UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
Date:______
I, ______, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in:
It is entitled:
This work and its defense approved by:
Chair: ______
Gateway to Heaven? An Examination of Muslim Burials in Southwestern Ohio
A thesis submitted to the
Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
In the Department of Geography Of the College of Arts and Sciences
2006
by Nissa Fink
B.A., The College of William and Mary, 2000
Committee: Chair: Dr. Roger M. Selya Dr. Nicholas Dunning Dr. Colleen McTague
Abstract
In 2004, land was purchased by the Muslim community in Memphis, TN with the express purpose of establishing an Islamic cemetery. Due to opposition by the local community, that plan was never carried out. Opposition to similar cemetery projects has also surfaced in Charlotte and Atlanta. While the reason for such opposition may be questioned, so may the reason for why a specifically Islamic cemetery is needed. What are the requirements of a Muslim burial? Can these requirements be performed in a mainstream cemetery? What happens in locations where no Islamic cemetery is available? This research examines the burials of Muslims in Southwest Ohio, with the purpose of examining both the locational and cultural attributes of these burials. The location of Muslim burials were obtained through interviews with local Muslim leaders; site surveys were used to examine the location of Muslim burials within the cemetery as well as demographics and cultural attributes of the individual burials. Cultural attributes examined included the existence of a cult of piety, burial markers, inscriptions and grave orientation.
Keywords: Islam, Muslims, cemeteries, Necrogeography, burials, Cincinnati
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project was completed with the assistance of many people. I would like to express my gratitude and thanks for their assistance and support.
I would like to thank Dr. Roger M. Selya, who has been so helpful, not just in this thesis, but in my entire graduate career. He has always been there to act as a sounding board, to guide me in my education, and to give me a smile when I need one.
I am grateful to my committee members Dr. Colleen McTague and Dr. Nicholas Dunning for their willingness to serve and their helpful comments.
I am thankful for the assistance of Kevin Raleigh in my statistical analysis. He helped identify statistical techniques that might be appropriate and acted as a sounding board for many other aspects of the study.
I wish to thank both Dr. Joseph Foster and Nuha Nasrallah for their kind assistance in translations. Dr. Foster was able to identify and translate a Serbo-Croatian inscription, and Nuha Nasrallah was there when my Arabic failed, as it often does. She was also very helpful in putting many things into context for me.
I am appreciative of the other graduate students in the department with whom I have bounced off many ideas and who have helped me keep a modicum of sanity. These include, first and foremost, Susan Jakubowski, but also Seth Cavello, Robert Zajkowski, and Davin Hall.
Finally I would like to thank my family. If it had not been for my husband, Jason R. Fink, none of this would have been possible. He and our daughter, Paige, have carried more than their fair share these past years, and for that I am eternally grateful.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page ABSTRACT ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS iv
LIST OF FIGURES vi
INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of Purpose and Significance 2 Chapter Layout 3
ISLAM 4 What is Islam? 4 The Founding and Initial Diffusion of Islam 7 Sects in Islam 8 Muslims in the United States 10 Muslim Life in the United States 13
NECROGEOGRAPHY 19 Cultural Attributes of Cemeteries 19 Locational Attributes of Cemeteries 33
HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY 39 Hypotheses 39 Methodology 41
RESULTS 47
ANALYSIS 64
CONCLUSION 72 Hypotheses Revisited 72 Is a cemetery really necessary? 73 Future Research 74
BIBLIOGRAPHY 76
APPENDIX A: GRAVE SURVEY FORM 79
APPENDIX B: DEFINITION OF TERMS USED IN GRAVE SURVEY FORM 80
iv APPENDIX C: GRAVE SURVEY FORM CODING KEY 82
APPENDIX D: DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS REPORT 84
v LIST OF FIGURES Page FIGURE 1 Study Area, Southwest Ohio 41 2 Muslim Burial Grounds and Mosques of Southwestern Ohio 42 3 Addresses of Islamic Burial Grounds and Mosques in 43 Southwest Ohio 4 Hopewell Cemetery, Grave 4 52 5 Hopewell Cemetery, Grave 7 53 6 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, Grave 25 55 7 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, Grave 2 57 8 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, Grave 21 57 9 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, Grave 6 58 10 Crown Hill Memorial Park, Grave 3 59 11 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, Grave 28 61 12 Crown Hill Memorial Park, Grave 13 62
vi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
In January of 2004, a news article caught my attention. The article in question
(Feagans, 2004) discussed the establishment of a Muslim cemetery in Lawrenceville,
Georgia. A particularly hostile rezoning battle had been fought for nearly two years between the region’s Muslim community and those who opposed the establishment of a cemetery, particularly a Muslim cemetery, in an established middle-class neighborhood.
An earlier news article (Glanton, 2002) detailed the arguments given by the residents. A variety of reasons were proffered for the resistance. There were those who stated they were against any further cemeteries in the area (a Methodist cemetery is located across the street from the Muslim cemetery). There were those who stated they were against any development in the area. Others argued that traditional Muslim burial practices, which does not include embalming or the use of sealed caskets, could pollute soil and groundwater alike. Others however, were virulently anti-Islamic, maintaining that such a cemetery would be a meeting place for undesirables. In this case, Islam was being equated with terrorism, and it was feared that fundamental Islamic terrorists would frequent the cemetery.
Aside from the obviously anti-Islamic attitude uncovered by many of those interviewed, I was struck by the perceived necessity of a specifically Muslim cemetery.
Why did this group of people need or want a separate cemetery? What did Islam require in burial that could not be satisfactorily accommodated within a commercial or secular cemetery? From the article, I knew that Muslims were not embalmed, nor did they use a traditional casket for burial. Yet I also knew that not every jurisdiction required these and many that did would allow for religious exemptions, so there must be something more to
1 it to force a small group to go to these lengths to purchase a costly parcel of land, engage in a lengthy legal dispute and deal with the threats that these people did, all in order to establish something so simple as a cemetery. So what was it that this group of Muslims needed, or felt that they could not get from a more mainstream cemetery?
As I sought to answer these questions, the literature on cemeteries was less than helpful, as was the religious literature on Muslims. Nowhere could I find specifics on
Muslim burial practices. Yet other Muslim communities, such as those in Charlotte,
North Carolina and Flint, Michigan (Mostafavi, 2006), were working to establish their own cemeteries, so this was obviously something that was important to many Muslims.
Statement of Purpose and Significance
The research problem addressed in this study is to describe the burial practices of the Muslim community in Southwest Ohio. Understanding the burial needs of this community is important for two main reasons. First, it is possible that the Islamic community is facing discrimination, even if unknowingly. Does burial in Islam require more, or even just different, procedures than can be provided in a mainstream cemetery in the United States? This question cannot be answered without first knowing the requirements of Islam on this subject.
The second important reason for this study is that Islam is reported to be one of the fastest growing religions in the world, and the Islamic community in the United States is no exception to this generalization. Although the exact number of adherents of any religion is hard to establish, and particularly for a religious group that has no formal oversight, such as Islam, it is estimated that as of 2006, Islam is now the second largest
2 religion in the United States, having surpassed Judaism. Whether this is true or not,
Muslims constitute a growing percentage of the American population. Mainstream
society will soon have to include our Muslim neighbors, yet if it is unknown what Islam
requires of its followers, this cannot happen. Therefore, it is hoped that this study will
contribute to the growing body of knowledge on Islam in the United States.
Chapter Layout
Chapter 1 has focused on the reason this topic was chosen for study. Chapter 2 examines Islam, from its inception to the diffusion of the religion to Islam into the United
States. Although this examination of Islam is by no means exhaustive, I have attempted to include everything needed for a basic understanding of the beliefs and requirements of the faith. The next chapter, Chapter 3, is a literature review of previous research in the field of Necrogeography. It is primarily from this chapter that the hypotheses and methodology, found in Chapter 4, were derived, although the rational for each hypothesis also draws from information on Islam found in Chapter 2. Chapter 5 examines the results of site surveys conducted of Muslim burials in Southwest Ohio while Chapter 6 contains an analysis of the results and a determination on the legitimacy of each hypothesis.
Chapter 7, the final chapter, discusses any conclusions about the study as well as suggestions for future research.
3 CHAPTER 2: ISLAM
Islam, derived from the Arabic word for submission, is the name of the religious and sociopolitical system that was founded by Muhammad during the seventh century
C.E. in what is now Saudi Arabia (Wintle, 2003). With over one billion adherents found throughout the world, Islam is now one of the fastest growing religions in the world
(Wintle, 2003). For Muslims, or those who submit to God’s will, Islam is not just a religion, but a complete way of life. As such, the idea of a separation of the sacred and the secular is unthinkable in traditional Islam, which proscribes correct behavior for all facets of life, including marriage, law, etiquette, resource management and personal hygiene (Welch, 1997).
What is Islam?
From the beginning, Islam has been much more than what is usually meant by the modern Western concept of religion. Islam is, at the same time, a religious tradition, a civilization, and as Muslims are fond of saying, “a total way of life” (Welch, 1997). To the believer, Islam offers an incontestable divine truth and a template for how all human beings should aspire to live, both individually and collectively (Wintle, 2003).
Following in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Islam worships only one God, called by the Arabic word Allah. Mohammad, the founder of Islam, is credited with receiving the world of Allah through the intermediary of the archangel Gabriel, which is recorded in the holy body of Islam, the Qur’an. Although Mohammad is a central figure in Islam,
4 he is recognized only as a prophet and not as a deity, as is attested to in the saying “There
is no god but God and Mohammad is the messenger of God” (Welch, 1997).
In striving to live an Islamic life, there are four resources that a Muslim may
follow. The first is the Qur’an, which is viewed as the word of Allah. As the word of
Allah was given to Mohammad in Arabic by Gabriel, that is the official liturgical
language of both Islam and the Qur’an. Many modern editions are bilingual, attesting to
the spread of Islam outside of the Arabic speaking world, but every Muslim must be able
to read the Qur’an in Arabic. As Holy Scripture, the Qur’an is the first authority in Islam,
and despite any inconsistencies, its word is law. While most Islamists and critical
scholars agree that the Qur’an was not written until nearly twenty years after the death of
Muhammad, the contents are agreed to be the teachings of Muhammad (Welch, 1997).
Following the Qur’an, the next source in Islam are the Hadith. Meaning
“conversations” in Arabic, the Hadith are a collection of stories dating to the time of the
Prophet Muhammad, reporting his statements and practices, or Sunna, (Wintle, 2003).
The Hadith were transmitted orally until they were redacted in the ninth century, when there was a perceived need to distinguish the ‘true’ Hadith from the apocryphal (Wintle,
2003). While there are many versions, there are six widely recognized canonical editions, which were composed during the late ninth and early tenth centuries. Regardless of the authenticity as precedents for Islamic law and as historical sources for the time of
Muhammad, the Hadith are an extremely valuable source for classical Islam and provide an authoritative guide to most aspects of Muslim life (Welch, 1997).
The final two additional resources available for Islamic thinking are consensus and systematic original thinking. Both of these involve reasoning by analogy, or qiyas in
5 Arabic. These analogies are based on the Qur’an and the Hadith (Welch, 1997), and have
come to form precedents in their own rights.
Besides following the general teachings and practices of Mohammad in striving to
live a sound Islamic life, each Muslim must perform five essential rituals to the best of
his/her ability. These Five Pillars of Islam are what defines the Muslim and shows his/her
submission to Allah (Welch, 1997). The Five Pillars of Islam are stated as:
1. Public profession of faith by reciting the Shahada (There is no God but God and
Mohammad is the messenger of God);
2. Salah, or prayer ritual, performed five times daily, facing Mecca;
3. Giving zakat, or charity to those in need;
4. Fasting, or sawm during the month of Ramadan, and
5. Completing the Hajj, or the ritual pilgrimage to Mecca, if physically and
financially able, once in one’s lifetime.
Islamic, or Shariah, law is based on the four resources of the Qur’an, Hadiths, consensus and analogy and the Five Pillars. The basic theory behind Islamic law and correct performance of the required rituals is that Muslims should first ask: What does
God prescribe in the Qur’an? On practices about which the Qur’an is silent or ambiguous, they then ask: what did the Prophet Muhammad do or say, relying on the wisdom of the
Hadiths. In many cases where the Hadiths report conflicting views, prominent jurists of the ninth century, motivated by a strong desire for uniformity of Islamic practice, reached consensus (ijm‘a). Where they could not, mainly regarding details of law and the precise way rituals were to be performed, they agreed to disagree, thus establishing a system of multi-orthopraxis (Welch, 1997).
6 The Founding and Initial Diffusion of Islam
The beginnings of Islam can be traced to the city of Mecca in the Arabian
Peninsula. Located approximately forty miles from the Red Sea and sited at the midpoint of the main West Arabian trade route at the point where other trans-Arabian routes converged, Mecca was Arabia’s richest city by the time of Muhammad’s birth (Wintle,
2003) and was already its most important religious pilgrimage site (Welch, 1997).
