Political Socialization and Human Agency. the Development of Civic Engagement from Adolescence to Adult

Home , Agency (sociology)

27 ■ Political socialization portant studies have been published and Ö there has been an intensification of the VERSIKTER and human agency. theoretical debate, stimulated partly by contemporary changes in political culture

The development of and social institutions. There are, howe- OCH civic engagement from ver, limitations that can be identified in re- MEDDELANDEN search. Together they raise at least eight adolescence to adult- challenges our research program systema- hood tically will approach. 1. Conceptualizing young people as ERIK AMNÅ, MATS EKSTRÖM, active agents in their own socialization, MARGARET KERR, HÅKAN STATTIN 1 rather than passive objects of socializing institutions In research from various disciplines, Youth & Society (YeS) at children and youths have most often been Örebro University seen as passive recipients of socialization rather than active agents with needs and A multidisciplinary, longitudinal seven- desires that direct their behavior. Schools year research program at Örebro Univer- have been thought to shape students’ sity will take place with support from views by providing knowledge and skills Riksbankens Jubileumsfond. It is jointly (Campbell et al.1960; Delli Carpini and led by professors Erik Amnå (political sci- Keeter 1996; Holmberg and Oscarsson ence; coordinator), Mats Ekström (media 2004; Milner 2002; Nie, Junn and Stehlik- and communication studies), Margaret Barry 1996; Niemi and Junn 1998; Verba, Kerr (psychology) and Håkan Stattin Schlozman and Brady 1995). Parents have (psychology). been hypothesized to shape their adolescents through various unidirectional me- Challenges in previous chanisms (e.g., Pancer and Pratt 1999). political socialization Media tend to be seen as influences and young people as passive recipients of ex- research posure (e.g., Chaffee and Yang 1990). After decades of a silence, the research Thus, this view cuts across disciplines and field on political socialization now is un- research areas. dergoing revitalization. A number of im- There are some recent movements toward a more agentic view of youths. In family research, McDevitt (2005) has pro- 1 Erik Amnå är professor i statskunskap. posed that discussions adolescents initiate Mats Ekström år professor i medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap. Margaret Kerr with their parents about political issues är professor i psykologi. Håkan Starrin är drive their political identification and de- professor i psykologi. Samtliga är verk- velopment (and also their parents’) samma vid Örebro universitet. (McDevitt 2005; McDevitt and Chaffee E-post: [email protected] 2002). The idea is that news, media, and [email protected] [email protected] school stimulate youths to engage their [email protected] parents in discussions, and when parents

■ Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift 2009, årg 111 nr 1 28 convey their views, youths can be influen- been extensive, but has to a large extent ced by them (Kiousis, McDevitt and Wu been divided into different disciplines and 2005). In this model, however, adoles- research areas focusing on one or two as- cents are primarily only active in initiating pects of young people’s every day lives. A discussions that give them access to the number of studies have tried to compare values that parents have. Achen (2002) the relative explanatory power of media, proposed a model that assumes youth education, and family (Buckingham agency and essentially argues that correla- 2000); however, when these influences tions between youths’ and parents’ views are pitted against each other, they are still are spurious. Youths, according to Achen, conceptualized as essentially separate. Li- are not directly influenced by their pa- vingstone (2002) argues that media are be- rents’ views. They appear to be, because, coming so important in young people’s in the absence of their own experiences, everyday lives because they are now an in- they use their parents’ experiences as the tegral part of family, peer, and school con- grounds for their choices. To our know- texts. Some have argued that youths’ peer ledge, however, this model has not been relationships affect family interactions tested empirically. In research on media, (see Dishion et al. 2004), and that parents scholars have pointed out the problem of try to influence peer relationships (see ignoring youth agency. Approaches have Mounts 2008). To take one example, in- been developed that focus on how young terpersonal talk and dialogues in different people use and appropriate media forms contexts (family, peers, internet, school, for different activities, projects, and grati- and organizations) might influence each fications. Young people have been fram- other in the process of political socializa- ed as active agents and socialization as tion (see Eveland, McLeod and Horowitz partly a question of media choices, activi- 1998; McLeod 2000). Thus, the challenge ties, and creativity (Buckingham 2000; Li- is not only to consider as many of the dif- vingstone and Millwood Hargrave 2006; ferent contexts of everyday life as possible Olsson 2006). When it comes to youths’ instead of studying one context at a time, citizenship-relevant use of new media, ho- but to develop models of political sociali- wever, research is primarily limited to zation that explain the interrelations bet- small-scale case studies (e.g., Dahlgren ween contexts. 