. 3-14). Christ is now facing frontally with his gaze capturing that of the onlooker. His smooth face now has a short beard and his hair appears to be tied at his nape, regardless he still appears quite youthful. His right hand is raised in blessing and he holds a large jeweled book in his left, either the Gospels or the Book of Life. The tunic and himation he wears are dark purple indicating his status. Behind his head, a gold nimbus holds a cross within it. It is possible that this image was made during the reign of Justinian I and survived iconoclasm.26

The roles that Christ was given varied quite widely although they served as a means to connect the individual to the Savior–Christ as man’s healer, Christ as man’s precursor to sacrifice, and Christ as man’s savior. These images continued to change well into the Byzantine period and evolved into the portrait icons that the iconoclasts

24 Kessler, “Narrative Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 500-501.

25 Boyd, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 514.

26 Ibid, 528.

saw as idols. However, through these many years leading up to the mid-sixth century,

Christ’s image was used symbolically to elicit certain idea such as power over the old gods, and narratively to remind individuals of his role as a man. His images began to invoke devotional rituals as they reminded the Christians of his return (Santa Sabina), and marked strong beliefs within the Christian doctrine such as ruler of the universe.

Beckwith adds to Christ’s many actives that:

Christ was seen as a sun-god, a fisher of souls, a shepherd, and a law- giver. At Milan in the chapel of S. Aquilino in S. Lorenzo Christ is revealed as a teacher in a college of Apostles with a basket of schools in front of Him… Clement of Alexandria had referred to Christ as the bringer of a new and purer knowledge of God; for Tertullian Christ is ‘magister, perfects magister’ who comes [to reform and bring disciple], and law giver — [to legally prepare our law for the Gospel].27

Indeed, Christ was assigned a variety of roles, each of which added to his power and influence. His responsibilities were malleable in that he was able to assume the roles of other gods while extending far beyond their abilities and assuming the role of a relatable representative.

Attributes

The symbols that are shown with images of Christ help scholars determine if the image is indeed Christ, the emperor, or a pagan god. In a floor mosaic from the middle of the fourth century, we see a man wearing heavy drapery and featuring a shaved face

(Fig. 3-16). A Chi Rho symbol extends from his head and a large pomegranate sits on either side. The man could be mistaken for the emperor who supports Christianity by displaying his faith by incorporating the Chi Rho symbol, however, combined with the pomegranates and their symbolism of everlasting life, which only Christ can grant,

27 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 31. Latin translated by Google Translate.

indicate that this is indeed an image of Christ.28 The most common suggestion, other than Christ, is that of Constantine because of the cleft chin, which so vividly reminds viewers of the colossal portrait head found in the Basilica Nova. The Chi Rho symbol, which was used by Constantine at the Milvian Bridge, was the Greek symbol for

“Christ," and by this time was used to denote both Constantine and Christ.29 While this uncertainty might be troubling for some, it only goes to show the ambiguity between the emperor and Christ. Again, we saw this cross between pagan and Christian imagery as the four corners depict images of what some call the winds, but which could just as easily be seen as the four evangelists.30 Either way, the Hinton St Mary mosaic without the pomegranates and the Chi Rho symbol would be seen as pagan, but these symbols mark the image as Christian.

Scrolls

Christ is often shown holding a scroll, which indicates that he is the philosopher of the True Doctrine (see Figs. 3-4, 3-8, 3-11). This too was an ancient tradition carried over from pagan beliefs where the philosophers who studied pagan reasoning were pictured with a scroll to show their wisdom.31 Beckwith states that the scroll that Christ is holding indicates that he is ‘dominus ecclesiae,’ or Lord of the Church.32 Another item that he often holds is the Book of Life or the Gospels, which show respectively that he is

28 Hartley, Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, 204.

29 Susan Pearce, “The Hinton St Mary Mosaic Pavement: Christ or Emperor?,” Britannia 39 (2008): 197, 203, accessed February 9, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27793196.

30 Ibid, 208.

31 James Carder, “Iconic Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 524.

32 Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, 33. Translated by Google Translate.

judge of humankind or the author of the New Testament (see Fig. 3-14). Additionally,

Kessler points out that the Christian textual scripture was unique in that neither the

Greek nor the Roman religions had a written text that told the history of the religion as well as instructions on how to live while on earth.33 The Christian church showed their pride in their scriptural writings by including the Gospels in the arms of Christ.

Nevertheless, they also, interpreted the actual image of Christ as the Word of God. This idea was called Christ as Logos, and comes from the scripture, “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God,” (KJV John 1:1). Thus when Christ was sent to earth, he became the embodiment of Word of God on earth.

Thrones

A sixth century chest displays an enthroned figure of Christ. The throne is a lion with his back serving as the seat and armrest while a lyre serves as the back (Fig. 3-

17).34 The figure’s face is badly damaged so it is impossible to tell if he served as a personification of the emperor as well, but we can see that he has hair that just covers his ears. Jane Hawkes admits that this figure is only read as Christ because he sits upon a throne and is surrounded by others, but again, we are faced with the question of whether this ambiguity is intentional. The tunic that he wears is full-length with a distinct separation of garment and hem. A loros (scarf) drapes over his left shoulder and he holds a ewer, or a vase.35 This throne was often times substituted with a globe which indicated that he was the ruler and judge of all mankind.36 Upon further inspection, the

33 Kessler, “Narrative Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 449.

34 Hartley, Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, 227.

35 Ibid.

36 Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 150.

details show Canthari, a Roman form of a Grecian drinking cup associated with

Dionysus, decorating the spandrels of the columns. These vessels, along with the items

(cloth purse, jar, bowl, and scroll) that the other figures are holding indicate that this chest was used during baptisms likely to hold water.37 This further illuminates the item that the enthroned figure is holding as it too could be used in the ritual of baptism, however it recalls the many images of Roman emperors with a small vessel used to pour libations in honor of a deity.

Crowns

The crowns and wreaths Christ occasionally wears demonstrate an association with imperial ceremonies. In order to advance his thesis that the image of Christ was not borrowed from the Imperial repertoire, Mathews clarifies that these are different from the band of material called a diadem, but were instead wreaths made with golden leaves.38

However, emperors did not only wear diadems, but they also wore the latter. Different forms of headwear were present in many types of ancient artwork including those scenes of concordia and apotheosis. Wreaths and diadems likewise were used to distinguish heroes and victors, even those of athletic events. In David Smart’s study,

"Late Roman Imperial Headdress,” he points out that Pliny wrote that only gods were given wreaths in antiquity. He goes on to say that worshippers would also wear wreaths in order to seek divine intervention. Although Smart does not make this connection, it could be that the emperors began wearing wreaths as a way to show that the gods were speaking directly to them. Smart claims that the first emperor who wore a laurel wreath

37 Hartley, Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, 227.

38 These types of crowns are also found in royal Macedonian tombs like that of Philip II.

was Julius Caesar–a man who claimed to be descended from Jupiter himself.39

Mathews strengthens this bond of those wore crowns by stating that crowns were a major incorporation of religious ceremonies as well where crowned individuals made sacrifices to crowned deities while wreaths decorated the altars. For Christians, the crowns symbolized receiving everlasting life, or a reward for their deeds.40 Yet these headpieces were not an attribute that were unique to Christ; even the radiating “halo” that surrounds Christ head is borrowed from the radiating crown of Helios.41

Staffs

Several scholars have mentioned Christ’s use of what appears to be a wand. Lee

Jefferson documents that many early texts reference the virga or staff in accordance with power. He recalls that this was used in the 23 Psalm when it states, “Your rod and your staff, they comfort me.” While there is not much difference in translation between

“staff,” “wand,” or “rod,” the rod that Moses uses to part the Red Sea was compared by

St. Augustine to the powerful words that Christ has used.42 A plaque from a loculus tomb shows the resurrection of Lazarus, 290-300 (Fig. 3-18). Christ appears as a young philosopher holding a scroll and a staff. With the staff, Christ touches the shrouded corpse’s feet. Dinkler suggests that this dress indicates that, “Christian faith is the true philosophy.”43 While the deceased could in fact be Lazarus, the scene could just as

39 David Smart, "Late Roman Imperial Headdress," UMI Dissertations Publishing (1995), 13-17, accessed July 5, 2015, http://search.proquest.com/docview/304170448?pq-origsite=summon&accountid=10920.