Beginning at approximately age forty, Muhammad is said to have begun receiving revelations, which he began to proclaim openly. His public denunciation of the established deities worshipped in the city concerned the principal families of the city who were worried about the economic ramifications of his teachings. Persecution by these leaders led many of Muhammad’s followers to flee, seeking the protection of the
Christian king of Abyssinia (modern day Ethiopia). In 622 CE, the death of Muhammad’s uncle Abu Talib left him without a protector, and Muhammad and his remaining followers fled Mecca, finding refuge in Yathrib, which later came to be known as Medina
(Wintle, 2003). By the time of his death in 632 CE, Muhammad had become the religious and political leader of all central and western Arabia, including Mecca, which had been peacefully surrendered to Muhammad just eight years after his leaving (Welch, 1997).
After the death of Muhammad, the path of Islam was uncertain as he had left no instructions about who should take his place. It was finally decided that a caliph should be chosen to take the place of Muhammad. This caliph was to be a temporal and spiritual leader of Islam. The first caliph was Abu Bakr, a close friend of Muhammad and the first convert to Islam. By the end of the rule of the second caliph ’Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644
CE, just twelve years after the death of Muhammad, Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia,
7 Palestine, and parts of Iran had all come under Arab control. By the death of Uthman ibn
Affan, the third caliph in 656 CE, the Arab empire had spread from Tripoli to the Taurus and Caucasus mountains in the north and to Afghanistan and Pakistan to the east. By 711
CE, nearly a century after Muhammad first began to preach his new religion, the Arab empire had spread to North Africa and Spain and the Indian subcontinent (Welch, 1997).
While this rapid expansion of Arab control was through both political and military processes, the spread of the Islamic religion occurred much more slowly and peacefully.
The majority of the people living in areas under Islamic control gradually converted to
Islam. Only in rare cases did the spread of Islam come to an area “by the sword,” which goes against the teaching of the Qur’an, which states “[t]here shall be no compulsion in religion” (Welch, 1997).
Today, Muslims are represented in all the major races and cultures; however the majority live in a nearly contiguous band around the globe from the Atlantic shores of
North and West Africa eastward to Indonesia in South East Asia (Afridi, 2001; Welch,
1997). The largest broad ethnic community of Muslims is located in South Asia, which contains over 300 million or nearly 30 percent of the Muslim world population (Welch,
1997).
Sects in Islam
Since the beginning, there has been internal dissent in Islam, partly political and partly doctrinal. Questions of succession have often caused groups to splinter off from the whole, influence from Christian and Zoroastrian ideas led to cults of saints in some areas,
8 spurned by others, and the belief in “friends of Allah” who are worshipped as intermediaries have all led to internal factions working against each other (Wintle, 2003).
The first major schism in Islam occurred after the death of Muhammad in June of
632 C.E. The issue at hand was the question of succession. His 30 year old nephew and son-in-law ’Ali was nominated but thought too young by some, so it was decided that
Muhammad’s closest companion Abu Bakr should assume the role of “Successor of the
Prophet of God,” and his followers were called Sunnis. Followers of ’Ali later claimed that succession should have been passed to Muhammad’s closest living male relative.
From this claim Shi’ism, or the “party of ’Ali”, was born (Welch, 1997), but it was the assassination of Hussein, the second son of ’Ali in 680 that truly set Shi’ism on an independent path (Wintle, 2003). Shi’as are a minority in Islam, comprising approximately ten percent of all Muslims, or roughly 100 million adherents. They are the majority in Iran and Iraq, with enclaves elsewhere in the Islamic world (Wintle, 2003).
Since this schism between Sunni and Shi’a, other groups have broken off from the main Shi’a line, again generally based on conflicts over succession. When the Fourth
Imam (as the Shi’a caliph is called) died it was questioned who would succeed him, his brother or his son. Although the brother finally was named as the next Imam, those who favored the son, Zayd ibn Ali, broke from the main Shi’a line and became known as the
Zaydis. A similar dispute brought forth the Ismailis after the death of the Sixth Imam.
Many of these splinter groups exist today, although they are generally small and rather powerless, instead tending to be persecuted by Sunni and Shi’a groups.
The other major Islamic sect is the Nation of Islam. This group, composed solely of African-Americans in the United States, is discussed further on page 12.
9 Muslims in the United States
Due to the importation of Muslim slaves, Islam has a longer history in the United
States than is often realized, perhaps as far back as 1501 (Pipes and Durán, 2002).
However, the number of Muslim immigrants did not really begin to rise significantly until the 1960s. Since this time, Islam has grown significantly, as shown by the fact that the majority of the over 1200 United States mosques have been built since that time
(Haddad and Lummis, 1987). Today, Islam is one of the largest religions in the United
States (Smith, 2002), with estimates ranging from three million to nine million adherents
(Afridi, 2001; Mujahid, 2001; ARDA, 2006). Two main reasons account for such variations in estimates. The first is that the U.S. Census Bureau does not ask questions about religion, and other surveys are not likely to count minority religions such as Islam, which accounts for only approximately 1.5 percent of the population (ARDA, 2006).
Another difficulty is who to count as a Muslim? In many Islamic countries of Africa,
Central Asia and the Middle East, Ahmadis, a reform sect of Muslims who follow the teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who is seen as the second coming of the messiah, are considered as heretical and are not counted as Muslim. In the United States they are included in some counts but not in others (Pipes and Durán, 2002). Whatever difficulties arise in counting Muslims, it is generally agreed that Islam in the United States is on the increase, with much of this growth attributable to the rise of immigration of Muslims to the United States (Haddad and Lummis, 1987). Indeed, the United States has the most ethnically diverse community of Muslims anywhere in the world (Afridi, 2001), with representatives coming from nearly every country where Muslims live, more than 100 countries total (Pipes and Durán, 2002).
10 Location of Muslims within the United States
Generally, most Muslims in the United States can be found in larger metropolitan areas, including the country’s largest cities of New York, Los Angeles and Chicago, and particularly those cities with large immigrant communities (Pipes and Durán, 2002).
There are four major areas that have a large concentration of Muslims: the corridor connecting New York and Washington, D.C., California, a Midwest triangle, consisting of Cleveland, Detroit, and Chicago, and Texas, particularly the Houston and Dallas-Fort
Worth areas. Each of these areas can be said to have its own ethnic flavor. Iranians dominate in California; it is estimated that with the exception of Tehran, Los Angeles has the largest population of Iranians of any city. Texas Muslims are primarily from South
Asia, while Chicago has a near balance of East European Muslims with its large immigrant community of Albanians, Bosnians and Turks. Detroit has the country’s largest concentration of Arabs, dating to the days when Henry Ford relied heavily on
Lebanese workers, while the rest of the Midwest triangle is a mix of Arabs and African-
Americans (Pipes and Durán, 2002).
Muslim Immigration
It is estimated that two-thirds to three-quarters of the Muslim population in the
United States is composed of first generation immigrants. There are three main reasons given for this (Pipes and Durán, 2002). The first is the large number of Muslim refugees.
Ethnic and religious persecution, civil and international wars have all directly contributed to the emergence of Muslim ethnic communities in the United States. Second, the perceived quality of the American education system has attracted a large number of
11 foreign students, including Muslims, many of whom choose to remain in the United
States after graduation. Finally, Islamist ambitions have led to the emigration of many
Muslims to the United States. There is a desire by some to change the United States, the sole superpower, into an Islamic state, replacing the United States Constitution with the
Koran and Islamic law (Pipes and Durán, 2002).
Nation of Islam
Another large segment in the United States Muslim population is that of the
“Black Muslims.” The roots of the African-American experience with Islam dates back to over a century. Over the years, Islam has offered dignity and self-esteem to African-
Americans as they fought against racial discrimination (Afridi, 2001), and the largest group of African-America Muslims is The Nation of Islam.
Founded during the 1930s by Wallace D. Fard, a self-proclaimed madhi, or messiah, and his disciple Elijah Muhammad, the two men boasted that they had been ordained by Allah to redeem other colored peoples from white oppression. Their goal was the creation of a separate state for African-Americans in North America (Muhammad,
1996; Wintle, 2003). Initially, several thousand followers were attracted to the teachings of The Nation of Islam, but the momentum of the movement soon died out until the late
1950s. It was during the 1950s that Malcolm Little, later known as Malcolm X, was able to exploit the anger generated by the civil rights movement, creating a powerful link between “Black Islam” and “Black Power” (Wintle, 2003), leading to a revival in
African-American interest in Islam. During its existence, The Nation of Islam has rarely succeeded in establishing relations with Muslim groups outside of the United States.
12 Instead, The Nation of Islam has been regarded as suspicious by other Muslims, partly due to their overtly racist overtones and protestant revivalism (Wintle, 2003). More recently, more African-Americans are embracing the mainstream Sunni Islam which is represented by the Muslim American Society. The leader of this group, Imam Warith
Deen Muhammad, the son of Elijah Muhammad, rejects the racial segregation and Black
Nationalism espoused by The Nation of Islam (Afridi, 2001).
Muslim Life in the United States
In the performance of their religion, American Muslims have some differences in their religious requirements from that of mainstream society. These differences are most readily seen in their places of worship, religious education, dietary and burial needs.
Mosques
The mosque is thought of as the traditional Muslim worship center. The Arabic word for mosque, masjid, literally translates as a “place of prostration” (Wintle, 2003).
The requirements for a mosque are simple, reflecting the simplicity of Islam: a space, which is nearly always covered, for prayer; a perimeter marking out the sanctuary, or haram, area; and the qibla, or niche, depicting the direction of Mecca. Also associated with the mosque is the minaret, from which the call to prayer is made; a receptacle for water to be used for ritual cleansing of the hands, feet and mouth before prayer; and a minbar, or pulpit, to be used to deliver sermons during Friday prayers (Wintle, 2003).
One survey maintains that there are 1209 mosques in the United States (Smith,
2002), with a similar number given by the Association of Religious Data Archives
13 (ARDA) (2006). This number seems small, especially when compared to nearly four thousand places of worship for a similar number of Jews in the United States and 12,000 places of worship for 4.2 million Mormons (ARDA, 2006). However, this may be in part due to the fact that a Muslim may offer prayers to Allah in any place, providing they face
Mecca and use a prayer mat or any other clean surface. In fact, as Muslims are fond of saying, “the whole world is a mosque” (Wintle, 2003).
Education
There are approximately 200 Muslim schools, 500 Islamic Sunday schools and a number of Islamic institutes offering adult learning programs in the United States. It is estimated that not more than three percent of American Muslim children acquire any formal Islamic schooling outside of their home (Mujahid, 2001). Instead, there is a tendency for Muslim parents to rely on others in the community for the religious education of their children. For example, a Muslim child may be sent for weekly or monthly lessons with an uncle or respected elder (Jhetam, 2006). This reliance on the community negates the specific need for an educational institution. However, it should be noted that not all elders in the Muslim community may have the same level of education or same viewpoints on all subjects, which may lead to conflicting teachings.
Dietary Requirements
Muslims are required by the Qur’an to follow special dietary requirements in that their food be halal. In the Arabic language, the term is used for anything that is
14 permissible, such as foods, clothing and behavior, but in English, halal has become
synonymous with the Muslim diet.
In order to be halal, animals must be slaughtered by a method called dhabiha.
This consists of checking the eyes and ears of the animal to ensure that it is healthy and
suitable for slaughter, giving the animal a drink of water in order to quench its thirst,
positioning the animal facing Mecca, speaking the phrase “In the name of God, God is
the Greatest,” and then cutting the neck of the animal, including the large arteries,
esophagus and trachea with one slice of a non-serrated knife to drain all the blood from
the animal. The animal is not touched until it has fully died (Jhetam, 2006).
Foods that are not considered halal are haraam, or forbidden. Haraam foods include pork, blood, carrion, carnivorous animals with the exception of most fish and sea animals, and all intoxicants. Some Muslims believe that fish that lack scales, lobsters and crabs are haraam, while others believe that those animals that live both on land and in water are haraam. Fish with scales are halal are if they are allowed to die on land, but are haraam if killed while still in the water (Wintle, 2003).
These dietary laws may not be difficult to follow in a country with a sizable
Muslim population, yet they can be difficult to follow in the United States. Many communities do not have a halal market and Muslims are faced with the necessity of purchasing and consuming meats that were not killed in a dhabiha manner. However,
Islam allows for this, recognizing that halal foods may not always be available. While it is preferable to consume halal foods if at all possible, it is acceptable to eat the foods of the mainstream community, as long as these foods are not explicitly haraam. For example, Muslims in the United States may purchase and consume beef or poultry that
15 has not been slaughtered in a halal manner, but may not eat pork (Jhetam, 2006). An
Imam in Brooklyn, for example, has decreed that a Big Mac from McDonalds is halal,
but that a bacon cheese burger is haraam (Elliot, 2006).
Burial
Perhaps one of the most distinctive requirements of Islam is the rituals associated
with death. Like most religions, there are specific rituals to be followed upon the death of
a Muslim. The term for one who is close to death is mutadha (Ross, 2001). As one
approaches death, they should be positioned so that they are facing Mecca. If possible,
the mutadha should read passages from the Qur’an; if they are unable to do so, a close
family member should read for them. The Shahadah, or public profession of faith, should
be recited in the ear of the dying, based on the belief that the Shahadah should be the first
words a Muslim hears upon entering the world and the last they hear upon departing. The
dying Muslim repents all sins and prepares to pass from this world to the next (Gardner,
1998; Jonker, 1996; Ross, 2001).
