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Home , Graffiti, Kwaito, Kwela, Political hip hop

Tuulikki Pietilä The Discursive Creation of a Subculture by Conscious Rap Adherents in

abstract The early made in South Africa in the 1980s was politically conscious and openly critical of the system. Hip hop has proliferated and diversified since its beginnings, and according to several contemporary researchers, this development has entailed a shift from an emphasis on black consciousness towards a focus on individual achievement, sensuous pleasures, and materialism (e.g., Künzler 2011; Watkins 2012). This article shows that conscious rap still exists in South Africa. It studies the discourses of contemporary conscious rap artists and adherents and argues that they construct putatively distinct subcultural factions according to the music styles followed by the youth. The distinctions are driven by both the musical and socio-political considerations of the interlocutors. Theoretically, the article contributes to subcultural studies by arguing for the significance of both affective attachment and political context in the analysis of the subcultures.

Key words: conscious rap, hip hop, , , South Africa, subculture

Introduction on individual advancement, sensuous pleasure, and commercial-mindedness in South was adopted early in South Africa. The hip hop lyrics (e.g., Künzler 2011; Watkins first crews to gain popularity in the 1980s were 2012). However, there is also a relatively the politically conscious Prophets of Da City thriving ‘conscious rap’ scene, and this article (POC) and Black Noise, both based in the Cape focuses on the performers and followers of this Town area. POC’s album Our World (1990) was genre. In contrast to much of the existing hip among the first full-length rap albums in Africa hop literature that is based on analysis of lyrics, (Charry 2012: 13), and break dance competitions I will concentrate on the discourses of conscious were started in as early as 1982 rap devotees that I have gathered through (Watkins 2004: 130). Since its beginnings, hip interviews and informal conversations. What hop has proliferated and diversified and several emerges from these discourses are surprisingly researchers have recently noted the decrease of recurrent themes that come to define conscious politically critical content and an increased focus rap as a subculture and a value orientation

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distinct from competing youth music styles, ‘subcultural capital’, and in that way acquire kwaito and house music in particular. status in their social worlds. She coined this Here, rather than viewing ‘subcultures’ term by drawing from the work of Bourdieu as distinct youth groups that set themselves (1984) on diverse forms of capital. The picture against the norms of the wider society as in the that emerges from Thornton’s interpretation early writings of the Birmingham School (e.g. is devoid of the subversive capacity that the Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1983 [1979]; early scholars associated with subcultures. Willis 1981), I am interested in the ways that While this is an important, balancing view the youth construct subcultural relations and for subcultural research, it is simultaneously distinctions among themselves. In this regard, problematic because it tends to reduce youth my approach aligns with that of Thornton styles and distinctions to mere competition over (1995) whose study of British dance club status. While I acknowledge the micro-political cultures explores the distinctions and hierarchies dimensions of the conscious rap followers’ made by the youth within the popular culture discourses—that is, the ways they aim at domain. In Thornton’s material, as well as in increasing their own value vis-à-vis those of the my own, the studied subculture is constructed adherents of the other styles—I do not see this by its devotees’ defining other youth music as their only dimension. Being engaged in—or styles as ‘’ and thus of lesser value. in economistic terms, investing their time and In the opinion of the conscious rap followers energy in—making and listening to music that studied here, contemporary kwaito and house does not necessarily bring them decisive social music in particular represent the ‘mainstream or economic capital means that there is more other’ that epitomises and enhances what they to that engagement than an analysis inspired consider to be the currently hegemonic socio- by Bourdieu can reveal. The content of the political values. For this reason, the macro- discourses—the expressed aesthetic, affective, political situation enters my analysis in a way and socio-political values—deserves serious that it does not in the analysis of Thornton consideration. and the Birmingham School; indeed, the hip Because this article is based on conversa­ hop adherents’ discourses and expressed values tions with conscious rap adherents, and not on cannot be fully understood without the wider a holistic analysis of their lives and practices, it political context. I use the term ‘expressed values’ does not seek to measure the truthfulness or quite deliberately because this is what discourses the authenticity of the discourses vis-à-vis the are about. interlocutors’ lived reality. Instead, the article Even while disregarding the macro-political examines the discursive creation of a subculture context, Thornton’s sobering contribution to and subcultural boundaries. It views subcultural subcultural studies was the acknowledgment of identity construction as based on narratives and the micro-politics involved in young people’s stories that people tell about themselves and making of distinctions. Unlike earlier scholars each other (cf. Yuval-Davies 2010 on identities). who tended to view and celebrate subcultures as In addition, it regards such discourses as forms of progressive defiance to the dominant performative (e.g., Austin 1962; Butler 1990), order and values, Thornton emphasised the ways that is, as having an impact on how social in which the making of subcultural distinctions reality is conceived. The investigated discourses enables youth to negotiate and accumulate construct understandings about distinct