40 Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 161-164.

41 Smart, "Late Roman Imperial Headdress,” 21.

42 Lee Jefferson, Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art, (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014), 156.

43 Dinkler, “Abbreviated Representations” in Age of Spirituality, 412.

easily be the raising of the daughter of Jairus or the son of the widow of Nain.44 Thomas

Mathews however attributes the wand to artistic freedom, and ignores the scriptural evidence. He strongly focuses on the point that the object has magical powers, and was used to promote the relationship between the old and new gods.45 Contrasting

Mathews’ opinion, Jefferson argues that these images would recall the story of Moses hitting his staff against a rock, or prove that Christ’s powers worked over those of

Roman gods like Asclepius who carried a rod like Moses and healed the sick like

Christ.46

Sheep

Sheep, too, were a symbol that had transferred along with the image of the shepherd. Often times when sheep were shown in pagan images, they symbolized the pagan ritual of sacrifice, the bountiful wool that the owner possessed, and the amount of money they could receive because of the wool. However, in the Christian context a single sheep is symbolic as the Son of God, the ultimate sacrifice, while groups of sheep generally indicted the followers of Christ whom the Good Shepherd protects.47

Christ often time disappeared and was replaced with an image of the cross. Generally positioned in the sky, the cross represents a transformed Christ into his heavenly realm or the second coming to reclaim his church.48 Again, these images, which showed

44 For Jairus’ daughter see Mark 5:21-43. For son of the widow of Nain see Luke 7:11-17.

45 Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 54, 66.

46 Jefferson, Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art, Chapter 1, Introduction.

47 Elsner, Art and the Roman Viewer, 190.

48 Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 153, (Cross in Starry Sky, Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, Ravenna, mosaic in the vault, c. 435), 156 (Bishop Apollinaris beneath the Transfiguration of Christ, St. Apollinaris in Classe, Ravenna, mosaic in the apse, 533-49).

Christ’s transfiguration, like those at the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare and Mount Sinai, were important as they disputed doctrinal arguments, which questioned Christ’s divinity.

Placement

Where these objects were placed also played a prominent role in their use. Early

Christian imagery was predominantly found on the walls of tombs, but was also used on sarcophagi, and floor and ceiling mosaics spreading outside the usage at gravesites.

Most of these sites are used to tell the stories of Christ, but still many of these places bring their own meaning to the image. For example, apse mosaics in churches held an unusual aspect that can be seen in different instances. At the head of the building, the apse was the centered above the transept that architecturally made the familiar cross shape. Christ or, if he is not present, the Saint of the church is always centered in the the apse or dome of the crossing. On either side, the same number of figures appears balancing the scene (see Figs. 3-3, 3-4, 4-8, 4-10, 4-16, 4-17). Mathews calls to mind the symmetry of the body, and believes that the artists were attempting to show the well-cultured and balanced religion of Christianity through these images.49 The placement of Christ in the dome was also a layered approach to past imagery. The early

Christians may have looked up to the dome while imaging the “Dome of Heaven,” but it was also a reminder of the grand throne room of emperor or those dome mosaics which held pagan deities.50 This idea of the vault imagined as the heavens is seen clearly in the Tomb of Galla Placidia, c. 425-450, in Ravenna (Fig. 3-19). This imagery was meant to relay the message of the second coming or the adventus of Christ returning to earth

49 Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 97.

50 Ibid, 143.

to claim his church. On each of the four corners, the apocalyptic symbols of the four

Evangelists are present, and account for the remaining members of the apostles.

Matthew is shown as a winged man, Mark as a winged lion, Luke as a winged ox, and

John as an eagle. Each saint guards the cross with fierce determination to protect the word of God and by connection–Christ.51

Floor mosaics were also a medium that was enlisted during the Roman Empire.

While it seems strange that anyone would place an image of Christ on the ground, it had been done before with the images of heroes and pagan gods, and indeed, many of the Roman mosaics that were made were floor mosaics. Only one example of a floor mosaic depicting Christ exists, and it has already been mentioned, the Hinton St. Mary

Mosaic from Dorset (Fig. 3-16). While it is still in relatively good condition, the image pairs Christian and Pagan images that Hartley states were intended to remind viewers of the “heroic endeavors of Christ and his followers.” While the authors state that this practice was later discontinued, it here serves as a connection between Christ and a ruler who Hartley suggests could be Constantius II.52 The original function of the building that housed the mosaic is unknown, but its mere presence means that the confusion stemmed from any early age in which images of Christ began to appear rapidly. However, placing the image of the Savior on the ground meant no disrespect, as many examples still exist of pagan gods decorating floor mosaics.

As the newly accepted religion, these Christian images, placed in tombs, churches and homes, were intended to convert, and dispel any thoughts that the Savior

51 Eleanor Duckett, Medieval Portraits from East and West (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press,1972), 194.

52 Hartley, Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, 92.

was not the only way. Each of these elements served a specific function. Whether it was the style of the clothes, the item that Christ was holding (pomegranate, globe, scroll, staff), or where the mosaic was placed, the artists knew they were placing an object of meaning that others would interpret. This art focused on implementing the importance of

Christianity, and, as already mentioned, the Emperors found a way to use that for their advantage. I have attempted to consider images that do not directly correlate with those of the emperor, but in the next chapter, I will discuss how these different images of

Christ were used in order to aggrandize the emperors, as well as, what other means the emperors used to relate themselves to the divine order. Furthermore, I will discuss how noblemen, too, found ways to implement images of Christ (usually on sarcophagi) to relate their own standing and beliefs.

Figure 3-1. Healing of the Paralytic. c. 233-256 CE, Wall Painting, Baptistery of the Domus Ecclesiae, Dura Europos. Available from: Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-2. Posthumous Issue of the Divine Constantine I. c. 306-337 CE, Bronze, In the collection of Dr. Gavin Richards, Jackson, TN. Antioch, Turkey. Available from: Union University, https://www.uu.edu/personal/grichard/Coins/Constantine_the_Great_3.htm (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-3. Christ with the Apostles. Late 4th-early 5th century, Apse Mosaic, Basilica of San Lorenzo, Milan, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-4. Christ Enthroned, Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. 359 CE century, Sarcophagus, Basilica of Saint Peter in the Vatican. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-5. Transfiguration: detail: Christ. 549-564 CE century, Monastery of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, Egypt. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-6. The Good Shepherd. 200-400 CE, Ivory. Egypt. Available from: Liverpool Museum, http://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/ (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-7. Statuette of the Good Shepherd. c. 280 CE, Marble. Eastern Mediterranean. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-8. Christ Enthroned Delivering the Scroll of the Law to St. Paul. Late fourth century, Marble. Ravenna, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-9. Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus. 359 CE century, Marble. Basilica of Saint Peter in the Vatican. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-10. Adventus of Hadrian and Sabina into Alexandria. c. 130 CE. Taken from Ernst Kantorowicz, “The King’s Advent: and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina,” in The Art Bulletin 26 (1944): 213, accessed July 14, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3046963.