Preparations for burial start immediately after death. Burial should take place the
same day, or the next day in the cases of a death late in the day (Ross, 2001). The eyes of
the deceased should be closed and the jaw tied shut so that it will not open. The body
should be washed (al-ghusul) by family members or other Muslims if family is not available. In al-ghusul, the body is washed at least three times, head to toe, in a clean, secluded place, using clean clothes and soap, and then dried. After this, the body is shrouded using white sheets of inexpensive material. The parts of the body that touch the ground during prostration during Salat, or prayer, may be perfumed if desired.
16 Prayers for the deceased are required to be performed in congregation, and are therefore often conducted in the courtyard or activity room of a mosque. Death notices are not generally sent to friends or family, and anyone who is present at the mosque normally joins in the prayers and funeral ceremony (Jhetam, 2006). After the completion of prayers, the body is carried to the cemetery, while the mourners follow on foot.
Traditionally the cemetery is near enough to the mosque for the body to be carried to the cemetery. However, in the United States, cemeteries are not generally close enough to the mosque for this to happen. To compensate, the body is not driven all the way to the actual burial site, but is instead carried the last few feet to the burial plot (Hariri, 2006).
A Muslim should be buried in an Islamic cemetery. Islamic law states that “it is not permitted to bury a Muslim in the graveyard of the non-Muslims, or to bury a non-
Muslim in the graveyard of the Muslims” (Jhetam, 2006). There are two types of graves in Muslim cemeteries: al-Shaqq and al-Lahed. Al-Shaqq is composed of a deep vertical hole in the ground, while al-Lahed is a deep vertical hole with a side horizontal hole large enough to cover the whole body. It is desirable to use al-Lahed if the land is stable enough to support it.
Only men are allowed to attend the funeral of a Muslim, and the male family members of the deceased are expected to place the deceased in the grave. It is undesirable to show excess emotion during a Muslim funeral, and in many cases talking is discouraged altogether unless necessary. The body should rest on its right side, supported so that the body will not fall back, facing the direction of Mecca. Once the grave is completely filled, it is customary for the friends and family to stay in the cemetery to make dua’ (supplication) for the deceased, since he is being questioned by Angels.
17 Graves may be designated by a mark or stone, but it is against the teachings of
Muhammad to build any form of construction on a grave or to decorate a grave.
Because of the size of the Muslim community, in many areas there may not be enough Muslims to support the need for a separate cemetery specifically for Muslims.
And even if there are enough Muslims in a community, the surrounding population may not allow the founding of a new cemetery, particularly in the case of an ethnic or minority group that is seen as undesirable by mainstream society. In cases such as these, it is possible to purchase plots in corporate cemeteries as has been done in the past by other religious or ethnic groups (Pattison, 1955).
Due to the ethnic qualities of the Muslim community in the United States and the varying customs of these ethnic groups, there are differences in burial practices. Unless something was specifically against the teachings of Muhammad, ethnic traditions were allowed during the spread of Islam. Burials are no different. For example, Turks tend to put up gravestones and decorate them with laminated photographs of the dead, while
Saudis see gravestones as idolatrous and consider photographs as even worse (Pipes and
Durán, 2002). Due to this variation in traditions, the burial ground may become a place of contention. However, variations are found not only between cultural, ethnic or religious groups, but within those groups as well. The geography of cemeteries, including variation between and within groups, is more fully discussed in Chapter 3.
18 CHAPTER 3: NECROGEOGRAPHY
The field of Necrogeography is a limited one, with a history dating back only half a century. While there was a growing interest in cemetery studies during the 1970s continuing through the late 1980s, the range of work by geographers remains limited.
Early work on cemeteries examined such topics as land use patterns in cemeteries
(Pattison, 1955; Darden, 1972) and specific cultural cemeteries, such as Jeane’s work on the cemeteries of the Upland South culture region (Jeane, 1978 and 1989). These topics were so pervasive in early cemetery studies that Francaviglia (1971) categorized cemetery studies into two genres, 1) architectural analysis of style and change and 2) geographic analysis of the cemetery as an example of land use patterns.
Similar to this categorization of cemetery studies, this discussion of cemetery attributes is divided into the cultural attributes and the spatial, or locational, attributes of cemeteries. While the spatial attributes of a cemetery can., and does, differ based on culture and ethnicity, for the purpose of this study, the location of burials are considered distinct from cultural attributes. Also, this discussion, unless otherwise noted, examines only burials found within the United States.
Cultural Attributes of Cemeteries
The cultural attributes found in cemeteries include anything that is created by humans. This includes things like the type and material of markers, grave decorations and inscriptions, and the vegetation found in cemeteries. While generally indicative of customs and traditions of the living, these attributes are typically informative of the belief
19 systems of the group under study, and commonly are slow to change or modernize
(Jordan, 1982). While where people are buried can also be considered a cultural attribute, for the purpose of this study, all location issues will be examined under the section
Location Attributes of Cemeteries.
Grave Markers
The first of these cultural attributes discussed will be the grave marker, or tombstone. The grave marker can be considered the most cultural of cemetery attributes, and is often the most recognizable feature of the cemetery.
Material
Styles of markers vary greatly, both in materials used and their form. While modern day markers are generally made out of granite to withstand weathering, this has not always been so, nor is it so in all cultures. Cunningham (1989), in his study of various
New Mexico ethnic burials, details the typical Navajo burial, with rocks piled up or poles sticking out of the grave to warn travelers of the danger of unsettled spirits in the area.
Yet when the Navajo are buried in the local Mormon cemeteries, temporary metal markers or laminated paper is used to indicate the new grave, but as the dead are something to be feared and avoided in Navajo society, the time and money is not generally spent to replace these temporary markers with a more permanent memorial.
In the same region, Cunningham (1989) has noted that the Zuni will often use nearly anything to mark a grave. Traditional Zuni pottery is often pressed into service, inscribed with the names of the deceased and the date of death. Local sandstone is also often used as markers, sometimes painted, sometimes shaped, sometimes both. In one
20 case, he notes the use of a cinder block stepping stone which had been painted and used as a grave marker, a symbolic symbol of stepping “from this world to the next.”
In his study of New Mexico cemeteries, Cunningham also notes the use of a variety of materials in the Mormon cemeteries, which he states is far more variable than that of even the Zuni. The Mormons too, appear to have an aptitude for homemade tombstones, again using what materials are at hand.
In his overview of the cultural geography of death, Pitte (2004) remarks on the grave markers of the nomadic Muslims of desert regions. Often, he observes, a large stone is placed at the head of a newly deceased man, with a smaller stone at his feet, while a total of three stones are used to denote the burial place of a woman, with two being placed at the head. In Mauritania, he continues, branches take the place of the stones, but the model is the same.
In his study of Texas cemeteries, Terry Jordan (1982) found differences between ethnicities, but also within ethnicities, often within the same cemetery. In Southern Anglo cemeteries, wooden, both marked and unmarked fieldstone, cement, brick, sheet-metal and limestone markers were all found, often homemade. Texans of German decent also use these materials, if more elegantly. There appears to be a penchant for metal markers among the Texas German communities, particularly those of wrought iron. Jordan’s study of Mexican cemeteries also found cement markers and some metal markers, but wooden markers are far more numerous. Jordan attributes this to the scarcity of wood in many places, and the desire to make a memorial out of something “rare and precious” in the past. More recently wood is used for reasons of poverty, as it can be obtained relatively cheaply (Jordan 1982:75).
21 Form
Just as the material used may differ, so can the form of the grave marker. In many cases, the material used dictates the form of the marker, such as in the case of Muslim branches and stones, or Zuni pottery or stepping stones. But in many cases, the materials may be the same with varying forms.
Jordan (1982) discusses the strong preference for crosses in the Hispanic cemeteries in Texas. Even among the German Catholic, while there are many crosses, the percentages do not come close to reaching that of Texas Hispanics. Texas Anglos, on the other hand, appear to prefer plainer styles, consisting of square-topped blocks, rounded tablets and Gothic points. Many of the locally produced stones are made of fieldstone and other locally quarried stone roughly shaped into these shapes, with even wooden markers being formed into these desired shapes.
Bar-Gal and Azaryahu (1997) note the differences between various Jewish groups, even within the same cemetery. A visitor to a Jewish cemetery, they comment, will see both upright, vertical gravestones and lower, horizontal gravestones. The horizontal stones generally belong to the Sepharadi, or Middle Eastern, tradition, while the vertical stones typically denote the burial site of an Ashkenazi Jew of European origin.
Inscriptions
Tombstone ornamentation is often examined in the analysis of cemeteries. The most obvious form of ornamentation are the inscriptions found on grave markers.
Generally the name of the deceased and the date of death are inscribed on a marker, but
22 other information may be found as well. Although they are not kept up, Navajo markers initially indicate the date of birth, while Zuni markers will often denote any military service of the deceased. In Cunningham’s study, the Mormon grave markers often are the most verbose. At the very least, the Mormon markers give the biographical information needed to compile genealogies, and often indicate the deceased’s relationship to the living, as well as giving other, more personal information about their lives (Cunningham,
1989).
Similar to Mormon grave markers, Jewish markers will often have the name of the deceased’s father, giving at least one step back in genealogical history (Keister,
2004).
Often found on headstones are personalized epitaphs or poems. Jordan (1982) found little in the way of personalized inscriptions on Anglo and Hispanic gravestones in
Texas, indeed many Hispanic stones lack even basic data such as name or date of birth or death. However, Texas German graves often exhibit a great wealth of inscriptions. Jordan suggests that the tradition, which has been common in Germany since the sixteenth century, was brought by German settlers to Texas. As a rule, he states, German epitaphs are longer, more poetic and more informative than those of the Anglos and Hispanics.
The maiden names of women are often given, as is the immigration history of the deceased. The place of birth is usually given, and there is often a reference to the homeland, suggesting an unbroken connection to Germany (Jordan, 1982).
A final aspect of tombstone inscriptions is the language in which they are written.
While the majority of American inscriptions are arguably in English, ethnic groups often chose to preserve their linguistic heritage to the very end. Again, Texas German
23 tombstones provide a good example of this, as many are completely in the German language, even beyond the first generation (Jordan, 1982). Jews, Norwegians and
Hispanics (Jordan, 1982) are also good examples of ethnic groups that try to maintain their mother-tongue in the cemetery.
Symbols and Pictures
Other ornamentation often found on grave markers consist of symbols or pictures.
As with other aspects of death, these too vary with ethnicity and religion. While Jordan found some symbols more common Anglo cemeteries in Texas, it was in the Texas
German cemeteries that the symbology is unmistakable. Dating back to a pagan history,
Texas German grave markers are replete with protective hex symbols such as the
Sonnenrad (sun wheel), Drudenfuss (witch’s foot), Urbogen (sun arc), and the heart.
While the heart can be found in the cemeteries of other ethnic groups, only the Germans have the distinctive “turnip-shaped” heart. Jordan briefly mentions pictures of the deceased on tombstones, but these appear to be a more modern development (Jordan,
1982).
Mormon cemeteries also use pictures on their stones. Photographs are used to remember and honor the deceased along with a record of their earthly accomplishments.
In many cases, photographs or etchings of a Mormon temple is present, indicating the temple where their marriage was performed (Cunningham, 1989).
Traditionally, Jewish gravestone decoration varied between the burials of
Sepharadic, or Middle Eastern Jews, and Ashkenazic, or Jews of European decent. On the
Sepharadic stones, angel figures and biblical images could be found, while Ashkenazic
24 Jews allowed no figurative art. Yet today this has changed, and both groups can be found using classic Jewish symbols (Bar-Gal and Azaryahu, 1997). Many of the symbols are used to signify that the deceased was Jewish, such as the menorah, often found on the tombstone of a righteous woman, or the Star of David, which began as a symbol of divine protection. Other symbols may be used to signify the deceased’s place within the Jewish hierarchy. For example, a ewer, or Levite pitcher, is used to signify the burial of a Levite, while a pair of hands indicates the burial of a Kohanim, a subgroup of priests within the
Levite tribe (Bar-Gal and Azaryahu, 1997; Keister, 2004).
Decorations found on Japanese grave markers generally consist of family crests, or monsho. More stylized in form than European crests, most Japanese crests are nature- related, with the most popular designs depicting flora and fauna. Ideographs are less common, and represent personal attributes, such as integrity, peace, sincerity and good fortune (Keister, 2004).
Other decorations often found on graves are those denoting fraternal organizations and other clubs and societies. Many organizations arose as a way to preserve the traditions of the old country after emigration to the United States, while others began as benevolent societies in the days before organized health care, providing medical and death care to members. Many of these organizations provided their membership with a grave marker or with space in a mausoleum owned by the organization. As these grave markers were provided to the newly deceased by the organization, the organization was often depicted in some manner on the grave marker. In other instances, either the deceased or the family of the deceased wished to indicate an organization that was important to the deceased.