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subcultures, allegedly woven around disparate whites, the Khoisan and Xhosa populations and musical, social, and political values. The article imported slaves especially); and ‘whites’ refers to shows that, in addition to the subcultural micro- - and English-speaking descendants politics of status competition, the discourses of European settlers. In addition to these, there tackle the macro-politics of the state and the is also the population group called Asians that elites. refers to people of Indian origin, and nowadays In what follows I first describe how also to the newer settlers of Chinese origin.2 contemporary conscious rappers consider early kwaito a formative experience for them, rather The importance of than the early local, politically conscious hip hop. kwaito: inspiration After that, I will examine other recurring themes and evaluation in their discourses. I do not aim to conduct a rigorous linguistic discourse analysis, but use Kwaito appeared in the 1990s and quickly the word ‘discourse’ in a wider Foucauldian gained popularity. It combined elements from sense, where interpretation is not based on several foreign music styles such as house detailed analysis of a speech situation but on its music, hip hop, , and raggamuffin wider social and historical contextualisation. My with earlier South African styles, in particular material is derived from numerous interviews , , , and bubblegum (or and informal conversations with conscious ‘ ’). Even though combining rap adherents, that is, producers, rappers, foreign and local styles, kwaito was perceived as event organisers, and fans in Cape Town and a local style, as it was sung in township street between 2005 and 2013.1 All language and dealt with township issues.3 the people cited appear with their real names Furthermore, it localised the international styles or their artist names; when the artist name is by slowing down the tempo to about 100 beats the person’s real first name, I have added the per minute, to make the music more danceable surname in parentheses when introducing the by South African standards of the time. All person for the first time in the text. this distinguished kwaito from the other urban I use the terms black, coloured, and white, youth music of the era, predominantly hip hop and write them in lowercase letters, even and house music of foreign origin.4 though I acknowledge that these are artificial Exceptions to the US-dominated hip labels created by the apartheid regime to hop scene at that time were the two above- classify and differentiate various population mentioned groups—Prophets of Da City (POC) groups. The political definition of blackness and Black Noise—who had emerged in the includes all of the non-white population of the 1980s from the townships close to Cape Town. country, that is, black Africans, coloureds, and These groups were expressly political and vocal Indians. However, the apartheid-era categories about the injustices of the apartheid system continue to be used in the official statistics and in that way strongly local in their lyrical and in much of the popular parlance. Hence, content and approach. Composed of coloured in this article the word ‘blacks’ refers to black performers, these groups were also radical in Africans (people considered to be indigenously advocating unification of coloureds and blacks African); ‘coloureds’ refers to people considered for the common struggle against apartheid and to be of mixed decent (initially mixtures of the artificial population categories it had created.

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Their message did not always crossover to the early years were of the opinion that at the end black youth, however, because of the lines of of the 1990s kwaito started to change and separation that apartheid policies had managed eventually became diluted and less interesting to instill. Some of the contemporary conscious in all ways. Musically, what was described rappers to whom I talked had been impressed as its initial ‘raw sound’ shifted first towards by POC and Black Noise, while others had a ‘more melodic and popish sound’ and in time been aware of them but could not relate to towards house music, with the pace of the music lyrics that were performed in gamtaal, a street gradually increasing from the initial 100 beats language based mainly on Afrikaans, mixed to 120–126 beats per minute. Simultaneously with some English. Most of the contemporary kwaito was perceived as distancing itself from conscious rappers had listened to American rap township realities and becoming increasingly at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s and superficial and dubious in its lyrical content were initially fashioning their appearance and and visual imagery. In describing the change, according to American models. Khanyisile Mbongwa, for instance, maintained All of my interlocutors described how they that kwaito, which was initially more concerned had been deeply impressed and influenced by with resistance, became driven by a capitalist early kwaito. For instance, El Nino, of the hip mindset: ‘It stopped being about the grassroots, hop group Driemanskap, explained that they about being black in the township, and started listened to kwaito when they were kids, because selling the easiest commodities: sex, fun, and ‘kwaito was like your everyday mother tongue, fantasy’ (interview, 2010). According to several that’s the reason why everyone liked it at the young female and male conscious rap adherents, time. More than any other music it was original this emphasis was seen in the way kwaito videos (…) because we never had our own music, started to portray women as sexual objects and something that we as South Africans would increasingly inscribed ambiguous words and own’ (interview, 2009). The sense of ownership expressions (that from the start were prevalent that kwaito created included political and racial in kwaito) with sexual meaning. DJ Rozzano, awareness. Simphiwe Mabuya, who describes who was part of the early his artistry as rhythm and poetry, said the social scene and appreciated early kwaito as well, meaning of kwaito was comparable to rap in the considered contemporary kwaito part of the US as ‘in South Africa, kwaito was the kind of larger commercial music scene that thrives on music that enabled us to say whatever we wanted ‘the chick’s legs, skimpy outfits, making of fast, to say as youth; to be free and say, “This is our easy money: It’s like a strip show’ (interview, music, we own it”’ (interview, 2009). Comparably, 2009). Kanyi (Mavi), a rapper summarised her Khanyisile Mbongwa, a poet and a university criticism of contemporary kwaito by saying, ‘Its student, said that just like ‘underground hip main message is shake your ass. But that’s the hop in the US was about resistance, trying to wrong message! That can’t be all the genre has inspire the black man, kwaito was the same to say!’ (interview, 2009). thing for people in the township. It’s something At the time of research, the popularity they owned and created, outside of whiteness of kwaito seemed to be decreasing, while the completely’ (interview, 2010). production and popularity of local hip hop Almost all the contemporary rappers who and house music were growing significantly. had enthusiastically listened to kwaito in their Simultaneously, house music elements had