Figure 3-11. Detail of the Virgin with Peter and Paul with Christ overhead surrounded by the Evangelistic Symbols. c. 432. Cypress wood, Santa Sabina, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-12. Christ Healing the Woman with an Issue of Blood. c. 200. Fresco, Catacomb of SS. Marcellinus and Peter, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-13. Christ’s Miracles on the Andrews Diptych from Milan. c. 450-460. Ivory, Milan, Italy. Victoria and Albert Museum. Available from: Vanderbilt Divinity School, http://diglib.library.vanderbilt.edu/act-imagelink.pl?RC=31763 (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-14. Icon of Christ. Sixth century CE. Painting, Monastery of St. Catherine. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-15. Lamp with Christ Trampling the Beasts. Fifth century CE. Earthenware, Tunesia, Africa. Available from: Met Museum Online Collection, http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection- online/search/447998?rpp=30&pg=1&ft=north%2Bafrica%2Blamp&when=A.D .% (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-16. Floor Mosaic: Christ. Fourth century CE. Mosaic, Hinton St. Mary, Roman Britain. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed February 5, 2016).

Figure 3-17. Casket. Sixth century CE. Marble, Rijksmuseum van Ouheden, Leiden. Elizabeth Hartley et al., Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, (York: York Museums and Gallery Trust, 2006), 227.

Figure 3-18. Plaque from Loculus Tomb of a Child. 290-300 CE. Marble, Rome, Musei Capitolini. Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century, ed. Kurt Weitzmann, (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art & Princeton University Press, 1979), 412.

Figure 3-19. Vault Interior, The Starry Sky with Cross and Four Evangelist. c. 425-450 CE, mosaic. Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, Ravenna, Italy. Available from: http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed November 14, 2014).

CHAPTER 4 THE ADAPATIONS

Already mentioned in Chapter 1, the relationship between Christ and Constantine blossomed from an ancient tradition of important men playing god. This tradition had begun shortly before the Imperial Age and continued throughout the Byzantine Empire:

Christ’s imagery reflected that of the emperor, and the emperor’s images reflected those of Christ. With this being said, many of these images are not a one-to-one correlation, but rather a semblance of one or the other. It is imperative to reiterate that images of

Christ were also manipulated in order to show that saints, too, were emulating Christ, and oftentimes, the image of the emperor held a two-fold meaning in which the emperor could be seen as both an imitation of Christ and another important Biblical figure.

However, Lee Jefferson states, “For early Christians, Jesus was the singular figure who could supplant the abilities of any rival.”1 Christ’s power was not threatened by the reading of other figures, but only made stronger as any power that the emperor, or saints, held would be seen as coming from the son of God. Christ’s image was, and has continued to be, relentlessly compared to a number of cases including that of emperors, saints, popes, and noblemen. This thesis does not allow for a detailed examination of each of these categories so I will stay within the boundaries of how the emperor used these images, and how they can be read to yield a level of power to the emperor. Many of the saints and noblemen likely did not set this precedent for themselves, but it is certain that the emperors following Constantine allowed and enforced this connection of themselves to Christ. As we will see in this chapter, some of the works contain only

Christ or the emperor emphasizing their solidarity by showing that the figure can be

1 Jefferson, Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art, introduction.

seen as either, while others show the figures in the same plane stressing the emperor’s connection to Christ; however, both cases draw attention to the emperor being the intercessor and earthly regent of Christ for the Roman Empire.

In Jonathan Bardill’s book, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age, he emphasizes that Christ was indeed seen as an allegory for the emperor. He uses the example of the Triumphal Christ in the apse mosaic at the Archiepiscopal Chapel at

Ravenna (Fig. 4-1). In this image, Christ, in Imperial garments, stands holding the

Gospel with his left hand and a crossed staff with his right. His halo has a jeweled cross inside and he tramples a lion and serpent underfoot. Bardill believes that viewers would have seen this image as a reflection of an earlier image of Constantine trampling on a serpent. Although the image of Constantine is lost, there are literary sources claiming that it showed Constantine with his sons standing victorious over a serpent and the

“Saviour’s sign” was present.2 Additionally, two coins remain from Constantine’s era that show a similar scene. On a coin struck to commemorate the founding of Constantinople, we see, on the reverse, what appears to be Victory trampling a serpent (Fig. 4-2), and another coin, also struck at Constantinople, shows Constantine’s standard stabbing a serpent (Fig. 4-3). While the Archiepiscopal mosaic is from a later date, c. 500, the parallel could have applied to the emperor Anastasius I or even the archbishop of

Ravenna during that period. The way the figure holds the Gospels with covered hands suggests that he is not Christ, but a servant of Christ, doing his bidding. By making this allusion with the covered hand, and indeed with the Imperial clothes, the emperors were attempting to bring Christ to a relatable level by showing that he is not a deity out of

2 Bardill, Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age, 348.

reach, and again creating the ambiguity of the figure being either Anastasius I or

Christ.3

When thinking of Christ in relation to the emperor, one of the most useful comparisons is the placement of Christ in the apse of the Church. While there are examples of emperors in apse mosaics, they are usually decorated instead with Christ.

However, before the church took over the plan of the basilica, the basilica served as a courtroom or gathering hall. During these times, the emperor’s statue would be placed in an apse to show that he was watching over the proceedings. The most prominent example is that of the last secular Roman basilica, the Basilica of Maxentius and

Constantine completed 313 (Fig. 4-4). Although this example does not conform to the later Christina basilicas (the later basilicas only had an apse on one end, aisles, and an actual transept), it served the same purpose (compare to Fig. 4-5). At the West end of the nave, a colossal statue of Constantine sat in the apse watching over the court.4

Predating the colossal statue of Constantine is the Luxor Temple found in Egypt.

Susanna McFadden notes that Thebes, where the temple was located, was used by the

Roman beginning in the First Tetrarchy of Diocletian (293-305) as a military encampment.5 The Romans utilized parts of this Egyptian temple as an imperial cult center and painted over the Egyptian imagery. On the south wall stands a niche which

3 Ibid, 354.

4 Bill Thayer, “Basilica Constantini,” Bill Thayer’s Web Site, updated July 1, 2011, accessed October 26, 2015, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/Europe/Italy/Lazio/Roma/Rome/_Texts/PLATO P*/Basilica_Constantini.html.