25 One of the most widely represented society in cemeteries is the Freemasons.
Throughout the world, tombstones can be found with the Masonic square and compass, although other signs can be found, such as the eye, with or without rays of light. Animal societies are often represented in cemeteries, with images of elk, moose, eagles, and the like being found on the grave markers of deceased members. Sometimes the symbology is the shape of the grave marker itself, as seen in the treestones that mark the burial place of members of organizations such as the Woodsmen of the World, Women of
Woodcraft, Modern Woodmen of America and Neighbors of Woodcraft. Until the 1920s, deceased members of these related organizations were given a tombstone, in the shape of a tree stump. While members are no longer guarantied a grave marker, the organization states that no member will rest in an unmarked grave, ensuring that the symbology of the treestone will continue (Keister, 2004).
Borders
Another cultural attribute of cemeteries are borders, which may surround either an individual grave or a grouping of graves. Not all cemeteries make use of borders, which can differ from locale to locale and among ethnicities. Typical grave borders include curbing, fencing and grave houses.
Curbing
Curbing consists of a small border, often only a few inches to a foot tall, that is placed around a grave or a group of graves, such as a husband/wife plot. Jordan’s (1982) work in Texas cemeteries has shown that the graves of German and Mexican ethnics are
26 much more likely than Anglo-Americans to have curbing surrounding their burials. Even in cases where Germans and Anglos were buried in the same cemetery, the German graves would often include grave curbings while they were noticeably absent in the
Anglo graves. While more commonly made of stone, Texas German burials sometimes make use of wooden curbing, which Jordan (1982) attributes to the wood-working skills of German immigrants. When the use of curbing is found in Anglo cemeteries in Texas,
Jordan states that it appears to be used to denote family plots instead of individual or husband-wife groupings as is common in German burials.
Fencing
Fencing, like curbing, encloses a grave or a group of graves, such as a small family plot, yet is taller than curbing. This border is generally composed of real fencing material, such as wood or stone, although decorative wrought iron is quite common, particularly in older cemeteries (Jordan, 1982). Cunningham (1989) notes the use of fencing in Zuni burials in New Mexico, which he states “use any number of kinds of fences.” Similarly, a collection of photographs presented by Bunnen (1991) shows many examples of varied fencing throughout the Sunbelt States. Many were of unusual materials; one grave made use of a baby’s crib, while another grave was surrounded by a metal bed frame.
Hispanic burials, which appear to emphasize the individual, make great use of both fencing and curbing. In both Central and Southern Texas, cement curbing is quite common in Hispanic burials, while in El Paso as well as other parts of Texas and New
Mexico, wooden picket fences are the standard (Jordan, 1982).
27 A special type of fencing is the mort safe. A low fence surrounding a burial with a
locked gate across the top, mort safes are more commonly found in Europe, but can be
found as well in older cemeteries in the United States. It hails from the 1700s, when the
law made it difficult for medical schools to obtain the cadavers needed for dissection.
Mort safes, along with other methods, were used to foil the “resurrectionists” looking for
fresh bodies to sell to medical schools (Keister, 2004).
The Grave House
Anglo burials in Texas sometimes make use of fencing, particularly to indicate a family plot, but use of a grave house appears to be somewhat more common there
(Jordan, 1982). A grave house may take many forms, but generally consists of a roofed structure over a grave, with or without walls. The more elaborate examples may be professionally produced from high quality stone, while more modest examples may be nothing more than a handmade picket fence covered with a sloped roof. Grave houses are generally reserved for the more affluent burials, perhaps to show higher status, in death as in life.
Grave houses are not restricted to Texas and can be found throughout the South, sheltering the burials of whites, African-Americans and Native Americans alike. Grave houses are so common in areas of the South, that their presence has been incorporated into the cemeteries of the Upland South, a well-studied culture type found in the upland
South region of the United States (Jeane, 1989; also see the section detailing Cults of
Piety on page 31). Jordan argues that the use of grave houses diffused from Native
Americans to white settlers. As evidence, he states that tribes from the Northeast, East,
Southeast, Northwest and the Midwest all build grave houses, and in some cemeteries,
28 even if the custom is no longer practiced, many of the older graves are sheltered by grave houses (Jordan, 1982).
Vegetation
Vegetation is an often overlooked cultural attribute of cemeteries, particularly ethnic cemeteries. In American culture there are often traditional cemetery plants and trees. Upland South cemeteries often have limited vegetation. On occasion, one might find oak, but the most common examples being the eastern red cedar and various pines.
The eastern red cedar is so popular in Upland South areas, that it is commonly known as the “cemetery tree.” There is a strong preference for evergreens, perhaps as a symbol of immortality and endurance (Jeane, 1989).
Besides the preference for traditional cemetery trees and shrubs, Upland South cemeteries are often known for their complete lack of grass. This is accomplished through scraping the soil until no vegetation is left. This will be further discussed on page
31 in the section on “Cults of Piety”.
At one level, Hispanics often appear to pay little attention to the vegetation in their cemeteries, as the more traditional plantings are often absent and other natural vegetation, such as cacti, salt cedars and mesquite are often left in place. However, this is made up by the abundance of flowers, both natural and cultivated, that grow in the
Hispanic cemetery. The profusion of flowers becomes one of the main focal points of the cemetery in the spring and early summer (Jordan, 1982).
German Texans tend to be rather precise in their cemetery plantings. Cedars appear the most commonly planted tree, and are placed at regular intervals. If native trees
29 are in a newly established cemetery, they are generally removed, leaving only the cedars behind (Jordan, 1982).
Cults of Piety
Every culture has its own way to honor the dead, many of which leave a physical imprint upon the landscape. This imprint may be permanent or temporary, depending on the purpose and significance of the cult of piety.
Qingming and Chongyang
In traditional Chinese belief, the living hope that the dead will become a benevolent god, bring luck and prosperity upon the family, yet fear that the dead will become a vengeful demon instead (Teather, 2001). With these hopes and fears in mind, specific burial rights were developed and are strictly followed. Qingming and Chongyang are two of the festivals in which family members honor their dead in order to placate the spirits of the deceased.
Gravesites, like houses, were selected according to feng shui principles, a Chinese geomantic practice in which a structure or site is chosen or configured to promote harmony with Nature. Traditionally, the date of the funeral, the location and orientation of the grave, grave furnishings and the depth and alignment of the coffin were all decided only after consultation with a feng shui master. If the placement and orientation of the grave was correct, the spirit of the deceased would be laid to rest and the family would be subject to good fortune (Knapp, 1977; Teather, 2001). However, it is not unusual for there to be a succession of burials until the family is satisfied that everything has been
30 done satisfactorily (Knapp, 1977). Yet once the burial is deemed successful, familial responsibility is not complete.
For most of the year, with the exception of the occasional visitor or workman,
Chinese cemeteries are deserted. Yet during Qingming in spring and Chongyang in fall, also known as the Chinese Gravesweeping Festivals, families descend upon the cemetery in droves to honor their dead. Offerings of flowers, joss sticks, candles, fruit, models of consumer goods and even whole suckling pigs in bright pink wrappings are left on the graves, while incense is burned. In order to show that a grave has been visited, flowers and small bits of paper are attached to the gravestone (Teather, 2001). Quingming and
Chongyang are such important events in Hong Kong that the entire fire department is placed on notice to cope with the fires that often occur due to the burning of offerings, and normally closed borders are opened so that free access to the graves by all is ensured
(Teather, 2001).
Obon
The Japanese cult of piety is named Obon. Meaning “upside down,” it is based upon the Buddhist legend of a disciple who rescued his mother from hell, where she had been hung upside down after lying about eating some meat. Obon takes place during the months of July and August, and consists of three elements. To begin, family and friends leave food at the graves of their loved ones, which is symbolically absorbed by the dead.
Next a community dance is held, and finally the name of the deceased is inscribed on a floating lantern which is released, creating a floating parade down a river, symbolizing the spirit’s return to the underworld (Keister, 2004).
31 The Upland South
The Upland South culture region consists of the interior upland areas of the
American Southeast. In Upland South cemeteries, there are two readily identifiable and distinctive methods of honoring the dead: scraping and the individualistic artifacts that are left on the graves by the friends and relatives of the deceased.
In the pioneer folk cemeteries found in the Upland South region of the American
Southeastern interior, the most distinctive trait is the complete absence of grass. Once or twice a year the grass is entirely removed from the cemetery on specially designated cemetery workdays. Anyone having family buried in the cemetery is expected to attend these workdays to show their respect to the deceased. Men generally scrape the ground to clear away any unwanted grass and weeds and restore any grave mounds that may have diminished during the past year, also a sign of respect in the Upland South cemetery.
Women and children rake and clean up any trash in the cemetery, while women also are expected to prepare and serve a picnic lunch for the families. In addition to serving as a time to clean up the cemetery, the workdays also served as a social function, being a family reunion, a chance for young couples to court one another, and a place to conduct business (Jeane, 1979).
Also found in the Upland South is the prevalence of grave artifacts. Jeane (1979) mentions items commonly associated with these cemeteries, such as everyday household items including reading glasses, canning jars and household furniture, while Jordan
(1982) focuses on the origin of leaving these items behind. For example, Jordan postulates that the leaving of shells on a grave may have been transmitted to Anglos in
32 the region through either West African slaves or Native Americans, both of which used
shells in their burial ceremonies.
Decoration Day
Similar to the workdays of the Upland South, yet more widespread in American
culture, Decoration Day is a day set aside by many cemeteries to clean and decorate the
graves. Although there is no set day for Decoration Day, for some cemeteries it is
scheduled for the Saturday preceding the first Sunday in May, in others it maybe held on
Memorial Day.
Locational Attributes of Cemeteries
The locational attributes of cemeteries involve where the cemetery is located, both in the physical landscape and in relation to the population who will be using the cemetery, and the placement of individual graves within the cemetery. In particular, the orientation of the graves within a cemetery may have great significance to specific cultures and religions.
Cemetery Location
The physical location of a cemetery is dependent upon many factors including the
price of land, the type of cemetery and accessibility issues.
There are four main categories of cemeteries found in the literature: family,
religious, corporate (Price, 1966) and ethnic (Jordan, 1982). In some instances, however,
there may be some overlapping of categories. For example, the Hispanic and German
cemeteries in Texas studied by Jordan (1982) and the Polish cemeteries in Pittsburgh
33 described by Darden (1972) are all ethnic cemeteries. Yet they could also Catholic and could be viewed as religious cemeteries.
Family cemeteries are usually the smallest of the established cemeteries and are frequently located on the family’s property. It is often located near the family home, in some instances right next to the dwelling of the living. Unless the family still owns the property and actively maintains the cemetery, they are often abandoned (Price, 1966).
Religious cemeteries were traditionally located at or near a house of worship, although this is no longer the norm (Darden, 1972). However, in some instances they may be separated by some distance. Jordan (1982) found many examples where the cemetery was located one hundred yards or more away from the church, and one case where the cemetery was located across a creek and upstream by several miles in another county altogether. Religious cemeteries normally only allow individuals of a certain religion to be buried there, although in some instances there are exceptions for intermarriage or special areas for interfaith couples (Ouellette, 2003). For those congregations that for some reason do not chose to establish their own cemetery, it is possible to purchase plots in a larger corporate cemetery (Pattison, 1955).
Ethnic cemeteries are similar to religious cemeteries in that usually one must belong to a certain ethnicity to be buried there. They were generally located in areas with a relatively large racial or cultural minority population (Darden, 1972).
Corporate cemeteries have become the standard in modern American society.
These cemeteries are run as a business and the only barrier to admission is the ability to pay a fee (Price, 1966). These larger cemeteries were often initially located at the city
34 margins or beyond, so as not to be affected by the future growth of the city (Pattison,
1955), yet have often become enclosed by urban sprawl and suburban development.
The cost of land is a major determinant in where to establish a cemetery. In the past, when land was more plentiful and cheap, it common to establish cemeteries on old farm land, as was common in Pittsburg (Darden, 1972). Today, it is more costly to establish a cemetery unless the land is unusable for other uses due to slope or soil composition.
Accessibility to a cemetery is the final locational factor taken into consideration when establishing a cemetery. It must be possible to get the deceased to the cemetery for burial, and it must be possible for the living to get to the cemetery to mourn or honor the dead, particularly if the culture or religion requires it. For example, Gonen (1997) found that Israelis were less likely to want to be buried on the Mount of Olives, which is one of
Judaism’s holiest locations, if they thought that their descendants would not be able to visit their grave due to the conflict with the Palestinians. In this case, it was sometimes considered more desirable to be interred in a less religiously significant cemetery than to be buried in a location that was disputed, no matter how holy or otherwise desirable the site may be. Pattison (1955) examined the creation of additional cemeteries to increase the accessibility of burial space for specific groups. He noted that nearly identical cemeteries in different city sectors do not compete among each other, even with today’s ease of travel, due to the diminishing accessibility of cemeteries in other sectors.
35 Internal layout
In examining the internal layout of cemeteries, Francaviglia (1971) has noted that the burials often begin in one specific location of the cemetery with later burials forming what he terms a centrifugal pattern around the older core. He specifies two types of centrifugal patterns: the concentric evolution pattern and the asymmetrical plan.