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become more prominent in kwaito, making Conscious rappers emphasise the impor­ the two styles overlap more than in the past. tance of meaningful content or messages in Consequently, many rappers likened kwaito to music, referring especially to lyrical content. what is called ‘commercial house music’. The Rapping is closely associated with poetry, so similarity between the two was considered to hip hop events frequently also have poets lie in the relatively hard beat, the prevalence performing at them, and some artists prefer to of catchy one-liners, with the lyrical content call themselves poets rather than emcees even and the overall ambience emphasising dancing, though they perform with beats. However, no partying, and having fun. The lyrics in both contemporary rapper that I met would call his contemporary kwaito and commercial house are or her political, not even those who most usually in vernacular languages or the township emphatically link rapping to serious content street patois. While some conscious rappers and educational purposes. Instead, they say lump together all house music and view it they are interested in talking about social issues disparagingly, others make a distinction between and making . With this, the commercial and , appreciating the rappers wish to distinguish their art from the latter more. Deep house is mellower in sound political ‘struggle music’ of the apartheid era. and often somewhat slower in tempo than Furthermore, rappers prefer to describe their commercial house, and its lyrics are usually in motive as sharing their personal and everyday English. Because in the discourses the music experiences. For instance, Simphiwe Mabuya styles are defined in comparison to each other, says he makes: kwaito and house music will keep on featuring in the forthcoming descriptions and evaluations real music or truth music, because when by conscious rappers.5 I write, I write about truthful incidents, things that I’ve seen, things that I have Conscious rap followers experienced myself. I have songs about defining their music of how I grew up without my father, songs choice about my brother, and how he got caught up doing bad things and ending up in For many conscious rappers a more general prison. I have songs about my daughter. distinction between conscious and commercial, I have songs about the political system in or between underground and commercial music South Africa. I have songs about women’s remains important.6 For instance, Luyanda , and songs about education. I have Mafiana, for whom rapping is an important songs about hip hop itself: how it started hobby, makes a rather sharp distinction between affecting me and my love for it. I draw underground or conscious rap as something from real life. (Interview, 2009) that has content and is educational, versus commercial music (in any genre) that is about However, a rapper does not need to address entertainment and making money (interview, major social concerns, at least not in all his or 2009). When I met him, he was just on his way her songs, in order to consider his or her art to feature in a hip hop performance called The conscious. The key qualities for conscious rap Basic Training Session taking place in the city that emerge from the discourses are thinking centre of Cape Town. and listening. The rapper Nthabi (Mofokeng)

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calls her music a ‘thinking man’s music’ and kept at a reasonable level. People in the audience describes it in this way: should not ‘go wild’ and lose themselves in dancing, which is believed to happen to kwaito Maybe today I feel like making a song and house audiences. Simphiwe Mabuya about dancing, and I’ll talk about that. explained: Maybe tomorrow somebody hurts me and I’ll feel like making a song about that. My music is not the kind of music that Or I see something that happens in the makes you go crazy, dance and so. When news and I want to make a song about you’re listening to , you’re that. If you’re willing to take the time out not jumping up and down. When there’s to listen to the words, then it is for you, an emcee on stage, you need to listen to and it doesn’t need to be too deep or too what he is saying. And then you may nod complicated. All it requires you to do is just your head as you’re listening, clap your listen; what you do with the information is hands—the beat has to you. Once totally up to you. (Interview, 2011) it moves you, you listen to the content, and the two connect; then you’ve touched Thapelo Raphuti, who markets several that person’s soul. And that person would significant youth culture brands and hip hop like to hear that song again, because artists, explains conscious rap by comparing it there’s something that he or she relates to. to house music: (…) Music is supposed to be—this is the way I see it—a tool to talk to people, to Hip hop is all about thinking, whereas get a message across. And you can’t deliver with house music you don’t want to think. a message in two, three words. (Interview, House music is an escape from what’s 2009) happening around, from the hardships. Just the other day I almost had a fight with Emcee Kanyi described her art as follows: my girlfriend when we were doing a long distance drive. I’m like I don’t want to I rhyme about my shit: things that I see and listen to house because you get lost. The notice. It’s basically like social commentary. tracks are so long and it’s the same beat. (…) I generally like very, very hard beats. When I listen to hip hop, I concentrate I like very aggressive beats. I also like beats better, because I’m actually listening to that are very soulful. I think I’m somewhat what he says and trying to think what he of a purist when it comes to hip hop, I don’t was thinking. (Interview, 2011) like things to be too poppy and too jiggy, because I only deal with serious issues, so The focussed listening and thinking that hip hop I don’t like something that’s going to take requires from its audience is contrasted to the away from that; I don’t want to trivialise. If kwaito and house music sensibility of dancing it’s heavy, let it be heavy; it’s a heavy thing! and partying. The rappers do not completely Whenever you put a melody to it, you’re denigrate the audience response of dancing, but lightening it up, you’re entertaining. I want dancing is expected to be subordinate to the you to listen to what I have to say. And primacy of listening to the message, and so to be you can jam, you can move your head, you