5 Susanna McFadden, “Dating the Luxor Camp and the Politics of Building in the Tetrarchic Era,” in Art of the Empire: The Roman Frescoes and Imperial Cult Chamber in Luxor Temple, eds. Michael Jones and Susanna McFadden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015), 25.

holds four men painted in plaster believed to be the Roman Tetrarchs.6 The two

Augusti, Diocletian (recognized as Jupiter the Roman version of Amun) and Maximian

(now erased due to damnatio memoriae) stand in the center while Constantius Chlorus and Galerius stand on either side as Caesars.7 The figures, while not as large as

Constantine’s colossal statue still tower of the average individual. McFadden argues that the men are not only imperial portraits, but also are meant to invoke divinity as the apse was a space reserved for “cult statues in which the presence of the divine being resided, or it served to frame the living emperor (or his image) during imperial audiences.”8 Therefore, McFadden sees these two ideas combining in order to serve as imperial cult worship.9 Additionally, the four figures have haloes, which caused early researchers to believe the figures to be the four evangelists; however, this attribute may have been an indication of the emperor’s closeness to the solar deities.10

While the early Christians never placed a colossal statue of Christ in their basilicas, they did include massive mosaics, which decorated the apses similar to the

Tetrarchic niche at Luxor. Near the Basilica of Maxentius and Constantine stands the church of Saints Cosmas and Damian, 527. Inside, a fifty-one-foot apse displays a ten- foot-tall standing Christ (Fig. 4-6). Mathews remarks that this is the closest comparison that Christian imagery has to the colossal statues. While Mathews continues to argue

6 Susanna McFadden, “The Luxor Temple Painting in Context: Roman Visual Culture in Late Antiquity,” in Art of the Empire: The Roman Frescoes and Imperial Cult Chamber in Luxor Temple, eds. Michael Jones and Susanna McFadden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015) 107.

7 Ibid, 128.

8 Ibid, 127.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid, 132-133.

that this idea does not prove that the Romans saw Christ as an emperor in disguise, there are many authors who do. Christa Ihm argues that these mosaics show “Christ as

Basileus/Rex with imperial court.”11 Because of his heavenly associations, Christ was allowed to resemble a king although emperors still strayed away from the Latin title as earthly kings were often seen as tyrants. Regardless Christ was clearly shown as more important than his associates. Mathews argues that Christ is missing the most important imperial aspect of all, the crown;12 however, Christ is generally shown haloed thereby not needing a headpiece. He also asserts that Christ does not wear the “imperial cloak or chlamys, the purple boots, and the scepter,” the items that would set him apart and indicate he was indeed emperor of the world, but his bright gold pallium and tunic indicated that he was not a normal man.13 Even so, the placement of Christ in the emperor’s seat of judgment is enough to prove that he was seen as something even more than the emperor—the king of the world. Mathews agrees to this point by remarking that the golden cloaks were meant to signify that Christ was indeed divine.14

By dressing Christ in non-imperial clothing (meaning he does not wear the jeweled diadem, the chlamys, nor the purple boots), and instead in the civilian dress which

Mathews describes as a “pallium over a tunic decorate with…vertical stripes… and

[wearing] sandals,” the artists allowed the visitors to the basilicas to feel a stronger connection to Christ as he, in this instance, was an equal to the observer.15 His

11 Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 97-101.

12 Ibid, 101.

13 Ibid, 101.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

placement allowed for the public to relate Christ to the emperor, and his golden robes indicated that he was divine and set apart, like the emperor; however, his occasional non-imperial style of clothing indicated that Christ was a man too, just like the viewer.

Another form of placement recalls two older modes of representation. Grabar uses examples to show that Christian art drew from Imperial images, but hidden within this argument is the idea that these same examples can be used to show how new

Christian art was intended to recall the glory of the emperor and Rome itself. For example, he relates the vertical registers of the triumphal arch at Santa Maria Maggiore to those of the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius (Fig. 4-7). When looking at the different scenes of S. Maria Maggiore, it is easy to relate the complexity of the entire motif to those of the nearby columns. While the mosaics inside the church reverberate with the power of Christ, the columns both emphasize the might of an emperor. Grabar clarifies that the mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore were made during the reign of Pope

Sixtus III, and, in this instance, our ruler has changed from emperor to pope.

Regardless, these mosaics stress the power of God over human kings, and again, our ruler is made even more powerful by his singular proximity to the Supreme Being.16

Grabar refines this idea by arguing that Christian iconography was under the control of the Imperial realm and not the leaders of the Church. He remarks that from the fourth and into the fifth century, “the ‘vocabulary’ of a triumphal or imperial iconographic language was poured into the ‘dictionary’ which served Christian iconography.” These ideas of Christ offering benediction, being enthroned, or wearing a

16 Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, 46-48.

crown prove a direct connection to the emperor.17 He describes the image of Christ presenting the Law to St. Peter, 5th century, in S. Costanza in Rome, stating that this is the earliest example of Imperial influence on Christian imagery (Fig. 4-8).18 In this mosaic, Christ stands in the center with his right arm raised and holding the Law with his left. He does not wear a crown, but his bright gold cloak reminds us of his heavenly connection and splendor. His long blond curls are haloed, and he wears sandals on his feet. To his left, St. Peter reaches for the document with covered hands, a sign of respect, while glancing up to look at Christ’s face. On the right hand side of Christ stands St. Paul who gestures a sign of blessing to the revered one. Grabar compares this formula to several imperial images including the Missorium of Emperor Theodosius

I, c. 388 (Fig. 4-9). On this silver plate, the emperor gives a similar scroll to a man standing to his right also with veiled hands.19 The receivers face is badly damaged; however, we can still see that he appears to be looking up at the emperor while the emperor looks straight ahead. Although Theodosius I has short hair and wears a crown, a faint halo floats around his head. Additionally, both Christ and Theodosius I have the same solemn look inscribed upon their faces which Grabar states was a required expression of the emperor. This facial expression allowed the emperor to be recognized as a “man filled with divine grace.”20

17 Ibid, 40-41.

18 Ibid, 42.

19 Ibid.

20 Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins, 43.

David

The idea of the emperor strengthening his power through the connection to King

David did not evolve, or was not documented, until the early seventh century. Ruth

Leader discusses this transformation of David into a Byzantine emperor. On the apse mosaic at Mount Sinai in the Monastery of St. Catherine (c. 540), the central image is surrounded by smaller medallion busts of apostles, prophets, and important relatives of

Christ (Fig. 4-10). Positioned directly below the central image of Christ is David who is shown as a youthful figure wearing a purple chlamys and a jeweled crown (Fig. 4-10- detal). Leader points out that his costume is, without a doubt, imperial. This leads to the interpretation by Kurt Weitzmann that David is a representative of Christ’s human nature while the cross that is positioned atop of the circle illustrates Christ’s divinity. The center image, the Transfiguration, is the moment when Christ “revealed his dual nature to his disciples.” The strong correspondences in David’s garment caused Leader to compare him to Justinian on the Saint Vitale mosaic (547) (Fig. 4-11). Justinian’s jeweled crown closely resembles the one that David wears, and David’s anachronistically has a

Christian cross atop it. Thus, she argues that David, in the costume of an imperial emperor, represents Justinian as well. As the founder of the lineage of Christ, David would be the likely choice to allude to Justinian’s accomplishments in founding the monastery. Thus as both the ancestor of Christ and the embodiment of the ruler on earth, David fulfills both roles, and allows the viewer to interpret his connections in multiple ways.21 Another way that Justinian may have related himself to the ancient king was by the reclamation of lands. He sought to reclaim the territory of the Persians,

21 Leader, “The David Plates Revisited: Transforming the Secular in Early Byzantium,” 415-417.

Goths and Vandals, and reestablish Christianity in those lands. In this way, Suzanne

Alexander relates Justinian to David as the forerunner who had also brought unity to a nation.22

This idea has been discussed in depth with specific reference to the David Plates

(Fig. 4-12). Alexander dates the David Plates to the reign of Heraclius, 612-630, and believes that the emperor commissioned the plates to display his might by aligning himself with King David. She mentions sparingly throughout her essay that these parallels extended from David to Constantine and undoubtedly Christ.23 She states that

Heraclius wanted to “not only evoke Constantine, but also David, and that, in evoking

David, it was but one of a number of acts…designed to ally Heraclius with his biblical forerunner.” Just as Constantine had been chosen by the divine to rule and served as the connection to the heavens, so had David, and Heraclius wanted his empire to see him in this light as well.24 The plates show the life of King David before his succession to the throne. Alexander states that these selected scenes display his youthful heroism, and thereby emphasize his right to rule Israel.25 Like David and his fight to take the kingdom from Saul, Heraclius claimed power through a revolt against the current emperor.26 However, the main context in which we see Heraclius is his return of the

True Cross to Jerusalem. Heraclius closely identified himself with David, and set out to

22 Suzanne Spain Alexander, “Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates,” Speculum 52 (1977): 229, accessed August 3, 2015, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2850511.