The concentric evolution pattern resembles an idealized diagram of concentric city growth. This pattern is most typical where a cemetery has expanded outward in all directions from a centrally located core area. The original core of the cemetery is often found at the top of a hill, and newer rings of growth are downhill in all directions
(Francaviglia, 1971).
The asymmetrical plan is most typical in cemeteries that have not have had room to grow in all directions and have therefore only expanded in one, two or three directions.
These cemeteries are restricted from attaining a more concentric pattern by either cultural or physical features. Usually the oldest part is on the highest ground and new development is down slope (Francaviglia, 1971).
Where to be buried within a cemetery may have cultural or social significance as well. For example, if there is even a small difference in elevation within a cemetery, the more costly lots will be those on the highest ground. The reason for this difference in cost is not readily apparent. Fear of inundation and encroachment by other land use are mentioned, but custom and tradition are the most commonly given reasons (Darden,
1972).
Grave placement can vary within this overall pattern due to ethnic preference also. German cemeteries in Texas, Jordan (1982) notes, tend to orient their dead with the
36 feet to the South instead of facing east as is much more common in both the cemeteries of
Texas Anglos (Jordan, 1982) and Mormons in New Mexico (Cunningham, 1989). A strong preference for orderliness among German Texans also has led to precisely lined up graves with separate rows for adults and children.
The grave orientation of Hispanic burials appear to vary due to personal preference. The spatial pattern of a Mexican cemetery serves to emphasize the individual grave rather than husband and wife or family groupings. Two, three or even more axes may be used in a cemetery, at times producing a somewhat chaotic and confusing pattern
(Jordan, 1982).
In traditional Chinese burials, the individual graves may not be located in a cemetery at all, but in highly selective locations determined by a specialist in such matters. In order to appease the spirit of the deceased, the date of the funeral, the site of the grave, the depth of the coffin and the orientation of the grave and grave furnishings are decided upon only after consultation with a feng shui master. It is not uncommon for a grave to be moved two or more times if the deceased’s relatives do not believe that the location of the grave is correct (Knapp, 1977; Teather, 2001).
Traditional Navajo graves are completely individual. There is no indication of any attempt to bury family members in close proximity. When left to bury their own dead,
Navajo tend to favor remote sites that work to keep vengeful spirits from the spaces of the living. Yet when given the chance, as they are in some New Mexico communities, they opt to bury their dead in the nearby Mormon cemeteries. Whether this is to avoid having to deal with the vengeful spirits by allowing the local Mormons to bury their dead, or to have the spirits contained in one designated, easily identifiable area is unknown.
37 However, according to Cunningham (1989), the conversion rate of Navajos to the
Mormon faith increases greatly after death. When they are buried in the local Mormon cemeteries, the Navajo are buried in a straight line, equidistant from each other. They are buried feet to the east, yet it is unknown if this is significant to the Navajo or instead to the Mormons who often bury them. Traditional Navajo burials may be oriented in any direction except down, although there is some statistically significant preference for having the feet point to the south (Cunningham, 1989).
Based on this available literature on Necrogeography and Islam, a number of hypotheses were developed to examine Muslim cemeteries in Southwest Ohio. These hypotheses, and the methodology for examining them, are detailed in the following chapter.
38
CHAPTER 4: HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY
This chapter focuses on both the hypotheses that were generated for this research
and the methodology developed to examine those hypotheses. The hypotheses and the
rational behind each is examined first, with the methodology following.
Hypotheses Spatial Characteristics
H1 Muslims are buried in most or all of the cemeteries in the Cincinnati area
Rationale: As there is no cemetery that is specifically dedicated for Muslim burials
in the Greater Cincinnati area, it is expected that in order to fulfill burial needs,
Cincinnati Muslims are buried in their local, neighborhood cemeteries.
H2 It is expected that Muslim burials within the same cemetery are randomly dispersed
throughout the cemetery.
Rationale: Due to the fact that there is no specifically designated Muslim cemetery
in Cincinnati, it is expected that the location within the local, neighborhood
cemetery where a Cincinnati Muslim is buried will be based on personal preference
and the availability of burial plots, and therefore Muslim burials will be randomly
distributed.
39
H3 It is expected that the graves of Cincinnati Muslims be oriented towards the
direction of Mecca
Rationale: Individual grave orientation many vary due to religious or cultural
preferences. For example, it is not uncommon for many Christian denominations to
be buried with their feet to the East so that the deceased would be facing Jerusalem
if they were to sit or stand up. Likewise, it is expected that Muslim burials will be
oriented towards Mecca, the holiest city in Islam.
Cultural Characteristics
H4 It is expected that grave markers of Cincinnati Muslims will vary due to dictates of
the cemetery in which they are located.
Rational: As there is no specifically designated Muslim cemetery in Cincinnati,
Cincinnati Muslims are buried within mainstream cemeteries. As such, their burial
arrangements are under the jurisdiction of three separate organizations, presumably
with three different set of regulations.
H5 Muslim burials in Cincinnati will exhibit evidence of a cult of piety.
Rationale: Many cultures and religions around the world show respect for their
death through a cult of piety. Such demonstrations of caring and respect may be
strictly prescribed, as in the case of the Qingming and Chongyang festivals in
traditional Chinese burials, or may be more casual, as in the case of the Upland
South “collections” that are assembled upon a grave, or the placing of pebbles on a
40 Jewish gravestone. Therefore, it is expected that Muslim burials will exhibit similar
evidence of cults of piety.
Methodology
The study area comprises the Cincinnati region, located in
Southwestern Ohio, including the counties of Butler, Clermont,
Hamilton and Warren (see Figure
1). The city of Cincinnati itself is contained within Hamilton
County. The United States
Census Bureau estimates that the population of these four counties was 1,539,061 for the year 2000, with a total of 814,611 residing in Hamilton County, 346,560 in Figure 1 Map of Study Area Butler County, 188,614 in
Clermont County and 189,276 in Warren County (US Census Bureau, 2006).
As with the United States as a whole, a religious population in the Cincinnati area is difficult to estimate, particularly a community which has no one official governing body to take official membership counts. As such, the Association of Religion Data
Archives (ARDA) was used to estimate the Muslim population of the Cincinnati area.
41 According to ARDA
data, only the counties of
Butler and Hamilton
have a Muslim
population, 2,000 and
1,191 respectively, with
no Muslims counted in
Clermont or Warren
(ARDA, 2006). ARDA
data also reports four
mosques in Hamilton
County, one additional
mosque in Butler County
and none in Clermont
County or Warren Figure 2 Map of the location of Muslim Burial Grounds and County. Yet an Mosques examination of the
Cincinnati Yellow Pages shows six mosques in Hamilton County, with one mosque in
Butler County and none in Clermont or Warren counties (see Figures 2 and 3 for locations). Islamic convention dictates that a Muslim be ritually washed in preparation for burial, a procedure that often occurs at the local mosque. Similarly, the janaza, or
community, prayer nearly always occurs in the courtyard of a mosque. Due to the central
nature of the mosque in Muslim burial rites, it was expected that representatives from the
42 Islamic Center in Greater Muslim Burial Grounds Cincinnati, located in West Spring Grove Cemetery 4521 Spring Grove Avenue Chester, Ohio, would be and Arboretum Cincinnati, OH 45232
Crown Hill Memorial Park 11825 Pippin Road knowledgeable of the burial Cincinnati, OH 45231 locations of local Muslims. Hopewell Cemetery 10205 Montgomery Road Therefore, the Islamic Center Montgomery, OH 45242 was contacted in hopes of Mosques Islamic Association 3668 Clifton Avenue obtaining information regarding of Cincinnati Cincinnati, OH 45220 the locations of Muslim burials Masjid Abue Baker Siddikue 2503 Harrison Avenue Cincinnati, OH 45211 in the Cincinnati area. However, Masjid Assunnah 1254 Bates Avenue Cincinnati, OH 45225 representatives of the Islamic Mosque Jidd Malik 1432 Elm Street Center were uninformed of the Cincinnati, OH 45202 exact location of Muslim burials Islamic Center 8092 Plantation Drive of Greater Cincinnati West Chester, OH 45069 in Cincinnati, and suggested that Cincinnati Islamic Center 3809 Woodford Road the Cincinnati office of the Cincinnati, OH 45213
Council of American-Islamic Figure 3 Addresses of Muslim Burial Grounds and Mosques Relations – Ohio (CAIR) be contacted. Ms. Karen Dabdoub, a representative of CAIR was contacted on March 9,
2006. However, she too was unfamiliar with Cincinnati Muslim burial matters, and suggested contacting Ms. Hafiza Jhetam, whom Ms. Dabdoub described as the local
“expert” in Muslim burial matters.
Phone interviews were conducted with Ms. Jhetam on March 13 and 18, 2006. A personal interview was also conducted on March 19, 2006. During these interviews, it
43 was learned from Ms. Jhetam which cemeteries had Muslim burials, as well as specifics on Islamic burial traditions and beliefs.
Before the actual site surveys were conducted at each cemetery, a preliminary site visit was conducted. This preliminary site visit was to ensure the correct location of the
Muslim section of each cemetery and to ensure access would be available during the more intensive site survey. A total of three visits were made each to Hopewell Cemetery
(conducted on April 24, May 29 and June 6, 2006) and to Spring Grove Cemetery and
Arboretum (conducted on April 24, May 3 and May 11, 2006) and to Crown Hill
Memorial Park (conducted on April 24 and May 11, June 6, 2006).
Before the actual site surveys were performed, a Grave Survey Form was developed (Appendix A). The elements included on this form for analysis were designed to allow examination of the two most common themes found within the geographic literature on cemetery analysis: the location of cemeteries and the burials within those cemeteries and the cultural attributes found within cemeteries. The specific attributes recorded on the Grave Survey Form were grave orientation, grave marker orientation, direction of the nearest road, the presence of a grave stone, the material, style and size of the grave marker, inscriptions found upon the grave marker including genealogical and immigration information, ornamentation, and the script used in any inscription, the use of borders around a grave, evidence of a cult of piety, and finally the age and sex of the deceased. A Grave Survey Form was completed for each known grave. In addition to each Grave Survey Form, each grave was given an individual grave identification number and the location of the grave was mapped in a general map of the Muslim section of each cemetery.
44 Hypotheses 1 and 2 could be validated, or not, simply through interviews with
Muslims knowledgeable with burial practices in the Cincinnati area. Hypotheses 3, 4 and
5 required site visits to the appropriate cemeteries in order to collect the data for further analysis. Due to the nature of the hypotheses, Hypotheses 3 and 5 were subject to qualitative analysis, meaning that a “yes or no” answer could be arrived at for each hypothesis with no statistical analysis (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). By finding the percentage of graves that adhered or did not adhere to a particular attribute, an over all response for the cemetery as a whole could be calculated.
Only for Hypothesis 4 was a statistical test needed. It was determined that discriminant analysis would be used to test the differences in grave markers between cemeteries. Discriminant analysis is a statistical test allowing the differences both between and within groups to be studied (Klecka, 1980). In using discriminate analysis, certain assumptions are made.
The first assumption is that every data case must belong to two or more mutually exclusive groups. In this study, the individual burials are the data cases, and each burial can, by its nature, only belong to one group, or cemetery, of which there are three. Also, no variable may be a linear combination of other discriminating variables. For example, it had been considered that for the purpose of this study, combining the length, width and height of the individual grave markers to obtain an overall “mass” measurement to compare between the cemeteries. Yet this would negate the ability to analyze the individual components of length, width and height, as “mass” would be a combination of the three individual measurements.
45 The final assumption for discriminant analysis is that the population of each group will have a multivariate normal distribution. This allows for the precise computation of tests of significance and probabilities of group membership. However, this assumption does not apply to this study. Each group, or cemetery, does not have a multivariate normal distribution. Yet Klecka states that although this assumption is violated and the computed probabilities will not be exact, they are still useful as long as they are interpreted with caution (Klecka, 1980).
The results of this methodology are discussed in the following chapter.
46 CHAPTER 5: RESULTS
The previous chapter discussed the methodology designed to examine each hypothesis. This chapter details the results of the site visits/surveys of the separate cemeteries, broken down by hypothesis and cemetery.
H1 Muslims are buried in most or all of the cemeteries in the Cincinnati area.
By contacting the Islamic Center of Greater Cincinnati, I discovered that there is
no specific Muslim cemetery in the Greater Cincinnati area. Representatives of this
institution stated that space had been purchased in local cemeteries for the use of
Cincinnati Muslims, but admitted that they were unsure of the specific cemeteries and
therefore the location of Muslim burial plots. Ms. Karen Dabdoub, director of the
Cincinnati branch of the Council of American-Islamic Relations – Ohio, again stated that
there was no specific Muslim cemetery in Southwestern Ohio, but also stated that burial
plots had been purchased in local cemeteries. As with the Islamic Center, she was
uninformed of the specific cemeteries in which the plots were located.