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can do whatever, but listen to what I have gigs—that is, performing at a corporate or to say. (…) House is very fast, adrenaline a government function—are among the best music; it’s not for me: [in house] nobody sources of income for South African artists listens to anything, so what I have to say is in general (Pietilä 2015), and these are not lost. (Interview, 2009) easy to get if the artist appears too serious and politically critical (cf. McNeill 2012). The Kanyi strictly defines her art as conscious most famous rappers have attracted corporate and underground. This distinction between sponsoring and employed PR and marketing conscious-cum-underground and commercial agents, and some have established their own hip hop raises uneasiness among many artists clothing or shoe brands. Groups that adopt and other music scene insiders because they a more commercial approach usually argue for consider the distinction outdated and clichéd. their continuing credibility by emphasising the Yet, at the same time it keeps on coming up persisting importance of the lyrical content in in the conversations and in the emcees’ and their music. For instance, some years ago one of recording industry representatives’ efforts to the leading hip hop groups of the time, Skwatta describe the musical styles and the differences Kamp, made a move towards a more danceable between them. Some rappers want to shy away and what was considered a more commercial from commercial hip hop altogether, likening sound. Flabba of the group did not think that it to kwaito and house music and what is the shift compromised their message. He referred to as the ‘bling-bling mentality’. A very explained: common—and not invalid—claim is that commercial hip hop gets good media coverage People are tired of hearing about problems; and sells well, because it does not deal with people want to dance, to have fun, want difficult and controversial issues. However, some to forget about the struggle. (…) I’d like hip hop artists have started to integrate more to think that our music makes sense. It’s melodic and danceable elements to their music, very conceptual. We make kinds of songs some also live instruments. Concessions to that you can relate to; what you’ve been the dance groove often increase audiences and through as a human being, what happens popularity, and simultaneously tend to create to you as you go through (…) and keeping suspicions about commercialisation and selling it real and simple. (Interview, 2005) out. Simultaneously, commercialisation has A rising Capetonian hip hop crew, Driemanskap, its appeal even for many of those who would does not eschew market success either, even rather like to see themselves as representing the while considering themselves serious artists with ‘underground’. Most simply, commercialisation a social message; Ma-B of the group describes increases the potential to make money. Several their music as ‘commercial, with a strong lyrical of those initially involved in the conscious hip content’ (interview, 2009). At the same time, hop scene (in Johannesburg) described how they part of Driemanskap’s perceived seriousness always enjoyed performing at different events, and relevance derives from the fact that they but the need to earn a living eventually made make vernacular, or what is called, ‘spaza rap’7 them think about improving their marketing by mixing Xhosa language with Zulu, Afrikaans, and audience appeal. Corporate and government tsotsitaal, English, and Tswana languages. The

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language choice is conscious and simultaneously, distinction tends to persist. Thus, for instance, by necessity, somewhat limits their audiences, DJ Rozzano continued explaining as follows: and in that way their commercial success. Many of those who consider themselves But underground is about creativity. I am ‘conscious’ artists make songs on light topics an activist; music is a weapon. I spread as well. For instance, the -rapper Crosby my music in the web; you don’t hear it on (Bolani) estimates that some sixty percent the , because it’s too soulful, it speaks of his songs are about social issues: ‘I’m more to the soul; it is there for you to wake up. on social commentary, because I’m from the They [the government] want a consumerist ghetto, and I’m born in the apartheid era. I’ve generation, not people who are awake. seen what impact the apartheid has had, even (Ibid.) up to today, and how a lot of people haven’t had opportunities’ (interview, 2009). Crosby has He said his interest had always been to uplift also lighter songs that talk about such issues as and wake people up through music. In the celebrating and having a good time. But even 1980s he was involved in the early local rap and in those he wants to convey some ‘positive reggae that, according to him, were the main message’; for instance, in one song he urges tools for ‘waking up people’. DJ Rozzano started people to realise that ‘we are all one, we share as a break dancer and also acted as a reggae DJ the same sun, from South Africa to Switzerland’. in the political mass rallies resisting apartheid, Some hip hop adherents expand the notion of even though at the time some of the music was ‘reality’ even more to include almost anything banned. as long as it ‘makes sense’, that is, talks about Reggae is still popular in South Africa, and the rapper’s experiences in a way that the considered by many rappers to belong to the audiences can relate to. The hip hop producer conscious music camp. Many South African Dre explained what ‘making sense’ means: ‘It emcees emphasise that American hip hop is of can be a conscious song, but not only that: the African ancestry; that it derives from Jamaican song can tell about girls or partying or whatever, reggae created by African slaves. Crosby, for because that is what everyone has experience on’ instance, was of the opinion that all the elements (interview, 2009). of hip hop culture stem from ancient Africa, At the more relaxed end of the ‘message from indigenous people like the San who used versus dancing’ dichotomy are also those who to sit around a fire and create chants like emcees think that there is a time for both functions. For do today. The chanting made some dance just instance, for DJ Rozzano hip hop is ‘about the like break dancers do today, while others among two E’s: entertain and educate’. Even though he the San made rock art that is comparable to does not appreciate commercial music because . Crosby concluded by saying, ‘The whole it only focuses on entertaining, he explains that history of hip hop and reggae is here, in the ‘when I DJ, it’s really about dancing, though. To motherland’ (interview, 2009). let your down for all the shit that’s around A central aim in conscious hip hop is to you’ (interview, 2009). Yet, as mentioned above, be educative. As event organiser Zozo Mohoto even amid these concessions and the uneasiness said, ‘Hip hop can make you understand what that the dichotomy between conscious / is going on around the world, because it talks underground and commercial music raises, the a lot, it’s not just about the rhythm’ (interview,