23 Ibid, 233-235.

24 Ibid, 227.

25 Ibid, 217.

26 Ibid.

take back the cross from the Persians, restoring the cross to its rightful place in the “city of David” where the “son of David” was crucified.27 Alexander sees Heraclius’ returning the cross to the city of Jerusalem, as a step which associate him with “David and Christ and Constantine, with Jerusalem, the seat of David’s kingdom and the terrestrial center of Christianity.”28 Again, this idea of Imperial Adventus reappears as the emperor entering the city with the True Cross was surely a remarkable sight, and Heraclius’ return of the cross, no doubt, reminded the Empire of David’s return of the Ark of the

Covenant to Jerusalem.29

Noblemen

Thomas Mathews compares several images to indicate that Christ’s image was not always connected to that of the emperor, but to noblemen as well. The first image,

The Emperor’s Adventus, 300 CE, is displayed on the Arch of Galerius in Thessalonica.

It shows an enthroned Galerius in a chariot being pulled by horses (Fig. 4-13). A large parade surrounds him, with many men riding rearing horses. When entering the city, the emperor “presented himself as the indomitable, ever-victorious commander-in chief.”

Clothed in military garb, Galerius wears a tunic with a cloak that is attached on his shoulder, and on his feet, he wears boots. The people of Thessalonica have left the comfort of the city walls and are welcoming the emperor.30 This, of course, describes the adventus, the welcoming of an important individual into a city. While Mathews

27 Ibid, 233.

28 Ibid.

29 2 Samuel 6:12-14 “…So David went and brought up the ark of God from the house of Obededom into the City of David with gladness. And it was so that, when those who bore the ark of the Lord had gone six paces, he sacrificed oxen and fatlings. And David danced before the Lord with all his might…”

30 Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 25.

reminds the viewer that these events were not always an Imperial event, he concedes that the parallels between the depictions of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem and these

Imperial adventus scenes can be argued, and he does not provide any strong evidence for a non-imperial adventus.31 It is true, however, that the adventus of Galerius has a stark contrast to the second image of Mathews’ that I wish to discuss. Galerius enters the city with standards raised high, enthroned on a moving throne, and surrounded by men in arms; the image certainly shows that he is the conqueror of Rome’s enemies.

On the other hand, Christ’s entry is vastly different. On the sarcophagus with the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem, c. 325, found in the Museo Nazionale delle Terme in Rome,

Christ is shown on a lowly donkey (Fig. 4-14).32 While he wears a tunic like the emperor, he wears only sandals and gestures the sign of blessing with his right hand. In his left hand, it appears he once held a scroll, and this idea is echoed throughout the rest of the imagery found on the sarcophagus; however, it could just as likely be a wand. Mathews is in favor of a wand because he believes a scroll is generally held upright.33 A small figure (probably not a child, but small because of space restriction) lays out a cloak for the donkey to step on and another figure climbs a tree. His disciples follow behind him and the one closest also gestures the sign of blessing. Mathews points out that Christ is still envisioned as youthful with “plump cheeks and a full mane of gentle curls.”

Strangely, the city of Jerusalem does not appear, and out of the twenty-eight sarcophagi depicting this scene, only three show the actual city. Many discrepancies allow Mathews to make this argument: adventus scenes of the emperor were never shown on

31 Ibid, 24-25

32 Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 27

33 Ibid, 28

sarcophagi, the dress is drastically different, and the small animal that runs beneath the donkey’s legs indicates a return of a nobleman from a hunt. There are examples of these motifs on other sarcophagi. For example, on a biographical sarcophagus from the early fourth century, the scene of a Gentleman’s Homecoming is depicted. By looking at this sarcophagus, Mathews argues that the small animal is supposed to represent a hunting dog, and the nobleman’s dress is much more similar to the cloak that Christ is wearing. While the small figures climbing trees are intended to recall harvesters, the use of the baskets on both Christ’s Entry and the Gentleman’s Homecoming become clear.

Thus the “adventus” of Christ was used by noblemen to relate to a scene that had already been in production, the welcoming home of the head of the house back from the hunt.34 While this makes much more sense for a nobleman to relate himself to Christ than to the emperor, surely the noblemen felt that this relation to Christ elevated their own status as well.

However, after the popularity of Christianity increased, these modes of copying the huntsmen’s return into images of Christ were reversed. Christ’s adventus was no longer borrowing from that of the emperor, or nobleman, but the emperor was now copying Christ’s entrance into Jerusalem. Ernst Kantorowicz mentions that, “whenever a king arrived at the gates of a city, celestial Jerusalem seemed to descend from heaven to earth…both king and city are transformed as they approach one another.” Although he is talking about a much later date, he agrees that rulers saw themselves as a triumphal savior.35 However, it is clear that these images are interpreted in many

34 Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 30-35

35 Kantorowicz, “The “King’s Advent,” 210.

different ways. In some images of Christ’s Adventus, the artists have gleaned from the

Imperial imagery by incorporating personifications, or the emperors have added hidden messages. On a sarcophagus with scenes from the life of Christ found in the Vatican, we see the reminiscence of Victory, who, in antiquity would crown the emperor in certain imagery, transformed into a follower of Christ (Fig. 4-15). Other times, the

Victory that heralds Christ is translated into a Christian angel, or, at times, John the

Baptist, as is likely the case in the example. In this context, Kantorowicz discusses a different kind of adventus, the “‘eschatological’ Adventus.” By looking at this term, he focuses on a quotation from John the Baptist that was recited before the emperor’s arrivals, “Behold I send my angel before thy face, who shall prepare thy way before thee.” Kantorowicz beautifully summarizes this remark by stating that the idea of God sending his angel could be looked at in two different ways. In the first, the emperor could be seen as the angel, going ahead of Christ, bringing the Gospel to Nations and making sure hearts were prepared for the Second Coming. The second possibility was that God had sent an angel ahead of the emperors, the herald, clearing the path and protecting him from evil.36 Either interpretation strengthens the emperors’ connection to

Christ by once again placing him as the intercessory for the Church, or by equating himself to Christ as he had a messenger who went before him telling the upcoming city to prepare for the visit of the almighty ruler.