2003; Dahlgren and Olsson 2006). In short, a challenge for research in media 3. Taking the ongoing changes in diffe- and other areas of political socialization is rent contexts seriously to develop theories that recognize the In Western societies, rapid changes are agentic nature of youths and to design occurring in youth and young adulthood. studies that will allow the possibility of Education is prolonged. Young adults testing different directions of effects. marry four years later today than they did in 1980. Researchers used to talk about a 2. Integrating the different contexts of sharp transition from adolescence to everyday life, instead of studying one young adulthood, but today they talk context at time about “emerging adulthood” as ages 18 to The research concerning the roles of fa- 25 or older. Because many emerging mily, school, media, civil society, and pe- adults have not yet assumed family and ers in youth political socialization has work responsibilities, the period tends to 29 ■ be characterized by identity exploration, stitutional and more individual, diverse, Ö feeling in-between, instability, self-fo- and unconventional (Barnes, Max and Al- VERSIKTER cused enjoyment, and thinking about fu- lerbeck 1979; Dalton, Scarrow and Cain ture possibilities (Arnett 2006), thus allo- 2004; Inglehart 1977, 1997; Norris 2002). wing for considerable changes in political Young people in particular have widened OCH

and civic orientations. Thus, to capture their political repertoires to include ‘non- MEDDELANDEN the potentially important life stages, new political’ arenas such as life styles, recyc- research on political socialization must ling routines, Internet activities, consumer cover emerging adulthood and the young- habits, and music choices (Bennett 1998, adult years beyond it. 2000; Dalton 1996, 2000, 2008; Zukin et Another change that must be taken seri- al. 2006; Hooghe 2004; Norris 2002; O ously is young people’s widespread use of Toole 2003), and these might differ by new communication technologies. First, gender (Hooghe and Stolle 2003; Ekman in research aimed at explaining differenc- 2007). One can argue whether the chan- es in political knowledge and participa- ges mean that youths are now very self- tion, media consumption has most often absorbed and uninterested in civic mat- been operationalized as news consump- ters (see Milner 2002; Yates and Youniss tion from papers and television (e.g. 1998) or whether their interests are just Buckingham 1997, 2000; Ensuong 2003, qualitatively different from those of ear- Chaffee and Yang 1990). To understand lier generations (see Buckingham 2000; political socialization, new media formats Dalton 2008; Dalton, Cain and Scarrow and the variety of Internet activities must 2004; Livingstone 2002; Loader 2007, Zu- also be considered (Dahlgren 2007, Loa- kin et al. 2006). What is clear, however, is der 2007). Second, the new forms of soci- that the limited sets of measures used in al networks, spheres of public interaction most studies cannot capture political in- and civic participation, based on new volvement as it is broadly defined today. communication technologies mean that Measures must include elements of com- researchers have to reconsider what they munity involvement such as member- mean by membership in groups and asso- ships in local groups, networks, organisa- ciations (Wollebaeck and Selle 2003). In tions, and political consumption, volun- short, to understand political socialization tary work, donations etcetera. They also today, research must take changes in dif- must capture skills and commitments citi- ferent contexts seriously and adjust the re- zens may need if they become concerned; search designs accordingly. a ‘civic reserve’ (Almond 1987, p. 99). Po- litical socialization must be studied in a 4. Conceptualizing political participa- broader perspective that includes civic tion broadly, not only focussing on for- identity development and connects nar- mal institutions and narrow electoral row politics with broader civic engage- aspects ment. Another challenge to be met in future research is to measure political participation 5. Taking a longitudinal perspective and democratic involvement in broad, Another challenge for future research is ecologically valid ways. Major changes in to examine political socialization in a political participation seem to be