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2009). Photographer Solomon Moremong townships is perceived (as will be elaborated explained that he will never stop loving hip on below). Kwaito and commercial house in hop, because it has taught him things in life particular are defined by the latter attributes he would not have known otherwise. He cites in each pair, that is, the dancing, entertaining hip hop by calling it the ‘you and I varsity’, and mind-emptying qualities and the township which he translates to mean that life itself is surroundings. Furthermore, conscious rap fans a university (interview, 2011). He believes he use certain recurring phrasings to explain their could have become a criminal or been killed adherence: the most frequent is the assertion due to the that is rife in the township, that they can ‘relate to the music’ or that it is had hip hop not introduced him to the path ‘relevant’ or ‘makes sense’ to them. These phrases of expressing feelings creatively and through are common in global hip hop parlance, and art. Solomon explained that hip hop is ‘not refer to the skills of the artist to mediate his what I do for a living; it is what I am: I am not or her experiences in a way that speaks to the studying hip hop, I am hip hop’ (ibid.) Moreover, audience. several conscious rap devotes explained that The discourses are not merely neutrally listening to rap had filled some important gaps descriptive, but contain evaluation and value that school teaching had left in their historical ranking of the styles and their followers. and political knowledge. For instance, both the Conscious hip hop adherents emphasise the artist Kwelagobe Sekele (interview, 2011) and thoughtful, mindful, and reflective faculties the marketer Thapelo Raphuti (interview, 2011) that their music of choice is said to cultivate. explained that they had only learnt about the They describe the accompanying dancing as exploitive history of gold and diamond mining cerebral rather than wild and boisterous. They from listening to several American emcees rap thus emphasise the way the music moves about it.8 the mind, and only secondarily the body. In contrast to contemporary kwaito and especially Mental, spatial, (commercial) house, hip hop is depicted as and socio-political ‘waking up’ people, being ‘educative’, making distinctions one ‘alert’, and making one ‘think’. Another feature that appears in hip hop Thus, in conscious hip hop followers’ discourses, devotees’ descriptions of their favourite music a differentiation is made between music that is their emphasis on individual distinction. enhances listening and thinking faculties A rapper wants to mediate his or her personal and music that encourages dancing and experiences and wants the listeners to attend partying. In addition, meaningful messages carefully to what exactly she or he has to say. and content are set against repetitive lyrics This is juxtaposed with the purported uniformity and the focus on the embodied and sensual of style and collective immersion in sensual aspects of music. A further distinction is dancing in commercial house and kwaito. In drawn between education orientation and reality, however, the distinction is not that clear. entertainment orientation, as well as between In house music and kwaito, DJs, producers and the consciousness-raising and mind-emptying artists are conceived of as unique stars and qualities of the music. In addition, a difference brand names for their music. On the other hand, in spatial orientation to either city centres or although individual emcees battle with their