So how were these images of Christ viewed? As I hope I have made clear, many were seen as a promotion for the emperor. If one saw the image of Christ, he or she would relate that image to the current emperor. Those images also carried a spiritual

36 Kantorowicz, “The “King’s Advent”,” 216-218.

weight along with the imperial power. In the third chapter of his book, Art and The

Roman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity, Jas

Elsner mentions how these important religious mosaics could transport the viewers to a higher plain, or allow the viewers to imagine what was awaiting them. He labels these interactions as “mystic viewings.” He uses for example the already mentioned apse mosaic of the Transfiguration, which invited the church visitor into the scene as a witness for the events that were happening. Likewise, viewers could relate to the waking

Peter, by imagining they too would be awakened from earthly thoughts to see the transformation.37 Viewers also may have seen the San Vitale Christ as a Universal

Emperor in relation to the pictured Justinian (compare Fig. 4-11 to Fig. 4-16). By seeing the two figures together, Christ’s power was shown through Justinian, yet the viewer felt a closer connection to Christ as he is not dressed in the Imperial garb, but rather in a brown tunic making Christ more approachable.38 While the emperor was still attempting to show his grandiosity through Christ, this imagery allowed the people to have their own personal connection to Christ as both the emperor and Christ are present in the scene and the viewers had their own defined space (in the church). However, Justinian still remains as the proxy to intercede on the viewer’s behalf as he approaches Christ.

While looking at Christ as Universal Emperor, it is important to inject here the status of his throne. Christ is often shown in several different aspects, but when it comes to his seating arrangement, it can be thoroughly compared to the emperors. H.

P. L’Orange comments that Christ uses the chariot form of the throne, or the canopy

37 Elsner, Art and The Roman Viewer, 88, 108-123.

38 Ibid, 177-189.

throne along with several different signs of imperial fortitude. The four apocalyptic apostles generally accompany the chariot throne, and Christ sits on a throne inside of a globe that sits atop the wheels.39 If we recall the adventus of Galerius in Thessalonica, he too was positioned on a rolling throne. Thereby disproving Mathews idea that

Christ’s adventus was not relatable to that of the emperors.40 L’Orange does not present the reader with a specific artistic Christian example of the throne canopy, but states that it was an artistic element that mimicked the Achaemenian throne. These canopies often represented the heavens or the Holy of Holies.41 He gives the architectural example of the Ciborium from S. Prospero in Perugia that covers the altar in the crossing of the church, but any crossing or altar that had an architectural cover would have proven his point.42 Another author, Maria Carile, describes the apse mosaic of S. Pudenziana where Christ is depicted as king and judge while sitting on a throne under a cross (Fig.

4-17). Carile believes that this type of image with Christ surrounded by apostles accompanied by the cross urged one to think of the triumphal emperor or Christianity in general.43

L’Orange also discusses gestural examples beginning with the gigantic right hand that is popular in Late Antique Art. Lifting the right hand was, generally, a gesture

39 H. P. L’Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World. (New York: Caratzas Publishing Co., Inc., 1982), 134.

40 Mathews, The Clash of Gods, 25.

41 L’Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, 134.

42 Ibid, 138.

43 Maria Cristina Carile, The Vision of the Palace of the Byzantine Emperors As a Heavenly Jerusalem, 1. ed. Spoleto: Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull'alto Medioevo, 2012, 218, 225, accessed August 4, 2015, http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/569/1/carile.pdf.

of salvation such as the emperor lending mercy. This stems from Severan times, (193–

235), where this gesture with the enlarged hand was popularized by images of Serapis; however, emperors had long before adapted this pose so they could show their power when offering forgiveness to the barbarian aggressors. It was used by Alexander in

Greece and Persia (r. 336–323 BCE), and again by Julius Cesar (r. 49–44 BCE), Trajan

(r. 98–117), and many more.44 Multitudes of examples can be found on coins including ones with the emperor in the chariot-throne. Fourth-century examples show Sol Invictus with his right hand raised delivering victory to Constantine (Fig. 4-18).45 Sol was not the only god to raise his right hand, but gods from both the West and East, (already mentioned was Serapis), also raised their hand in blessing which was later adopted by the emperors and then Christ.46 In Biblical text, Jahve is mentioned as protecting the

Israelites by the power of his outstretched hand.47 Other examples yield Archaic instances of the magical right hand such as those gods of healing or childbearing.48

Finally, this leads to the Christ Pantocrator (Fig. 3-14); the image of Christ with the right hand raised becomes a vivid example in Christian Iconography. The symbol becomes known as a sign of power and blessing, and is used by not only Christ but saints as well.49 Christ slowly became more powerful than the emperor, and the use of his images

44 L’Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, 152, 156.

45 Ibid, 150.

46 Ibid, 156-7.

47 Ibid, 159.

48 Ibid, 162.

49 L’Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, 165.

were transformed into mystical sources of their own, no longer needing the connection to the emperor.

Therefore, this idea of how Christ’s images were used by the people brings us back to the beginning of the question of how Christ’s image could be manipulated and became part of a program. Yes, the emperors used their connections and their images to equate themselves to the gods and eventually Christ, but only as it served their purposes. Over time, Christ was recognized as the Universal Emperor, and the earthly emperor was no longer seen as the sole proxy of the people. Once Christ’s image became too large to be held in connection with the current ruler, then his image was used as a sign of blessing or transformation by the multitudes. In some way, directly or indirectly, the Christians found a way to use Christ’s images, and those of saints, to benefit themselves just as the pagan worshipers had done in the past.

Figure 4-1. Christ Militant. Late 5th-early 6th century, Mosaic, Chapel of the Archbishop, Museo Arcivescovile di Ravenna, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-2. Coin struck by Constantine I to commemorate the founding of Constantinople. c. 330 CE, Metal. Available from: Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (accessed June 13, 2016).

Figure 4-3. A Coin of Constantine showing a depiction of his Labarum spearing a Serpent. c. 337 CE, Metal. Available from: Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (accessed June 13, 2016).

Figure 4-4. Basilica of Maxentius and Constantine. 312-315 CE, Plan, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-5. (Old) St. Peter’s Basilica. 320-327/333 CE, Plan, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-6. Detail-Christ in Apse. c. 530 CE, Mosaic, Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

B C

Figure 4-7. Comparisons of Registers. A) Triumphal Arch in Santa Maria Maggoire. 5th century CE, Mosaic, Rome, Italy. B) Attributed to Apollodoros of Damascus, Detail of the Column of Trajan, dedicated 113 CE, Marble, Forum of Trajan, Rome, Italy. C) Detail of the Column of Marcus Aurelius, c. 180-185 CE, Marble, Rome, Italy. [Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 26, 2016).]

100

Figure 4-8. Christ with Saints Peter and Paul. 5th century CE, restored 7th c. Mosaic, Santa Costanza (Mausoleum of Constantia), Rome, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-9. Missorium of Theodosius. 388 CE, Silver, 73.6 cm. Real Academia de la Historia, Scala Archives. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

101

Figure 4-10. Monastery of St. Catherine: Transfiguration. 549-64 CE, Apse Mosaic. Mount Sinai (Egypt). Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

detail of 4-10: David, Monastery of St. Catherine: Transfiguration. 549-64 CE, Apse Mosaic. Mount Sinai (Egypt). Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

102

Figure 4-11. Justinian-detail. c. 546-548 CE, Wall Mosaic. San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

A B

Figure 4-12. The David Plates. A) David Summoned to Samuel. B) David Slaying the Lion. [613-30 CE, Silver Plate. Cyprus Nicosia National Museum. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).]

103

Figure 4-13. Arch of Galerius-detail. 297-303 CE, Wall Mosaic. Thessaloniki, Greece. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-14. Sarcophagus with Entry of Christ into Jerusalem. c. 325 CE. Museo Nazionale delle Terme, Rome. Thomas F. Mathews, The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 29.