taking longitudinal perspective, since it refers to place; citizen actions are becoming less in- processes operating over time. Most stu- 30 dies are cross sectional or cover only short socioeconomic status, gender, and ethni- periods. Consequently, there is a lack of city (Oscarsson 2002; Teorell and West- knowledge about the development of po- holm 1999; Luskin 1990), but the causal litical and civic engagement over the enti- mechanisms through which youths with re period of adolescence and emerging these different backgrounds and characte- adulthood that also could capture entran- ristics seek out educational experiences ces into and exits from various modes of remain to be specified. In short, then, re- engagements during a long period of time. search in different areas and looking at Knowledge is also needed about whether, different aspects of political socialization for example, online engagement has any has mainly reported correlations, even long-term effects on life-long civic values though they were sometimes interpreted and behavior among youth (see Gibson et as evidence for mechanisms such as social al. 2005; Livingstone and Millwood Har- influence. The challenge now is to propo- grave 2006; Montgomery and Gottlieb- se and examine mechanisms. To focus Robles 2006). The Media Panel Program more on this is still a key challenge, requi- established in 1975 by Rosengren and ring not only theory development but also Windahl is a unique large-scale longitudi- longitudinal designs. Studies designed to nal study focusing on media and socializa- reveal mechanisms could take the re- tion (e g Rosengren 1994; Johnsson-Sma- search an important step further. ragdi 2001). Unfortunately, though, it was not constructed to address media use and 7. Disentangling general socialization political socialization. Jennings and Nie- from specific ‘civic’ experiences when mi’s (1981) long-term longitudinal fin- explaining differences in civic engage- dings on political socialization were ment groundbreaking and provided valuable Underlying studies of political socializa- knowledge about the generation of yout- tion is the assumption that experiences hs in the 1960s. New long-term longitudi- specifically dealing with political and civic nal studies of political socialization are issues are what matter for the develop- needed. Thus, a major challenge for re- ment of political and civic identity and en- search is to include a longitudinal perspec- gagement. These factors, however, tend tive. to be studied out of the context of the broader socialization experiences that 6. Focusing on processes and mecha- youths have. Consequently, it is not pos- nisms rather than correlations sible to determine whether the develop- Earlier research showed many correla- ment of the political values and behaviors tions between family situations, social under study are a consequence of political class, media consumption, organization socialization experiences, or whether they membership and different outcome vari- are part of a broader developmental pat- ables. Concerning the family, for instance, tern. Results of a recent twin study show- many studies have related parents’ values ed substantial heritability of political atti- or behavior with children’s and taken si- tudes and ideologies (Alford, Funk and milarities to mean influence (e.g., Jennings Hibbing 2005), thus suggesting that heri- and Niemi 1981). Similarly, the links bet- table features such as temperament and ween education and political knowledge personality might play a role in the deve- have been explained more specifically by lopment of political orientations. A study 31 ■ of the development of civic engagement participation should be incorporated (see Ö should, thus, include more fundamental Verba, Schlozman and Brady 1995), as VERSIKTER attributes and various personality factors should ideas from different disciplines (Lasswell 1951; Welzel 2007). It should about cognitive and emotional maturity also include a focus on the general social processes and identity development more OCH

identities and norms young people deve- generally. In short, new theories of politi- MEDDELANDEN lop by acting in and experiencing different cal socialization are needed in which soci- social contexts. Only then can the unique alization is not about conforming to insti- effects of specific political socialization tutions, norms, and values, but about experiences be disentangled from more young people as creative agents in their general development. own socialization process, in which political socialization is part of general develop- 8. Developing new theoretical explana- mental processes, and in which school, fa- tions of political socialization mily, and media are understood as interre- The challenges for empirical work are also lated contexts for development. relevant for theory. There is a need for theoretical conceptualizations in which the development of civic engagement in Our