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skills, hip hop crews often associate themselves use of vernacular languages in rapping, hip hop with their home neighbourhoods and compete nowadays attracts performers and audiences with crews from other neighbourhoods. The from diverse class backgrounds. same applies to many DJs, producers and artists The conscious rap devotees’ descriptions in kwaito and house music, who identify with of music styles include a good deal of socio- the areas in their home townships or cities. political commentary. This also becomes Thus, regardless of the discursive emphasis on evident in the ways the styles are associated the individual versus collective faculties of the with different locations that are imputed different genres, both artistic distinction and with different qualities. In these discourses, collective identification are important in each contemporary kwaito and commercial house, genre, just as in any popular music. and sometimes also commercial hip hop, are The discourses are important, however, associated with the township people and locales, because they are a means of emphasising and whereas conscious hip hop (and sometimes deep making distinctions, and not merely reflecting house) are associated with the city centre. The them. The discursive emphasis on individual distinctions are again stricter in discourses than distinction relates to other qualities that hip in reality, particularly in the case of hip hop; for hop adherents associate with their genre, instance, park jams and other events (often with such as the intellectual or mental orientation rudimentary facilities) that gather underground and the city centre location rather than the hip hop and reggae artists are usually organised township. Yet another similarity that emerges in townships, and deep house is played in many from the discourses of hip hop devotees is the township bars and clubs.9 description of the soulful virtues of their music. Followers of conscious hip hop often All these qualities allude to the genre’s alleged associate house music venues—whether in sophistication and urbanity in comparison to the towns or townships—with morally suspect purported township coarseness of contemporary mentalities and practices behind the polished kwaito and commercial house. façade. These are typically described as places Divergent social backgrounds play a role where men who have enriched themselves in youth’s taste for music. Some of the early by illegitimately capitalising on the Black hip hop artists in particular had better than Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies seek the usual township schooling. They may have to pick up pretty young girls (see more on these been born and gone to primary school in the policies below). The hip hop fan Zenande put townships but, in many cases, their parents or it in this way: ‘BEE guys always go for girls grandparents had sent them to a multi-racial who are around their twenties, and house music secondary school in the suburbs or city areas, as venues are good places for that’ (interview, soon as it became politically possible, and some 2009). The rapper Luyanda Mafiana stated that of these youth eventually proceeded to university. house music venues are populated with people They also had early access to American hip hop and could make sense of the lyrics better who like materialistic stuff. (…) Old than many of the more ordinary township black guys who have profited from the dwellers. Yet, while musical taste does reflect government hang out there, showing off social background to some degree, this relation with their new cars, and girls who are should not be overdrawn. With the increased looking for money and rich guys. I do

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not support that concept or mindset; it’s do not write songs about things that commercial and cheesy, and it’s misleading, aren’t relevant to them, like , because everybody goes there thinking and (…) they’re not trying to push the that one day they have to own a Mercedes ultra-capitalist agenda on people they know Benz, achieve that standard. It’s just about and on their fans that live in townships glamour. (Interview, 2009) and can’t necessarily afford those dreams. And even having those dreams is not really The poet Khanyisile Mbongwa related her something they’re trying to push. Sure, get friend’s experience of going to a township bar some money and feed your family type of that played house music: ‘She found young girls thing, but labels and designer clothes and and very old, older men, and small rooms with fancy cars and all of that stuff, they’re not beds in the back’ (interview, 2010). pushing that agenda. (…) Like with house Rappers say that most of their gigs are music you can’t avoid that impression, in the city, because in the townships people because every single video is like that: guys just want to have fun, and house music, in shirts in the club, girls dancing around, contemporary kwaito and commercial hip champagne bottles or whiskey bottles on hop suit that mood. This orientation is usually the table. (…) Even in commercial hip explained by ignorance and the prevailing lack hop it’s the same: that agenda of success of education in the townships. For instance, and glory and wealth and power. It’s dance according to Luyanda Mafiana, music with catchy lyrics about success. I can understand in South Africa especially in the townships people don’t want to listen, why people don’t necessarily wanna they have been trained that way: don’t always be thinking about tough times and think, don’t listen. No money or funds are hardships and politics and things that are thrown into the townships, so education just in people’s face on a daily basis. I can is on that level. There are few things they understand the desire for escapism. But know or are exposed to. So people want to part of me feels it’s very unhealthy (…) but entertain themselves. (Interview, 2009) it’s not for me to judge. (Interview, 2013)

Damian Stephens, an owner of the label Pioneer In critical academic and popular discourses, Unit that releases hip hop, described the musical urban youth music and South African youth are and social orientation of their most popular frequently blamed for lacking socio-historical crew, Driemanskap, as follows: awareness, and for an overall orientation towards superficial and consumerist values (e.g., A lot of their music is about—not Stephens 2000; Bogatsu 2002; Peterson 2003). necessarily the struggle itself but— Künzler (2011), for his part, maintains that the overcoming struggle and adversity. But more politically inclined contemporary rap in it’s done in a way that’s not about ‘Let’s South Africa discusses township struggles but get rich, let’s get money’. It’s more about not the systemic causes of them. However, the spiritually overcoming those adversities. conscious rap devotees discussed here are aware So Driemanskap’s songs are about life’s of and vocal about the structural inequalities of struggles and I think they purposefully the society.