104

Figure 4-15. Sarcophagus relief with Scenes from the Life and Miracles of Christ: detail [R.], Entry of Christ into Jerusalem. last quarter of 4th century, Marble. Museo Pio Christiano, Vatican, Rome. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed June 14, 2016).

Figure 4-16. Christ in Majesty with Angels, Saint Vitalis and Bishop Ecclesius. c. 546-48 CE, Apsidal Vault Mosaic. San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy, Rome. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

105

Figure 4-17. Christ in Majesty under Golden Cross. Late 4th century CE, Apse Mosaic. S. Pudenziana, Rome, Italy, Rome. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

Figure 4-18. Sol on reverse gestures Victory to Constantine on obverse. 306-37 CE, Bronze, 20 mm. Mint of Trier Rome, Italy, Rome. Available from: ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org/ (accessed February 25, 2016).

106

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

By adapting Christ’s image to preexisting ideas, the early Church eased a new religion into power. In order to generate the reverence that Christ required, Christians borrowed from images that were already found to be respected. The adaptions and conversions of pagan figures into those of Christ were a tradition that began even before Constantine. These adaptations, such as Orpheus and Hercules, provided the

Romans with an all-encompassing deity who assumed the roles of many, whether it be the role of the shepherd like Orpheus or the god of salvation like Hercules. Associating

Christ to the important Roman mythological figures and gods allowed Christianity to finally usurp paganism, and found continued success as the emperors utilized the image of Christ to enhance their power as well. As we have seen, this adaptation of ancient pagan figures opened a new avenue where images were open to interpretation as seen in the David Plates. Showing a historical Biblical figure in modern day clothes allowed the present day viewer to feel a closer connection. This did not change the fact that the figure was meant to be Christ or even David, but that he was modified enough to be viewed as either and even the emperor.

While it seems that the first images of Christ in the guise of the emperor began with the ambiguous radiating statue of Constantine/Sol, it remains unclear if images such as those at Santa Costanza show Christ in the elements of the emperor or the emperor in the element of Christ. While we do have precedence for the emperor seated in a certain way, the emperor’s stylization was adapted to reflect the higher power.

Regardless, the connection between Christ and the emperor was shown oftentimes to prove that the emperor was placed by Christ to rule over the Empire, and that he, like

107

Christ, offered peace, stability, and reassurance. The Emperor offered these concepts to the earthly body, but Christ offered these promises to the heavenly soul. The emperor served as both regent and intercessor. Regency for the emperor allowed more power in the form of indisputable demands, such as moving the capital of the Roman Empire from Rome to Constantinople. Additionally, acting as Christ’s mouthpiece and mediator gave the emperor the highest honor, next to being divine. This was not necessarily a new idea as we know that after Caesar, emperors were allowed to be considered divine while still living, while before they, including Caesar, had set themselves up with the closest proximity to the gods. As we saw with Julius Caesar, he claimed divinity from

Venus, Mars and the legendary founders of Rome. While it soon became acceptable to claim divinity while living, Caesar adapted many images of important figures in order to show his heritage and his right to power. This idea of relating oneself to a higher power was clearly not forgotten by Constantine who not only paraded around in a debatable costume that could either be seen as Christ or Sol, but also allowed the speculation to continue so that he could be associated with both the new and the old power. This led to the many different images of an ambiguous Christ/emperor that gained a respect that was later looked upon as idol worship.

During the Byzantine Period the images that had previously been borrowed from pagan iconography were, at times, forbidden, as the Iconoclasts believed that any images of gods or saints prompted idol worship. This correlation between Christian imagery and idol worship was sparked by the way that early Christians treated the revered images, and the idea that these images could offer blessings or relate prayers of the congregation to heaven exacerbated the aniconic tendencies. Although the

108

Roman Empire had come a long way since the Olympian gods, the images of Christ

(and the emperors) were treated in much the same way as the statues from ancient

Rome. In his article, “Iconoclasm as Discourse: From Antiquity to Byzantium,” Elsner refers to these ideas of iconoclasm and compares the way that Christianity and

Paganism treated images. He states, “The use of images as items in ritual, their place as recipients of ritual, even of worship, their ability to embody a kind of charisma as a result of or in response to such cultivation.”1 Elsner even goes a step further by remarking that even the existence of iconoclasm substantiated the power that the images held.2

Did Constantine understand the power he would gain when he implemented the

Chi Rho symbol onto his soldiers’ shields? Most likely, a strange superstitious act resulted in his fame as the first Christian Emperor. However, once he had defeated

Maxentius at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, he held enough respect for divine intervention that he honored, or rather did not prevent the honoring of the new deity in his future endeavors. The many questions about Constantine’s actions, such as the ambiguity on the triumphal arch or the refusal to sacrifice to the pagan gods, further developed the idea of his relation to Christ. While it is not clear that the radiating statue atop the column was intended to be a combination of all three figures, the statue also did not indicate that it was not all three. Glen Thompson adds in Rethinking

Constantine: History, Theology and Legacy that while pagans may have seen the statue as a normal representation of a defied emperor, the Christians would have seen a “ruler

1 Jas Elsner, “Iconoclasm as Discourse: From Antiquity to Byzantium” in The Art Bulletin 94 (2012): 370, accessed February 25, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23268277.

2 Ibid.

109

who had been given power by their God to restore the glory of the empire.”3 Again, this statue can be read in a variety of ways, but each approach deals with multiple political schemes. Bardill, clarifies that the spear and globe could be seen as attributes for the powerful protection that Constantine could offer through Sol, and, I might add, through

Christ as Bardill later adds that the figure could have remained in use in order “to lead others from paganism to Christianity.”4

This ambiguity and adaptation of Christ’s image is found repeatedly throughout early Christian art. By controlling the style, costumes, and, often times, the placement of these images, the emperor used differing images of Christ to politically enforce his own agenda and ensure that the citizens saw the emperor as, if not a god, then the only intercessor to the heavenly realm. The early Christians used Christ’s image to speak to new converts to remind them of the world to come, and used associated images of pagan deities to persuade those not yet convinced that the new God could replace the need for a multitude of different gods. It may seem unfair to call these adaptations manipulations, but it seems that is what the early Christians did. While the church leaders may have meant no harm by adapting the earlier images of pagan figures, it opened the doors and finally reassured the emperors that Christ’s images could be adapted for multiple needs.

Unmistakably, the many images of Christ were used for a variety of purposes.

Whether it was adapting to the pagan ideals or granting power for the emperor, Christ’s

3 Glen Thompson, "From Saint to Sinner? Seeking a Consistent Constantine,” in Rethinking Constantine: History, Theology, and Legacy, edited by Edward Smither, (22) 5-25, Cambridge: James Clarke & Co., 2014.

4 Bardill, Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age, 109, 398.

110

images was utilized strategically. While we may look back to the wonderful images and see them as art, the fact that the Romans saw it as much more remains evident. Images of Christ were adapted to convey a specific message and these messages can still be read today.

111 LIST OF REFERENCES

Allan, Tony, and Sara Maitland. Titans and Olympians: Greek & Roman Myth. London: Duncan Baird, 1997.

Andreopoulos, Andreas. “Saint Catherine Monastery on Mount Sinai.” In Metamorphosis: The Transfiguration in Byzantine Theology and Iconography, 127-144. New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2005.