approach youths and young adults is integrated with In this program of research we will at- more general developmental processes, in tempt to meet these challenges with a se- which youths and young adults are seen as ries of studies covering youth to adult- active agents who purposely choose diffe- hood and including design features and rent contexts, developing their civic iden- measures needed to capture youths as ac- tities and expressing them in a variety of tive agents in multiple everyday contexts. ways as an inseparable part of their gene- Our unifying research question is: Th- ral development (Sapiro 2004). Ideally, rough what mechanisms and processes do adoles- new theories would transcend disciplines, cents and young adults develop their civic engage- drawing out and uniting relevant views. ment? We will address this question from a For example, the sociological tradition of theoretical point of view that not only symbolic interactionism is relevant. In this broadens the concept of politics but also view, youths are creative agents and inno- takes various adolescent and young adult vators in their own socialization, choosing life contexts into consideration. among possible contexts of interaction on In this program we approach the concept of the basis of what meaning those contexts political involvement broadly. We use the term have for them (e.g., Blumer 1969, Wallace civic engagement to encompass knowled- and Wolf 1995). Developmental psycho- ge and skills, identity, and various forms logical explanations of youths, confronted of action in political and civic organiza- with a variety of opportunity structures, as tions, formal and informal, and communi- active agents in choosing socializing con- cation, discussions and debates in various texts can be seen as complementary to contexts on for example Internet. In so this view (e.g., Kerr, Stattin, Biesecker and doing, we aim to capture the range of po- Ferrer-Wreder 2003). Choices are not li- litically relevant outlets that exist today mitless, however, and views of how social, and the values, attitudes, knowledge, and economic and cultural inequalities are re- skills that might underlie reactions to situ- produced in political and organizational ations such as provocative local decisions, 32 unfair treatment, and ecological threats, their use of the Internet as a context for or opportunities to step into new structu- civic engagement. res of involvement (Mettler and Soss A fourth approach characterizing this 2004). This approach will allow for both program will be to study political socialization traditional and newer questions about po- longitudinally in the context of general develop- litical socialization to be answered. In ment. We will do this by including as many short, civic engagement includes values measures as possible in the study we are and attitudes, competence (knowledge, initiating, and by carrying out the long- skills, and political efficacy) as well as be- term follow-up of a previous study desig- haviour of various degrees of commit- ned to give broad coverage of development, activism and non-activism in public mental issues. as well as in private spheres. This idea is A final characteristic of our approach present in the concept “Stand-by Citizen” will be theory development. We will make sure (Amnå 2008; Amnå and Zetterberg, that the data we collect offer the possibili- forthcoming; Amnå, submitted). ties for theory development that trans- A second characteristic approach is the cends or bridges disciplines and that is in- view of youths as active agents who choose their tegrated with normal development. Such everyday contexts for particular reasons. Our a theory should include structural factors, goal is to discover how these choices are individual factors, and social processes in linked to the construction of civic engage- different everyday life contexts. ment in everyday life. Toward this end, we Structural factors can be family diffe- will assess youths’ choices of everyday set- rences in social, economic and cultural re- tings outside of home and school and sources. Inequalities are reproduced in what implications those choices have for political and organizational participation their behaviour. through several mechanisms (Verba, A third characteristic of our approach Schlozman & Brady 1995). For instance, will be sensitivity to ongoing changes in different higher educated and high income people contexts. The media and communication are more likely to participate in voluntary technologies make up one example of a organizations (Verba, Burns & Schloz- changing context. The Internet, for ex- man 2001). Various culturally, religiously ample, has opened up a myriad of new and ethnically embedded values and ways channels for political expression and dis- of recruitment may also impact diversely cussion with likeminded others about ci- in political socializations processes (see vic issues. Burns, Schlozman and Verba 