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The context of the listening to music, and dancing—just to forget discourses about all these things.’ Many claimed that acts that they later judged as inappropriate were The conscious rap followers’ discourses need caused by their lack of thinking and reflection to be situated in a wider social context to (ibid.: 100). understand them fully. Townships were created According to Swartz, this kind of mindset by the apartheid regime in the 1960s to enforce is created by the absence of an enabling its ideology of each ‘race’ living separately in environment wherein the young could develop its own area, with the best areas allocated to themselves, their reflective faculties, and their the whites. In practice the townships became plans for the future. The township schools are labour reserves with poor infrastructure and of poor quality and violence-ridden and the very low levels of services; they were huge youth lack adults with the time to listen and monotonous areas whence blacks and coloureds talk to them, and consequently they also tend (and, to an extent, Indians) had to commute to to lack an attainable future with employment their white-owned workplaces. Post-apartheid opportunities. Swartz’s (2009: 34) study also improvements in housing and infrastructure found that those of the township youth who in parts of the townships have not abolished attended mixed suburban schools showed better the historical legacy of relative and absolute critical thinking skills than those who went poverty. In her recent study on South African to township schools, because the quality of township youth, Swartz (2009) found features teaching and other facilities are much better in in the hegemonic township mentality similar the suburban schools. to those described above by the conscious rap Swartz’s findings reveal similar features adherents. Swartz’s inquiry revealed that the in prevalent township mentalities to those township youth did not regard their problems described by conscious rap adherents, such as as an outcome of structural inequalities, such the lack of thinking and reflective faculties, the as apartheid, poverty, and . immersion in music and dancing in order to Instead, they showed a strong sense of personal forget their troubles along with an absence of responsibility for their struggles and a belief insight into their structural causes. In addition in meritocracy. In addition, in some issues the to some facts of township life, the similarity of youth attributed their problems to such external the picture portrayed by Swartz probably also agents as witches, God, or ikasi (township) style. tells us about the discursive reality that the Ikasi style refers to many kinds of behaviour township youth and the conscious rap devotees regarded as immoral, yet prevalent in townships, inhabit and share. In contrast to the majority such as smoking, drinking, theft, having of the ordinary township youth described multiple sexual partners, dropping out of school, by Swartz, the conscious rap followers with and using violence (ibid.: 69). When directly whom I discussed such matters did not have inquired about the fact of living in poverty, one any difficulties in perceiving and discussing of Swartz’s (ibid.: 131) research participants the structural inequalities created historically explained as follows: ‘I’ve learnt to live with it and today. Almost all of them were born in (…) I’ve learnt to accept it. I just forget about townships, with most of them having gone to it, because it will lower my self-esteem. It a township school, while some had gone to will make me sad. So I just keep myself busy better, racially mixed schools in a suburban

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or a city area. Those in the mixed schools had the government’s affirmative action and Black learnt somewhat more about history and maybe Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies. critical thinking, and all had learnt about such The ANC adopted BEE policies in the issues from rap lyrics and other rappers. In this 1990s to promote the transfer of stakes in respect, my findings align with those of Haupt white-owned businesses to a new class of black (2008: 205) who maintains that conscious hip investors. In this legislation, the word ‘black’ is hop has constituted a public in which the youth an inclusive term for the African, Coloured and can congregate and make sense of societal Indian population groups. The Employment realities as well as develop their ‘critical skills in Equity Act, adopted somewhat later, obliged ways not afforded them by the formal education large firms to make their workforces racially system’. representative, while the Broad-Based Black While aware of and vocal about the burden Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) policy, of apartheid history, conscious rap devotees also adopted in 2003, set targets for broadening black address the inequalities perpetuated and created ownership and for the promotion and training of in the post-apartheid era. More than twenty black workers. These policies have helped even years after the dismantling of the apartheid out some of the gross racial disparities in wealth system in the 1990s, South African society but have simultaneously contributed to the remains highly unequal in terms of access to creation of further societal inequalities. Those economic, educational, and other resources. In with connections to the government or the addition to the racial distinctions implemented ruling ANC have especially benefited in setting during the apartheid era, new class distinctions, up and enlarging their business endeavours. in particular among the black population, have Indeed, according to Southall (2004: 16), in emerged. In 2011, 94% of poor people were the post-apartheid era the route to high-level black Africans, and the average household business has often been through politics or income of a black African-headed household the state. This has involved a close relationship was 16.6% of that of a white-headed household, between state managers and the black corporate 24% of an Indian / Asian-headed household, bourgeoisie, with leading politicians and civil and 54% of a coloured-headed household servants also holding positions in the private (Statistics South Africa 2014b: 27). The average sector. Furthermore, the wealthiest faction incomes conceal the wide disparities in incomes, of the newly enriched black Africans—from employment opportunities, and poverty within the current president, Jacob Zuma, to many the population groups. In particular, in-group prominent politicians and businessmen—are inequality has increased quite strongly in the often involved in conspicuous consumption and post-transition period. The biggest increase the public display of their riches. in inequality has taken place among the black Thus, during the post-apartheid era, population (Leibbrandt et al. 2010; van der a group of very rich black people has emerged, Berg 2014). Much of this is the result of black while more than half the black African upward mobility, with some black Africans population continues living in poverty, with becoming middle class and others very rich. The a high unemployment rate. Whites continue latter are sometimes called Black Diamonds, to dominate the economy, both through direct with some of them having unduly profited from ownership and through their positions as