“Apollo." Oxford Reference. Accessed January 11, 2016. http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195156690.001.0001/a cref-9780195156690-e-110?rskey=pbQMmr&result=1.

Bardill, Jonathan. Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

Beckwith, John. Early Christian and Byzantine Art. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979.

Carile, Maria Cristina. “The apse mosaic of St. Pudenziana: palace and city.” The Vision of the Palace of the Byzantine Emperors as a Heavenly Jerusalem, 1. ed. Spoleto: Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull'alto Medioevo, 2012. 209-272. Accessed August 4, 2015. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/569/1/carile.pdf.

Carson, R. A. G. “The Gold Stater of Flamininus.” The British Museum Quarterly 20, no. 1 (1955): 11-13. Accessed September 13, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4422504.

Clark, Gillian. Christianity and Roman Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Drewer, Lois. “Fisherman and Fish Pond: From the Sea of Sin to the Living Waters.” The Art Bulletin 63, no. 4 (1981): 533-547. Accessed January 23, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3050162.

Duckett, Eleanor. Medieval Portraits from East and West. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1972.

Elsner, Jaś. Art and the Roman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Elsner, Jas. “Archaeologies and Agendas: Reflections on Late Ancient Jewish Art and Early Christian Art.” The Journal of Roman Studies 93 (2003): 114-128. Accessed August 2, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184641.

Elsner, Jas. “Iconoclasm as Discourse: From Antiquity to Byzantium.” The Art Bulletin 94, no. 3 (2012): 368-394. Accessed February 25, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23268277.

112

Fox, Robin Lane. Pagans and Christians. New York: Knopf, 1987.

Francis, James. “Clement of Alexandria on Signet Rings: Reading an Image at the Dawn of Christian Art.” Classical Philology 98, no. 2 (2003): 179-183. Accessed June 8, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/381372.

Grabar, André. Christian Iconography; A Study of Its Origins. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980.

Hartley, Elizabeth. Constantine the Great: York's Roman Emperor. York: York Museums and Gallery Trust, 2006.

Hoey, Allan. “Official Policy towards Oriental Cults in the Roman Army.” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 70 (1939): 456-481. Accessed January 21, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/283102.

Hogarth, D. G. “The Deification of Alexander the Great.” The English Historical Review 2, no. 6 (1887): 317-329. Accessed September 13, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/546481.

Jefferson, Lee M. Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014.

Jensen, Robin. Understanding Early Christian Art. New York: Routledge, 2000.

Kantorowicz, Ernst. “On the Golden Marriage Belt and the Marriage Rings of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 14 (1960): 1-16. Accessed July 14, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1291142.

Kantorowicz, Ernst. “The King’s Advent: and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina.” The Art Bulletin 26, no. 4 (1944): 207-231. Accessed July 14, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3046963.

Kennedy, Charles. “Early Christians and the Anchor.” The Biblical Archaeologist 38, no. 3/4 (1975): 115-124. Accessed September 13, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3209591.

Kitzinger, Ernst. Byzantine Art in the Making. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980.

Kitzinger, Ernst. "Christian Imagery: Growth and Impact." In Age of Spirituality: A Symposium, Pp. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980.

Kleiner, Fred S. A History of Roman Art. Belmont: Thomson Wadswroth, 2007.

Krautheimer, Richard. Three Christian Capitals: Topography and Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983.

113

La Santa Sede. “The Christian Catacombs.” Accessed September 13, 2015. vatican.va, http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_commissions/archeo/inglese/docum ents/rc_com_archeo_doc_20011010_cataccrist_en.html - Pastore.

Leader, Ruth. “The David Plates Revisited: Transforming the Secular in Early Byzantium.” The Art Bulletin 82, no. 3 (2000): 407-427. Accessed August 4, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3051395.

“The Life of Severus Alexander, 29, 2.” In Historia Augusta (Bill Thayer, Trans.). Loeb Classical Library, 1924. Accessed February 2, 2016. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Severus_ Alexander/2*.html.

L'Orange, Hans Peter. Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture. New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas Bros., 1982.

L'Orange, Hans Peter. Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World. New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas Bros., 1982.

Mathews, Thomas F. The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Maguire, Henry. “Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art.” Gesta 28, no. 2 (1989): 217-231. Accessed August 2, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/767070.

McDonnell, Myles. "Roman Aesthetics and the Spoils of Syracuse." In Representations of War in Ancient Rome, by Sheila Dillon and Katherine E. Welch, Pp. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

McFadden, Susanna. “Dating the Luxor Camp and the Politics of Building in the Tetrarchic Era.” In Art of the Empire: The Roman Frescoes and Imperial Cult Chamber in Luxor Temple, edited by Michael Jones and Susanna McFadden, 25-38. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015.

McFadden, Susanna. “The Luxor Temple Painting in Context: Roman Visual Culture in Late Antiquity.” In Art of the Empire: The Roman Frescoes and Imperial Cult Chamber in Luxor Temple, edited by Michael Jones and Susanna McFadden, 105-134. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015.

Miller, Dean A. Imperial Constantinople. New York: Wiley, 1969.

Nilsson, Martin. “The Bacchic Mysteries of the Roman Age.” The Harvard Theological Review 46 (1953): 175-202. Accessed January 12, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1508384.

Pearce, Susan. “The Hinton St Mary Mosaic Pavement: Christ or Emperor?,” Britannia 39 (2008): 193-218. Accessed February 9, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27793196.

114

Smart, David. "Late Roman Imperial Headdress." UMI Dissertations Publishing (1995). Accessed July 5, 2015. http://search.proquest.com/docview/304170448?pq- origsite=summon&accountid=10920.

Spain Alexander, Suzanne. “Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates.” Speculum 52, no. 2 (1977): 217-237. Accessed August 3, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2850511.

Stapleton, Michael. The Illustrated Dictionary of Greek and Roman. New York, NY: Peter Bedrick Books, 1986.

Taylor, Lily. “Tiberius’ Refusals of Divine Honors.” Transactions and proceedings of the American Philological Association 60 (1929): 87-101. Accessed September 14, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/282811.

Thayer, Bill. “Basilica Constantini.” Bill Thayer’s Web Site. Updated July 1, 2011. Accessed October 26, 2015. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/Europe/Italy/Lazio/Rom a/Rome/_Texts/PLATOP*/Basilica_Constantini.html.

Thompson, Glen. "From Saint to Sinner? Seeking a Consistent Constantine." In Rethinking Constantine: History, Theology, and Legacy, edited by Edward Smither, Pp. Cambrige: James Clarke &, 2014.

Warren, Larissa. “Roman Triumphs and Etruscan Kings: The Changing Face of the Triumph.” The Journal of Roman Studies 60 (1970): 49-66. Accessed September 14, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/299413.

White, Peter. “Julius Caesar in Augustan Rome.” Phoenix 42, no. 4 (1988): 334-356. Accessed September, 13, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1088658.

Weitzmann, Kurt. Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century: Catalogue of the Exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, November 19, 1977, through February 12, 1978. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1979.

Weitzmann, Kurt. “The Late Roman World.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 35, no. 2 (1977): 2-96. Accessed January 12, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3259887.

115

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

In 2011, Mary Wright received her Bachelor of Arts in Art History and Studio Art from the University of South Alabama in Mobile, Alabama. In 2014, she began her master’s degree at the University of Florida in Gainesville, Florida. Upon completion of her thesis in August 2016, she received her Master of Arts from the School of Art and

Art History with a concentration on ancient Roman art.

116