Through interviews with Ms. Hafiza Jhetam, it was confirmed that there is no
specific Muslim cemetery in the Greater Cincinnati area. It was explained that in the past,
some Muslims, particularly immigrants who had only recently arrived to the United
States, chose to have their body sent back to their homeland, but this has not been the
norm since the Muslim community in the Cincinnati region has become more
consolidated. To compensate for the lack of a Muslim cemetery, a number of burial plots
had been purchased in three local cemeteries: Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum,
located at 4521 Spring Grove Avenue in Cincinnati, Hopewell Cemetery, located at
47 10205 Montgomery Road in Montgomery and Crown Hill Memorial Park, located at
11825 Pippin Road in Colerain. It was admitted that some non-practicing Muslims might choose to be buried in a different cemetery, but that the majority of the Muslim community in the Greater Cincinnati region chooses to utilize these three cemeteries (see
Figure 2).
H2 It is expected that Muslim burials within the same cemetery are randomly dispersed
throughout the cemetery.
Interviews with Ms. Jhetam divulged that the purchased plots within the cemeteries were clustered within the three cemeteries. The location of the Muslim section in
Hopewell Cemetery was obtained through Ms. Jhetam, while the locations of the Muslim sections in Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum and Crown Hill Memorial Park were obtained through cemetery staff.
Hopewell Cemetery
The southeastern most section of the cemetery has been purchased for the use of the Cincinnati Muslim community. As with Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum, the specifics of this purchase, including the date of purchase, are unknown for two reasons.
First, the City of Montgomery is unwilling to reveal client information. Second, based on the tombstones, the purchase was over twenty years ago, and the interviewees had either not been in the area at that time or else had forgotten the specific details of the purchase.
As of April 24, 2006, there were ten identifiable Muslim burials in this cemetery.
Additional visits on May 29 and June 8, 2006, found no additional graves.
48 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
Six plots were purchased by the Cincinnati Muslim community in Section 132, located in the northwestern region of the cemetery. Spring Grove states that each plot located in Section 132 is approximately seventeen feet by seventeen feet, and that the grave marker is located at the foot of each individual burial plot. It is unknown when these plots were initially purchased for two reasons. First, the cemetery administration is unwilling to reveal client information, and secondly, the purchase had been so long ago that either the interviewees had not been in the area at that time or else had forgotten the specific details of the purchase. During the initial survey conducted on April 24, 2006, there were 33 identified graves in the Muslim section of Spring Grove, with two other, unmarked graves detected on a subsequent visit conducted on May 3, 2006, for a total of
35 burials in the Muslim section in Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum. Negotiations for the purchase of additional plots were in progress as of July 2006.
Crown Hill Memorial Park
The northern-most area of the cemetery was purchased for the use of Cincinnati
Muslims in 2001. As with Hopewell Cemetery and Spring Grove Cemetery and
Arboretum, the exact date of purchase is unknown. On the initial site survey conducted on April 29, 2006, there were ten identified burials in the Muslim section. Three additional burials were recorded during a subsequent visit conducted on May 11, 2006, for a total of thirteen burials.
49 H3 It is expected that the graves of Cincinnati Muslims be oriented towards the
direction of Mecca.
Ideally, deceased Muslims should be buried on their right side, facing the direction of Mecca. Ms. Jhetam indicated that the direction of Mecca from Cincinnati is
52û East.
Hopewell Cemetery
As found in Crown Hill Memorial Park, the Muslim burials in this cemetery are oriented from the southeast to the northeast. The markers in this cemetery, however, are not uniformly placed. Grave 1 through Grave 5 had the grave markers place on the southeastern end of the grave, while Grave 6 through Grave 9 had the grave marker placed on the northwestern end of the grave. Grave 10, which did not have a marker, although a foundation had been put in place on the final site visit, was laid out to emulate
Graves 6 through 9. Because of this difference in grave placements, it was difficult to know which end was the head of the grave. A body centrally placed in these graves would face either towards the northeast or the southwest. However, if placed at an angle, it would be possible for a body to face Mecca from within these graves.
Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
In this cemetery, the grave orientation of Muslim burials is from the southwest to the northeast. The cemetery states that the grave marker is located at the foot of the grave.
The grave marker is located on the northeast end of the grave, with the grave behind the marker. This positioning places the head of the deceased in the southeast. A body laid centrally in these graves would face too far south, although by placing a body at an angle,
50 with the head toward the southernmost corner and the feet at the northernmost corner, the correct placement could be achieved.
Crown Hill Memorial Park
Similar to Hopewell Cemetery, the burials in this cemetery are placed southeast to northwest, with the grave marker at the southeastern end. A body centrally placed in these graves would face more south than permissible by Islamic custom. However, as with the other two cemeteries, the correct orientation could be achieved by skewing the body within the grave.
H4 It is expected that grave markers of Cincinnati Muslims will vary due to dictates of
the cemetery in which they are located.
Hopewell Cemetery
There are ten identified burial places in Hopewell Cemetery. During the preliminary site survey, conducted on April 24, 2006, Grave 10 had no marker. On the second visit, conducted on May 29, 2006, the foundation for a marker had been laid, but as of the final visit on June 8 of that year, no marker had yet been put in place on Grave
10. Therefore, for the purpose of this study, only nine grave markers are analyzed.
All Muslim markers located within Hopewell Cemetery are granite; this is nearly the extent of uniformity between markers. The City of Montgomery, which administers this cemetery, requires little uniformity in burial matters.
The low step form was the most common, with Graves 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 8 exhibiting this style marker. The low step is similar to the traditional lawn plaque, but instead of being flush or nearly flush to the ground surface, it is slightly raised
51 (see Figure 4). The
low step markers
found in this cemetery
ranged in height from
1.2 inches (Grave 4),
to 3.5 inches (Grave
3), to 4.0 inches Figure 4 Grave 4, Hopewell Cemetery (Grave 2) to 4.3 Low Step Grave Marker inches (Graves 5, 6 and 8). The length also varied, from 20.5 inches (Grave 3) to 24.0 inches (Grave 2), with the rest of the low step markers measuring 24.4 inches in length. Width, the measurement from the front of the stone to the back, was more consistent, with all measuring 12.2 inches, with the exception of Grave 3, which measured only 10.2 inches in width.
Grave 9 was adorned by a medium step marker. This marker is virtually identical to the low step marker, only slightly taller. The marker on Grave 9 measured 9.0 inches in height, 24.4 inches in length and 12.6 in width.
The final style of grave marker found in Hopewell Cemetery was termed the
‘triangle.’ This marker is a modification of the traditional upright stone and has an angled front, producing a triangle shape if viewed from the side, thicker at the base of the stone, angling towards a thinner apex. Two examples of a triangle marker were found in
Hopewell Cemetery, located on Graves 1 and 7. The marker on Grave 1 consisted of a simple triangular stone, measuring 16.5 inches in height, 24.8 inches in length, and a width of 10.6 inches at the base. The marker on Grave 7 was much more elaborate,
52 consisting of a triangle on a rectangular granite base, with two granite flower vases permanently attached on either side (see Figure 5). The height and width measurements of the triangle were similar to that of Grave 1, 22.4 inches and 13 inches respectively, however the length was much greater due to the addition of the rectangular base and flower vases, measuring 36.6 inches overall.
Color was rather uniform throughout the markers, with eight of the nine being grey in color. Only Grave 3 was not grey, and was a pale red instead.
All the makers had the name and dates of the deceased in the
Latin script. Grave
1 and 3 gave only the year of birth and death, while Grave
2 gave the month Figure 5 Grave 7, Hopewell Cemetery and year of birth Triangle Marker on Granite Base with Two Permanent Flower Vases and death. Grave 2 contained the year of birth and the complete date of death, while the remainder of the markers gave full date of both birth and death.
All nine markers contained a religious inscription; all but Graves 6 and 8 had this inscription in the Arabic script. Grave 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 7 had an Islamic saying, in
Arabic, translating to “In the Name of Allah the Merciful and to Allah We Return.”
53 Graves 6 and 8 both had “In the Name of Allah the Most Merciful / Almarhoma.”
Almarhoma is a reference to a female deceased, meaning “Mercy upon her.” The masculine equivalent is almarhom. It is used on grave markers much the way “Rest in
Peace” may be used on markers in the United States, but is also used in conversation when discussing the deceased.
No grave makers gave any reference to genealogy or immigration status, nor was any evidence of grave borders found within this cemetery.
Ornamentation was found on six of the nine markers. Grave 1 has a crescent decoration, while Grave 7 has a crescent and two small stars. Both these denote affiliation to Islam. Flowers appear to be a popular decoration, with four of the six decorated markers depicting flowers of some sort. Grave 4 depicts an urn filled with flowers and vines, and Grave 5 shows a pot of daffodils on either side of a book containing the name and dates of birth and death of the deceased. Grave 2 contains the engraving of two roses, while Grave 3 has two roses overlaying a book containing the name and dates of birth and death of the deceased.
Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
In covering approximately 733 acres, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum has
many sections with varying regulations. The policy for Section 132, where the Muslim
burials are located, dictates all grave markers must be flat and must measure 24 inches in
length and 12 inches in width and the material may be either granite or bronze. There is
no requirement for a marker to be present.
All grave markers in the Muslim section of this cemetery are of granite, with the
exception of Grave 18, which contains a bronze marker. All markers are of the flat lawn
54 plaque style. Measurements were taken to the nearest half centimeter, and all markers measured 61 centimeters in length and 30.5 centimeters in width, which translates to a length of 24.0 inches and a width of 12.0 inches.
Of the thirty three marked graves in this cemetery section, the color of twenty four markers are grey. Eight markers, located on Graves 3, 7, 8, 9, 11, 14, 21 and 24, are red in color. As mentioned above, Grave 18 contains a bronze plaque and is therefore bronze in color.
All grave markers are inscribed with the name of the deceased, in English. The presence of dates of birth and dates of death varied considerably. Grave 15 gave only the date of death with no mention of the date of birth. Grave 33 gave the month and year of birth and death, with no indication of the day. A number of markers, those located on
Graves 2, 4, 5, 7, 10, 13, 20, 21, 27, 29, 31 and 32, give the year of birth and death with no mention of the month or day. Finally, Graves 11 and 24 give no date for either birth or death. All graves use
Arabic numerals and Latin script for date of death, with the exception of
Grave 25, which Figure 6 gives both the Grave 25, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum Grave Marker with both Islamic and Gregorian Calendar in Arabic and Arabic and Latin Scripts
55 English scripts for the date of death, the Arabic script using the Muslim calendar dates, which dates to the time of Muhammad (see Figure 6).
Fourteen of grave markers do not have any inscription aside from name and date of birth and death. Of the remaining makers, two have immigration information. Grave 2 contains the inscription “Jenin,” which is a location in the West Bank of the Palestine
Authority, while Grave 4 contains the inscription “Palestine.” Grave 7 is the only to contain some sort of genealogical information with “Nee Ramic.” Grave 5 is inscribed with “Rest in Peace / In-Shalla (God Willing).” Some contain more personal, sentimental inscriptions:
Grave 3: In Loving Memory
Grave 8: Forever in our hearts
Grave 11: Loving husband father and grandfather
Grave 12: Beloved daughter and sister
Grave 13: In Loving Memory
Grave 14: Beloved wife and mother
Grave 15: Forever in our hearts
Grave 21: Love you always
Grave 23: Loving Mother and Grandmother
Grave 24: Our Loving Father May Allah (SWT) rest his soul (SWT– The Exalted and Most High, referring to Allah) In peace and bless him with Jannat-ul-Firdouse Ameen (Garden of Peace Amen)
Grave 33: Loved by family and friends
56 There is a wealth of Arabic language inscriptions in Spring Grove Cemetery and
Arboretum; eight markers contain inscription in Arabic. Graves 20, 24 and 30 have
Arabic inscriptions stating “In the Name of Allah the Merciful and to Allah we return,” while Grave 27 states “In the Name of Allah the Merciful.” The inscription on Grave 26 states “There is no God by God, and Mohammad is the messenger of God.”
Graves 2, 6 and
11 have the Arabic word
,or al-fatiha ”اﻟﻔﺎﺗﺤﺔ“
which translates as “the
Opening,” which
references the Islamic
statement of faith, “There Figure 7 Grave 2, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum is no God but God”. Grave Marker with “the Opening” inscribed in the Arabic Script Grave 2 (see Figure 7)
has this word above an
inscription of the name of
the deceased in the
Arabic script, whereas
Grave 11 has the word
inscribed above the
Figure 8 English language Grave 21, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum Grave Marker with Serbo-Croatian Inscription inscription given above.
On Grave 6 this term is
57 the only inscription beyond name and dates of birth and death.
Grave 21 was unique in that it was the only grave in this study to have an inscription in Serbo-Croatian: Tesko mi je bez tebe (see Figure 8). With the assistance of
Dr. Joseph Foster of the University of Cincinnati Department of Anthropology, the inscription was translated as “I am saddened without thee”.
Fourteen of the 33 marked graves have some form of ornamentation. Graves 18,
28 and 30 have a crescent and star symbol. Grave 3 is engraved with a scroll, while
Grave 21 has a book. Grave 13 has a symbol of nature with the engraving of pine cones.