2001). Emerging adulthood as a new life phase School’s different embedment in socio- is another example. In contrast to 10 or 20 economic contexts might also be im- years ago, we should expect the civic atti- portant (see Almgren 2006). In short, fa- tudes and behaviours of people in the ear- mily differences in social, economic and ly 20s to be quite unsettled. We have de- cultural resources must play a role in any signed this study to cover changes in poli- theory of political socialization. tical and civic attitudes and behaviours in Other structural factors are the institu- adolescence (13 to 17 years), emerging tionalized opportunities for instance in lo- adulthood (18 to 25 years), and early cal government and various civil society adulthood (26 to 30 years), and to capture arrangements. If opportunities for political and civic participation do not exist, 33 ■ then youth cannot participate. Some opp- Concerning identity development pro- Ö ortunities are offered through school cesses, during adolescence, self-views in- VERSIKTER councils, student board, and classroom clude increasingly more abstract characte- climate (Torney-Purta 2000) as well as in ristics such as philosophies of life and va- civic service, and these differ by school lues. Value orientations (e.g., focus on self OCH

(Almgren 2006). Not only due to the exis- versus focus on others) relate to almost MEDDELANDEN tence of more free or private schools, dif- every aspect of adolescent life (Stattin and ferent schools have different solutions for Kerr 2001). Self- versus other-focused va- student involvement. Communities and lue orientations are logically tied to civic neighborhoods also differ in the opportu- identity. Thus, the processes through nities they offer for youth civic engage- which value orientations become part of ment. Voluntary organizations also offer youths’ identities will necessarily be part different modes of engagement (Amnå of civic identity development. 2006). These differences must be accoun- In addition, adolescents choose peers ted for in a theory of political socializa- who are similar to themselves, but they tion. are also influenced by their peers (Dis- Individual factors and social processes hion, Patterson and Griesler 1994; Hartup refer firstly to temperament differences. 1996; Kandel 1978, 1986). The possibility Almost from birth, people differ in: (a) that youths’ political attitudes and civic how much they move around rather than engagement are influenced by their peers being still, (b) how emotionally excitable is largely unexplored, to date. Our study they are, and (c) how much they like social will be designed to capture peer influence, interaction rather than quiet solitude (e.g., and as such we will be in a unique position Buss, Plomin, and Willerman 1973). The- to include it in our theory development. se differences, known as temperament, Many have argued that there are gender are quite stable through life. They are not differences in the development of civic determinate, but they steer some of our engagement (Burns, Schlozman and Ver- choices. It is difficult, for instance, to ima- ba 2001; Norris 2007). Our theory deve- gine a person who likes solitude choosing lopment will be sensitive to this. In addi- to campaign for a political office. Thus, tion, we will strive to make sure our mea- these temperamental differences may ste- sures capture ways that both boys and er youths’ choices of activities and expe- girls might express civil and political enga- riences that foster civic engagement. gement. Traditionally, political socializa- Secondly biological, social, and cogniti- tion in Sweden has been taken place in ve maturity processes have to be taken fairly homogenous religious or cultural into theoretical consideration. Understan- settings. Contemporary socialization pro- ding one’s role in the society outside of cesses have to be sensitive to much in- the people we meet every day requires ab- creased diversity. stract thinking. Feeling a responsibility for that society requires a mature identity. Thus, civic identity and engagement will Research objectives and necessarily be tied to the more general de- questions velopment of abstract thinking and social The database we develop in this program maturity that begins with puberty. will allow us as well as collaborating international scholars to address a number of 34 general and specific questions. Below, we Internet use during adolescence and early outline some of our major research objec- adulthood make those disengaged even tives and give examples of questions to be more disengaged, or have the potential of answered in specific studies. expanding the group of politically active? One objective in our program is to un- A third objective is to understand derstand adolescents’ and young adults’ political whether and how peers socialize each other’s civic and civic engagement and how it changes over time. engagement. How often do young people Is