By far, the most prevalent ornamentation is a floral motif, with six graves, numbers 2, 8,
10, 14, 21 and 23, have engravings of roses, and another, Grave 33, having a more generic floral engraving. The most extensive amount of ornamentation was found on
Grave 6 (see Figure 9), which contained a grouping of flowers, a butterfly, a heart and arrow, a lamb and a teddy bear. This marker denoted the burial of a child, aged seven months and 23 days at death. Nineteen Figure 9 Grave 6, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum graves have no Grave Marker with the Most Extensive Use of Ornamentation ornamentation at all.
58 Crown Hill Memorial Park
Markers are not required in this cemetery, yet if present, must conform to the following standards. All grave markers are to be of the flat lawn plaque style, no larger than 24 inches in length and 14 inches in width. If a marker is bronze, a granite surround of 28 inches by 18 inches may be added. Material for markers may be either granite or bronze.
Grave 13 of the Muslim section contained one plain bronze plaque, while Grave 1 and Grave 3 each had a bronze plaque with a granite surround (see Figure 10). Graves 9,
10 and 11 all had no markers, but these did appear to be somewhat recent graves, as the grass had not completely grown in over them. The remainder of the graves had granite markers. Figure 10 All markers Grave 1, Crown Hill Memorial Park Bronze Plaque with Granite Surround measured 24.0 inches in length and 12.6 inches in width, with the exception of Graves 1 and 3, which both measured 28.0 inches in length and 18.10 inches in width. These are the two graves that were marked by a bronze plaque with a granite surround.
59 Of the ten graves exhibiting markers, grey was the most common color. Six of the markers were plain grey granite and the two granite surrounds were also grey in color.
One, Grave 6, was red, and the remaining marked grave, Grave 13 was made of bronze.
All markers contained the name of the deceased, in English. Five graves, Graves
1, 3, 6, 7 and 12, give only the year of death, and one, Grave 13 does not give any indication of the date of death. The remaining four, Graves 2, 4, 5 and 8, give the exact date of death. All graves use Arabic numerals and Latin script for date of death.
Three graves do not give any information beyond name and date of death; the remaining seven have an inscription. Of these seven, four are declarations of faith and the script is Latin, although one is in the Arabic language transliterated into the Latin script.
Grave 3: To Allah we belong and to him is our return
Grave 5: La Ilaha Ila Allah There is no god but God Mohammad ur Rasul Mohammad is the messenger of Allah God
Grave 7: In the name of Allah (SWT) Most Gracious SWT – a reference to Allah Most Merciful a reference to Allah
Grave 8: There is no God but Allah And Mohammad (SAW) is SAW – A reference to the respect His prophet Mohammad has in Islam
One grave, Grave 1, is bilingual, with an inscription in English (Loving Husband, Father) and another in Arabic, translating as “I am Allah’s, and to Him I return”. Two graves have English only inscriptions.
Grave 4 Wife of Fazalur Rehman Ansari
Grave 13 In Loving Memory Courtesy of Crown Hill Memorial Park
60 Four graves have some form of ornamentation. Graves 2 and 12 both depict
stylized flowers, while Grave 1 has a raised relief of roses around the base of the flower
vase and a decorative border separating the bronze plaque and the granite surround. No
other grave marker exhibits a decorative design.
H5 Muslim burials in Cincinnati will exhibit evidence of a cult of piety.
Hopewell Cemetery
Upon the first visit to Hopewell Cemetery on April 24, 2006, Grave 1 had a large
bouquet of silk roses, with four graves, numbers two, six, eight and nine, containing
permanent flower vases embedded into the ground behind the stone and Grave 7 having
two flower vases permanently attached to the grave marker itself. Not all graves in this
cemetery have such flower vases or flower vase attachments. On the second visit,
conducted on May 29, 2006, both Grave 1 and Grave 2 had fresh flowers.
Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
On the initial site
visit to Spring Grove on
April 24, 2006, none of
the thirty five graves at
Spring Grove had any
sign of a cult of piety. No
graves had flowers, vase Figure 11 Grave 28, Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum receptacles or offerings of Marker with Grave Offering of Thirty Seven Cents
any kind. When the actual
61 site survey was conducted on May 3, 2006, one grave, Grave 28, was found to have an offering of two pennies placed in the depression of a crescent decoration on the marker.
Both pennies were new and shiny, and it was obvious that they had been left there within the last few hours, as mowers were at the opposite end of Section 132, having just completed the area where the Muslim section is found, and mowing would have disturbed the coins. A visit on June 6, 2006 again found no evidence of a cult of piety with the exception of two graves: Grave 11 which contained a single rose and an American flag, and Grave 28, which again had money (see Figure 11). This time thirty seven cents (one quarter, two nickels and two pennies) were left behind. The coins were not all new on this visit, and the length of time that they had been left was impossible to tell.
Crown Hill Memorial Park
Of the thirteen graves at Crown Hill, four exhibited evidence of a cult of piety on the first visit on
April 29, 2006. Graves 1, 3 and 13 had silk flowers in vases, while Grave 8 had a permanently installed Figure 12 Grave 13, Crown Hill Memorial Park flower vase receptacle. On Silk Flowers in a Permanently Attached Vase the second site visit conducted on May 29, 2006, both Grave 1 and Grave 3 had large bouquets of fresh roses,
62 while every other grave had a single rose placed at the head of the grave with the exception of Grave 13, the newest grave, which had five roses laid in a line from the head to the foot of the grave, down the center. Yet it must be noted that this site visit coincided with Memorial Day Weekend, and nearly every grave within the cemetery was decorated.
The third site visit conducted on June 6, 2006 again had only Graves 1, 3 and 13 containing silk flowers.
This chapter has described only what was observed in the field. Chapter 6 will discuss both an analysis of what was found during the site visits/surveys and the validity of each hypothesis, while Chapter 7 will discuss my personal suppositions about both the individual graves and the cemeteries as well as the general burial practices of Cincinnati
Muslims.
63 CHAPTER 6: ANALYSIS
The previous chapter discussed only what was found in the field, with few observations of that data. This chapter examines that data, by hypothesis, with the goal of testing the validity of each hypothesis.
H1 Muslims are buried in most or all of the cemeteries in the Cincinnati area.
Through simple interviews, it was determined that there is no established Muslim cemetery in Southwestern Ohio. However, there are three cemeteries in Southwest Ohio that have had sections purchased for the use of the Cincinnati area Muslim community.
Because of this, it was determined that practicing Muslims in the Cincinnati area are more likely to choose to be buried in the Muslim sections at Hopewell Cemetery, Crown
Hill Memorial Park and Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum than in any other
Cincinnati area cemetery. Therefore, Hypothesis 1 is false.
H2 It is expected that Muslim burials within the same cemetery are randomly dispersed
throughout the cemetery.
As the Muslim community has purchased plots in three corporate cemeteries in
Hamilton County, there is undoubtedly a large cluster of Muslim burials in each of these cemeteries. Thus Hypothesis 2 is also false.
64 H3 It is expected that the graves of Cincinnati Muslims be oriented towards the
direction of Mecca
Ms. Jhetam explained that deceased Muslims are to be buried lying on the right side, facing Mecca. It was also stated that from Southwest Ohio, the direction of Mecca is
52û East. Hypothesis 3 was examined on this information and the individual grave orientation as filled out on the Grave Survey Form.
It is impossible to know the exact positioning of the deceased within a grave without excavation. Therefore, it is not possible to know without a doubt if the deceased has been laid on the right side facing the correct direction. Hence, for that reason, it was only feasible to determine whether the deceased could be positioned in the grave facing
Mecca and not whether they were facing Mecca.
Hopewell Cemetery
As found in Crown Hill Memorial Park, the burials in this cemetery are oriented from the southeast to the northeast. The markers in this cemetery, however, are not uniformly placed. Grave 1 through Grave 5 had the grave markers place on the southeast end of the grave, while Grave 6 through Grave 9 had the grave marker placed on the northwest end of the grave. Grave 10, which did not have a marker, although a foundation had been put in place on the final site visit, was laid out to emulate Graves 6 through 9. Because of this difference in grave placements, it was difficult to know which end was the head of the grave. However, as in Crown Hill, a body placed in the grave with the feet towards the northern corner of the grave and the head towards the southern corner, would be able to face Mecca as Islamic custom prescribes.
65 Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
In this cemetery, grave orientation is from the southwest to the northeast. The cemetery states that the grave marker is located at the foot of the grave. The grave markers are located on the northeastern end of the grave, with the grave behind the marker. As this patterning matches the surrounding, non-Muslim burials, the statement of marker placement from the cemetery is accepted and was used to determine the head of the grave. As with the other two cemeteries, a person lying on their right side within these graves would not be facing Mecca. However, a body lying not quite down the center of the grave could be made to face a more easterly direction. If the feet were placed closer to the northern corner and the head towards the southern corner of the grave, it would be possible for a body to face Mecca.
Crown Hill Memorial Park
The burials in this cemetery are oriented from southeast to northwest, with the grave marker at the southeastern end. While an individual lying perfectly straight down the center of the grave would be facing more northeast than permissible under Islamic belief, a slight skewing of the body, with the feet more towards the north and the head towards the south, would achieve the desired direction.
As it is impossible to determine the location of the deceased within the grave and the individual grave orientations do not necessarily align with what one might expect for a body within to reasonably face the holy city of Mecca, Hypothesis 3 cannot be validated or invalidated and is deemed indeterminable at this time.
66 H4 It is expected that grave markers of Cincinnati Muslims will vary due to dictates of
the cemetery in which they are located.
Islamic tradition forbids anything more than a simple marker at the site of a burial, and no marker at all is entirely acceptable. Yet Islamic tradition is an example of a normative behavior, stating what should be done, not what actually is done. Combined with cemetery regulations that are not necessarily written with minority religious belief in mind, variations in burial practices are to be expected, particularly between cemeteries.
Discriminant analysis was run using the Number Cruncher Statistical Software package to examine both the difference in the grave markers between the three cemeteries and the differences within each cemetery. The attributes used for the test were the material used, the form of the marker, and the individual measurements of height, length and width.
The test results of difference within each cemetery will be discussed first, followed by a discussion of differences between cemeteries. The actual test results are found in
Appendix B.
Crown Hill Memorial Park
A total of ten graves with stones were found in the Muslim section of Crown Hill
Memorial Park. Of these ten, only two were correctly identified of belonging in this cemetery. The other eight graves were predicted to occur in Spring Grove Cemetery and
Arboretum. Graves 13 was given a 51.0 percent chance to occur in Spring Grove
Cemetery and Arboretum and a 49.0 percent chance of being found in the correct cemetery, while the remaining seven graves that were misclassified were given a 61.3 percent chance to be found in Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum and a 38.7 percent chance to be found in the correct cemetery of Crown Hill Memorial Park. This
67 misclassification may be due to both the similar burial requirements of the two cemeteries and the smaller number of graves found within Crown Hill Memorial Park.
The only two graves that were predicted to belong in this cemetery were Graves 1 and 3, both of which are unique in that they contain a granite surround in addition to the standard bronze plaque, thereby changing both the material and the dimension of the marker.
Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum
All graves within Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum were correctly identified as belonging to this cemetery. This is most likely due to the stringent nature of the marker requirements in Section 132, the section that contains the Muslim section. All markers within the Muslim section have exactly the same dimensions, and all but one are made of granite, the other being of bronze.
Hopewell Cemetery
This cemetery is the only cemetery of the three included in the study that allows any real variation of markers. Thus it is very easy to distinguish stones found in the
Muslim section of Hopewell Cemetery from those found in either Spring Grove
Cemetery and Arboretum or Crown Hill Memorial Park. Only one grave marker was misclassified in this cemetery, that of Grave 4. This marker was given a 67.9 percent chance of occurring in Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum and a 32.1 percent chance of occurring in Crown Hill Memorial Park. Unlike the misclassified grave markers found in Crown Hill Memorial Park, this marker received a zero percent chance of occurring in the correct cemetery.
68 The hypothesis of the burials in each cemetery being different can be best seen in
the results of the Canonical Variate Analysis Section. The values for two discriminant
analysis functions are given. The first discriminant analysis function, Fn1 is the most
significant, explaining 96.5 percent of the variation seen between cemeteries. The value
for Fn2 is 3.5, which means only 3.5 percent of the variation is explained. The eigenvalue
(the ratio of the Between-group sum of squares and the within-group sum of squares)
given for Fn1 is 11.919, while the eigenvalue for Fn2 is 0.428. These two values together
can be used to discount the second discriminant analysis function and utilize the data
generated for Fn1 instead. Also in this section of test results is the value for Wilks’
lambda, 0.05. This value allows for the null hypothesis (grave markers in each cemetery
are identical) to be discarded.
The linear discriminant function is given in the section Canonical Coefficients.
This data allows one to discriminate between cemeteries. In other words, it allows for the formulation of an equation which allows for the prediction of in which cemetery a grave may belong. Therefore, using this data, the equation to discriminate among cemeteries would be D = -24.754 + 0.21(Material) + 13.52(Form) – 0.93(Height) + 0.35(Length) –
0.29(Width). Again, the data generated for Fn1 is used for this, as Fn2 was discarded.
Z-scores are given for each grave marker attribute used under Std. Canonical
Coefficients. Using the standard value of +1.96 to determine significance, it seems that
the two most significant attributes are form (4.820) and height (-6.206). Of these two
attributes, height is the most significant, as its loading score under Variable-Variate
Correlations is -0.32, with the next most significant value being form, with a value of
-0.176.
69 As these test results show, there are differences in the markers between the three
cemeteries. Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum and Crown Hill Memorial Park have
similar requirements and therefore have similar grave markers found within the Muslim
sections. Hopewell Cemetery does not limit grave markers as the other two do, and
therefore the markers found in this cemetery differ greatly not only from the other two
cemeteries, but also exhibit great variation within the cemetery as well. As such,
Hypothesis 4 is deemed valid.
H5 Muslim burials in Cincinnati will exhibit evidence of a cult of piety.
Although a strict interpretation of Islam forbids anything more than a simple marker at the site of a burial, this is not necessarily being following in the Muslim burials in Cincinnati cemeteries. The burials of Crown Hill Memorial Park and Hopewell
Cemetery contain the clearest examples of cults of piety. While nothing as elaborate as the cult of piety found at the cemeteries of the Upland South, tokens of affection are being left behind at both of these cemeteries on a regular basis. Many of the graves have permanently attached flower vases, some with fresh flowers being provided, others containing high quality silk flowers. During a site visit made on Memorial Day weekend, every grave in Crown Hill Memorial Park was adorned by at least one rose, while two graves contained large bouquets of roses and another had a line of roses down the center.
Spring Grove Cemetery and Arboretum had only two graves containing any objects left behind; in one case the token was money, in the other it was a rose and an American flag.
While it was unknown what the money signified, it obviously had significance for the deceased and those he left behind. Therefore, contrary to traditional Islamic custom, a
70 cult of piety is in effect, with tokens of affection and remembrance in evidence, validating Hypothesis 5.
71 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION
This research has examined the geography of Muslim burial practices in
Southwest Ohio. While there are many aspects of Necrogeography, not all facets could be realistically examined in this study. Thus, only the cultural and locational characteristics of Muslim burials were addressed. Hypotheses Revisited
The analysis shows that of the five hypotheses proposed, two were supported by this study. Specifically:
• The grave markers of Muslims in Southwest Ohio area differ based on the
cemetery within which they are located.
• The graves of Muslims in Southwest Ohio exhibit a cult of piety.
Two other proposed hypotheses were deemed invalid by this study. Specifically:
• Muslims in Southwest Ohio do not utilize their neighborhood cemeteries as a
general rule.
• Muslim burials are not dispersed throughout the cemetery, instead being
clustered in specific Muslim-only sections.
One hypothesis, examining the orientation of the body towards the holy city of
Mecca, was deemed to be undeterminable at this time, utilizing the methodology devised for the present study.
72 Is a cemetery really necessary?
According to Islamic tradition, a burial should be a simple affair. Islam dictates that a body simply be washed (al-ghusal) and wrapped using clean white sheets of cloth.
No coffin is to be used, and any grave marker should be simplicity itself, with only the name and possibly the dates of birth and death. Yet during the spread of Islam, local customs and traditions have been kept, and throughout the Islamic world burial traditions vary greatly. This is no different in the case of Muslims in the United States, particularly as the majority of American Muslims are immigrants, coming from throughout the
Islamic world.
In discussions with Muslims from Southwestern Ohio, it was discovered that in an ideal situation, there would be a Muslim cemetery in the Cincinnati area. The lack of a specifically Muslim cemetery appears to weigh more heavily on some than the fact that key components of Islamic burial rites have been compromised. Yet maybe it is not a question of having or not having a cemetery or of compromising or not compromising.
Maybe the issue here is lack of control, the lack of control over something so important and something as monumental as death. Nothing in life, with the exception of entering it, is as significant as leaving it, and this transition from this life to the hereafter is often given meaning through ritual. And in having no real control over the space in which one is buried, one cannot control the rituals which send a loved one to the hereafter.
73 Future Research
This research has focused only on the cultural and locational attributes of Muslim burials in Southwest Ohio, primarily where Muslims in the Cincinnati region are buried, and how they are buried. A further step would be to expand the study area. As of the time of this study, Summer 2006, there are only fifty-eight graves in the Muslim sections of the three Cincinnati-area cemeteries examined. This is admittedly a small sample of
Muslims in the United States. And as there are no specifically Muslim cemeteries in
Southwestern Ohio, the burial traits found in this sample may be more a function of cemetery dictates than of faith or even cultural tradition. By expanding this study, a more accurate picture of Muslim burial practices could be garnered.
Although this step of examining the cultural and locational burial patterns of
Muslims in the United States is an important step, it is only a first step. The breadth of the geography of cemeteries is much greater. Other questions must be examined, such as where does a cemetery fit within the religious priorities of the Muslim community? Some institutions have higher priorities than others within a religious community. For example, as stated in Chapter 2, a mosque is often seen as the Muslim place of worship, yet it is not required to pray in a mosque. Indeed, in countries with a majority Muslim population, it is not uncommon to see people saying their prayers on the sidewalks along the street.
Thus, although a mosque is desirable, it is not required for daily worship. So where does the cemetery fit in the importance of Islamic institutions? When does a Muslim community take a stand and say “We can no longer make do with utilizing mainstream corporate cemeteries, we need our own cemetery?”
74 A further aspect of the geography of Muslim cemeteries that would be interesting would be to examine the cultural characteristics of Muslim burials by ethnicity. As stated in Chapter 2, the cemetery can sometimes become a place of contention due to the traditions of many different ethnic groups. What is practiced by one Islamic group may be frowned upon by another, who may have a completely different tradition. While these differences of tradition are normally separated by great distances, in the United States, where such a large percentage of the Muslim population is comprised of first generation immigrants from so many different countries, these cultural differences may be examined all in one place. A study examining these cultural differences could give a wealth of information on Muslim burials from throughout the Islamic world.
75 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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INTERVIEWS
Dabdoub K., Council of American-Islamic Relations – Ohio, 9 March, 2006
Jhetam, H., 13 March, 18 March, 8 April, 2006.
78 APPENDIX A: Grave Survey Form
Cemetery Name ______Date ______Grave ID Number
Spatial Characteristics Grave Orientation (Axis from head to toe)
Grave Marker Orientation (Direction the inscription faces)
Cultural Characteristics Grave Stone Present 0-No 1-Yes Material 1-Granite 2-Marble 3-Bronze
Form 1-Low Step 2-Med Step
3-Triangle 4-Upright
Color 1-Grey 2-Brown 3-Red 4-Black 5-Other
Size Height Depth Width (in centimeters)
Inscriptions 0-No 1-Yes (Other than name/date) 1-Latin 2-Arabic
Genealogical Information 0-No 1-Yes
Immigration Information 0-No 1-Yes
Script Used 1-Latin 2-Arabic 3-Both
Ornamentation 0-No 1-Yes Grave Borders 0-No 1-Yes Evidence of Cults of Piety 0-No 1-Yes
Age Unknown 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+ Sex 0-Unknown 1-Male 2-Female Date of Birth Unknown Date of Death Unknown
79 APPENDIX B: Definition of terms used in Grave Survey Form
• Grave Orientation – A compass reading was used to determine the orientation of
the grave, head to foot, and recorded on the Grave Survey Form for each grave.
This element was used to help determine the positioning of the body within the
grave.
• Grave Marker Orientation – A compass reading was used to determine which way
the grave marker faced. The direction faced by the inscription was recorded onto
each Grave Survey Form. This element was used in conjunction with grave
orientation to determine the spatial patterning of the individual graves within the
Muslim sections in the cemeteries.
• Grave Stone Present – The presence of a grave marker was recorded for each
burial. This was used in the analysis of grave markers.
• Material – The construction material for each grave marker, if present, was
recorded. This was used in the analysis of grave markers.
• Size – The height (ground surface to the top of the marker), length (side to side)
and width (front to back) of each grave marker, if present, was recorded. All
measurements were taken in centimeters and inches. This attribute was used in the
analysis of grave markers.
• Inscriptions – The presence of inscriptions of any kind, other than the name of the
deceased, was recorded on the Grave Survey Form for each burial.
• Genealogical Information – The presence of any genealogical information on the
gravestone, such as the name of the deceased’s parents or siblings, was recorded.
80 • Immigration Information – The presence of migration data, such as place of
origin, nationality, or any other reference to the deceased’s not being from the
United States was recorded.
• Script Used – The type of written script used for inscriptions, including the name
of the deceased, was recorded. There were three categories used for this: Latin,
Arabic and Both.
• Ornamentation – The presence of ornamentation was included in the Grave
Survey Form. Any unnecessary decorative art or calligraphy was counted as
ornamentation.
• Grave Borders – The existence of grave borders around graves was recorded.
Curbing, fencing and grave sheds or houses were all counted as grave borders.
• Evidence of Cults of Piety – The existence or nonexistence of evidence of a cult
of piety was recorded for each grave on the Grave Survey Form. Any item that
had been deliberately left, such as flowers, food, or toys left on a grave, was taken
as evidence of a cult of piety.
• Age – If it could be determined from the information given on the grave marker,
the age of the individual was recorded. This information was gathered to examine
differences in the existence of a cult of piety.
• Sex – If the sex of the individual was known, it was recorded on the Grave Survey
Form. This information was gathered to examine differences in the existence of a
cult of piety.
81 APPENDIX C: Grave Survey Form Coding Key
Cemetery Name 1 - Hopewell 2 - Spring Grove 3 – Crown Hill
Spatial Characteristics Grave Orientation 1 – NE 5 – SW 2 – E 6 – W 3 – SE 7 – NW 4 – S 8 – N
Cultural Characteristics Grave Stone Present 0 – No 1 – Yes
Material 1 – Granite 2 – Marble 3 – Bronze
Form 1 – Plaque 3 – Triangle 2 – Step
Color 1 – Grey 4 - Black 2 – Brown 5 - Bronze 3 – Red
Size Height – from ground surface Width – front to back Length – side to side
Inscriptions – other than name and date 0 – No 1 – Yes
Inscription Script 1 – Latin 2 – Arabic 3 – Both
Genealogical Info 0 – No 1 – Yes
Immigration Info 0 – No 1 – Yes
82 Location Given as stated
Info Script (name and date) 1 – Latin 2 – Arabic 3 – Both
Grave Borders 0 – No 1 – Yes
Cults of Piety 0 – No 1 – Yes
Age 0 – Unknown Real Age at death
Sex 0 – Unknown 1 – Male 2 – Female
Date of Birth Date of Death
83 APPENDIX D: Discriminant Analysis Report
Dependent Variable Cemetery
Variable Influence Section Removed Removed Removed Alone Alone Alone R- Squared Variable Lambda F-Value F-Prob Lambda F-Value F-Prob Other X's Material 0.992164 0.18 0.837769 0.831376 4.97 0.010840 0.475688 Form 0.245361 69.20 0.000000 0.730374 9.04 0.000454 0.895172 Height 0.109213 183.52 0.000000 0.449979 29.95 0.000000 0.896771 Length 0.518682 20.88 0.000000 0.906725 2.52 0.090815 0.702560 Width 0.698765 9.70 0.000314 0.700510 10.47 0.000163 0.696240
Linear Discriminant Functions Cemetery Variable 1 2 3 Constant -270.8203 -462.119 -473.6225 Material -8.417381 -6.525688 -6.316014 Form 247.9312 367.9872 366.7733 Height -16.78967 -25.03019 -24.87904 Length 8.566332 11.74042 11.55074 Width -2.232195 -5.016188 -4.272139
Classification Count Table for Cemetery Predicted Actual 1 2 3 Total 1 8 1 0 9 2 0 33 0 33 3 0 8 2 10 Total 8 42 2 52 Reduction in classification error due to X's = 74.0%
Misclassified Rows Section Percent Chance of Each Group Row Actual Predicted Pcnt1 Pcnt2 Pcnt3 7 1 2 0.0 67.9 32.1 46 3 2 0.0 51.0 49.0 47 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 51 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 52 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 53 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 54 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 55 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7 57 3 2 0.0 61.3 38.7
84
Canonical Variate Analysis Section Inv(W)B Ind'l Total Canon Canon Numer Denom Prob Fn Eigenvalue Pcnt Pcnt Corr Corr2 F-Value DF DF Level 1 11.913010 96.5 96.5 0.9605 0.9226 29.7 10.0 90.0 0.0000 0.054216 2 0.428391 3.5 100.0 0.5476 0.2999 4.9 4.0 46.0 0.0022 0.700089 The F-value tests whether this function and those below it are significant.
Canonical Coefficients Canonical Variate Variable Variate1 Variate2 Constant -24.754947 -7.981080 Material 0.218835 0.139040 Form 13.524751 0.023274 Height -0.926627 0.039516 Length 0.353627 -0.094895 Width -0.295701 0.433359
Std. Canonical Coefficients Canonical Variate Variable Variate1 Variate2 Material 0.109546 0.069602 Form 4.819522 0.008294 Height -6.206130 0.264660 Length 1.730938 -0.464494 Width -0.796591 1.167429
Variable-Variate Correlations Canonical Variate Variable Variate1 Variate2 Material 0.040651 0.653838 Form -0.176025 -0.009856 Height -0.320301 -0.017934 Length -0.061542 0.367162 Width 0.046954 0.967823
85