young people’s civic engagement better talk about political issues with their explained by structural conditions than by friends at different life stages, and can ear- their experiences in various everyday life ly adolescents, later adolescents, emerging contexts? What kinds of everyday life ex- adults, and early adults accurately perceive periences get youths involved – for shor- the political and civic interests of their ter or longer period of time – in civic acti- best friends? Who are the peers of politi- vities, and how do socioeconomic status, cally and civic interested and uninterested cultural background, age and gender youths – and what activities with peers come into this? Motivated youths enter differentiate these youths? Do friends in- organizations, but can we see evidence of fluence youths’ civic engagement or do socialization effects on civic engagement youths select friends because of it? Is it (apart from self-selection) from joining possible to tease apart the influence of pe- different organizations? How do people ers in an activity from the influence of the who get involved in political parties and activity in itself? established democratic organizations dif- To understand how political and civic deve- fer from those engaged in new social mo- lopment relates to more general development con- vements or those who renounce all mo- stitutes is a fourth aim of our program. des of collective action? How are people’s How does the “normal” way young per- different perceptions of themselves as son learn the values, norms and culture of adults related to their political and civic their society affect their specific political identities? and civic development? Does the deve- Another objective is to understand the lopment of the civic engagement depend role of media. To what extent do differences on more general individual characteristics in young people’s patterns of media con- – temperament, personality, cognitive abi- sumption and online activities predict lity, and social maturity? How much can long term effects on civic engagement? young people’s political and civic interests Can we see evidence of socialization ef- be predicted from their more general ac- fects on civic engagement from joining hievement motivation? To what extent different internet based communities and are parents role models specifically for activities? To what extent can differences things that have to do with political and in social background, personality, and civic issues compared with other things: temperament explain how young people drinking, ways to relate to others, school choose to take part in online activities that engagement, etc.? have different consequences in terms of A fifth research objective is to un- public withdrawal vs. public connections? derstand youth’s active roles in the development Do different forms of online engagement of their civic engagement. How do youths’ predict civic engagement in other eve- choices of friends, media, and organized ryday life contexts? To what extent does activities change their views of themsel- 35 ■ ves, views of the world, and their political tations that are inside or outside of the Ö and civic activities? Are political conversa- conventional political and civic system? VERSIKTER tions in the family initiated by parents or Do parents’ interest, engagement, and va- youths? Do youths choose specific modes lues predict youths’ civic identities and en- of civic engagement to express their basic gagement, and do they change over time OCH

values? Does civic engagement bolster in response to youths’ initiation of family MEDDELANDEN youths’ self-esteem? How much do per- communication about political or civic sonality dispositions (internalizing and ex- matters? Does the democratic functio- ternalizing) hinder or promote youths be- ning of the family affect youths’ view of coming engaged in political and civic acti- democracy and ways of relating to peers vities? and adults? Do peers have more or less in- Furthermore, our program is deliberati- fluence on civic interests than parents? vely designed in order to understand stabi- Regarding the intervention proposed be- lity and change over time in civic engagement and low, is it possible to change people’s civic the roots of adult civic engagement. Can people interests and engagement with a concen- identify specific events in their lives that trated effort, and can we see consequenc- have spurred or changed their civic identi- es in other contexts? ties and engagement? How are biological maturity, perceived maturity, and subjecti- ve age related to civic identity and engage- The studies ment in adolescence, and to later features The program will consist of three compo- of civic identity and engagement? Do nents over seven years: An accelerated people become more consistent over time longitudinal study; an experimental study in their political and civic behavior across embedded within the longitudinal design; settings, and are there different life trajec- and an adult follow-up of a previous long- tories over time for groups of people? Do itudinal study. In 2015 we will have a data- civic orientations, skills, knowledge and base covering ages 10 to 30 that will be activities develop simultaneously and cu- unparalleled. mulatively or do they emerge more sepa- rately and dialectically over adolescence, emerging adulthood, and early adulthood? The Accelerated Longitudinal Study Finally, we are aiming at an understan- The accelerated six wave longitudinal stu- ding of whether and how experiences in one dy will take place in Örebro. It will allow setting affect changes in other settings and to test us to collect information from the youths’ numerous specific ideas that integrate contexts. friends, which is a critical feature of the Do temperament, personality characteris- study. According to official statistics, Öre- tics, and people’s values, underlie their bro is similar to the Swedish average in re- choices of activities in different contexts, levant characteristics like the educational and do they predict civic identities and en- level of the population, income, and rate gagement? Do negative or positive expe- of unemployment. It has a higher propor- riences in one context (family, peer, tion of immigrants, however. school) predict youths’ choices of other The study will be a cohort-sequential or contexts as the context-choice model pre- accelerated longitudinal design involving dicts. Do these experiences predict the multiple, overlapping cohorts (Prinzie, development over time of political orien- Onghena, and Hellinckx 2005). We will 36 follow each of five age cohorts over six follow-up will be able to say something years including totally 12000 individuals. more definitive about long-term effects This will allow us to estimate trends over and the links between adult civic engage- ages, from age 13 to age 30. We will col- ment and earlier developmental condi- lect data at the schools for the two young- tions, broadly defined. “10 to 18” is a pro- est cohorts and use a postal administra- spective, longitudinal study about general tion (in some cases a telephone interview) socialization. It was not developed speci- for the three older cohorts. In order to fically for understanding political sociali- study peer influence in civic engagement, zation, but the study has a wealth of data we will also collect the same type of infor- on youths everyday behavior in different mation from two of youths’ best friends. contexts, and this information extends what exists about general socialization in all longitudinal studies on political sociali- The Experimental Component zation that we are aware of. Thus, we The experimental study will be embedded should be able to say much about how in the longitudinal study. The purposes early socializing experiences will affect are to see if experiences can increase civic youths´ later political and civic identity engagement, regardless of the level of ini- and engagement. tial interest, and to examine the short- and The “10 to 18” study has a unique de- longer term consequences in different sign. All pupils between ages 10 and 18 in contexts of increased engagement. We a whole community were followed over will target youths’ interest in and know- time, and so were their friends at school ledge about the European Union with an and friends during leisure. To our know- experimental intervention called Europe ledge, this is the only study of its kind in Week, inspired by the Model United Na- the world. Each age cohort consists of ap- tions (see http://www.thimun.org). proximately 350 participants. This means that data for 3500-4000 youths have been collected every year. The longitudinal data Follow-up of “10 To 18” base consists of 5000 participants and In 2014, we will collect information on ci- 4000 variables assessing behavior in ho- vic engagement from about 1000 24-, 27-, me, school, peer, and free-time contexts. and 30-yr-olds (about 330 at each age) We will extend the 10 to 18 study by fol- who have been part of the longitudinal lowing up three cohorts who participated study “10 to 18”. Earlier data exist for the- in multiple waves and have now gradua- se participants going back to age 10. The ted from high school (gymnasium). We aim of 10 to 18 was to test a variety of will target the data collection to issues of theoretical ideas about the roles of diffe- political and civic attitudes and behaviors rent contexts in the development of pro- in emerging adulthood. blem behavior, including context-choice More information about the program theory. concerning publications, activities, parti- A main reason for complementing the cipants, international collaborators, cour- accelerated longitudinal study with the ses, etcetera can be found at the homepa- “10 to 18” follow-up, is that the 10 to 18 ge of YeS: www.oru.se/research/yes 37 ■

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