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managers and directors in the national and rallies. These examples reveal that the conscious multinational corporations that have remained rappers’ discursive welding of subcultures central economic power-holders in the post- and political values is not completely without apartheid era economy (MacDonald 2006: 140; grounds, even while it might be somewhat Southall 2013). overdrawn. The conscious rappers’ discourses comment There is an Afrikaner counterpart to on these developments and the increased conscious rap, the most prominent represen­ economic polarization among black citizens in tatives­ of which are Die Antwoord and Jack particular. They associate the carefree mentality Parow. These artists bring to the fore the of contemporary kwaito and house music, as existence of poor, working-class whites in South well as commercial rap, with immoral ways of African society. In that sense, Afrikaner rap achieving socio-economic advancement. They also deals with issues of race, ethnicity, class, are not alone in holding such views. Some and social inequalities, but unlike conscious academic scholars have associated contemporary rap, it does this in the tone of parody and kwaito with compliance in questionable politics irony. Die Antwoord integrates aspects of and politicians. For instance, Steingo (2007: coloured culture into its portrayal of 34–37) has written about the appropriation poor whites, producing a rather of kwaito music at political rallies by parties imagery full of references to media and popular across the political spectrum, from the ANC cultures of the previous decades. This results in to the New National Party (NNP), and the representations of poor white characters that Democratic Alliance (DA). For Steingo, are anti-heroic yet clearly recognisable to their such conviviality between kwaito artists and audiences, and simultaneously antagonistic politicians marks the end of conventional to ideal or normative whiteness (see e.g., politics and its replacement by the rules of late Haupt 2012; Milton and Marx 2014). The capitalism and neoliberalism. He maintains humorous and gaudy character of the work of that kwaito embodies the neoliberal ideology Die Antwoord and Jack Parow has also made and spirit and therefore it suits the purposes of them internationally famous, unlike most of the current politicians who would rather dance and performers of South African conscious rap. party than discuss real politics and serious issues The voice of conscious rap adherents has (ibid.: 34–35, 39). More recently, some of the been rather marginal in wider South African kwaito stars and house DJs have given visible society for quite a long time, yet, interestingly, support to the faltering ANC in particular. The with the increase in political turmoil of the early ‘King of kwaito’, Arthur Mafokate, has past couple of years, it has been increasingly appeared as a staunch supporter of the ANC, acknowledged as relevant by people outside the with his own regular TV show for the state- rap and the music scene. A movement initiated owned public broadcaster SABC (The South by university students in 2015 demanding the African Broadcasting Corporation). The former decolonisation and transformation of societal popular kwaito artist, Eugene Mthethwa, of the power structures has resulted in various group Trompies, is employed in an elevated civil campaigns such as ‘Rhodes Must Fall’ (as a result service position in the government. Both kwaito of which the statue of Cecil Rhodes at the artists and house music DJs are frequently hired University of Cape Town grounds was removed), as musical entertainers at pre-election ANC ‘[University] Fees Must Fall’, and ‘[President]

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Zuma Must Fall’. At the end of 2016, as I was Just like the proponents of the dance conducting research among designers club subculture studied by Thornton (1995), in Johannesburg, several of them listed the conscious rap devotees portray competing conscious hip hop as one of the factors that youth music styles as being of lesser value by had contributed to the general awareness of— claiming that they represent the mainstream. and an increased urge to act against—persisting But, unlike the distinctions found by Thornton inequalities in South African society. This is all in the club cultures, those made by conscious the more notable as most of the designers would rap followers extend well beyond musical taste not consider themselves fans of hip hop. and considerations of what is ‘hip’. All my interlocutors vehemently emphasised their Conclusion ‘love’ for hip hop and what it had done in their lives by expanding their mental horizons and The early writings of the Birmingham School understanding. Such passion is important in and (e.g., Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige 1983 of itself, and speaks of an affective commitment [1979]; Willis 1981) viewed the post-war to this particular . In addition, there British youth subcultures as signifying practices is socio-political dimension in the discourses in that express the defiance of working-class the way the different musical styles emerge as towards the hegemonic order and its values. The signifiers for different social orientations, moral defiance in these writings was regarded as rather values, and political ideologies. ‘Mainstream’ unconscious and inarticulate, while the styles denotes aligning with what is considered allegedly reflected a working-class background. a prevalent morality of avarice and lack of social Consequently, it was not considered to have responsibility in contemporary South African any potential for a decisive transformation on society. In the conscious rap followers’ opinion, a societal or even individual level; for instance, such morality is expressed in and enhanced according to Hebdige (1983 [1979]: 131), by music that focuses on dancing, partying, ‘working-class youth will in all probability and emptying one’s mind, instead of critical remain working class throughout their lives’. thinking and listening. This view finds some In contrast, the conscious rap adherents empirical resonance in the prevalence of kwaito discussed here are aware of, and articulate, the artists and house music DJs as performers at social and political inequalities in the past political party rallies, nowadays especially those and today. They also come from diverse social of the ruling party, the ANC, whose reputation backgrounds. Rather than their subculture is increasingly tarnished by corruption scandals. arising from their experiences and class In making their discursive distinctions, positions in an organic and unreflective manner, conscious rap devotees are negotiating and they are better viewed as actively constructing accumulating what Thornton calls ‘subcultural it—with its expressed musical, ideological, capital’, that is, they are trying to improve and moral underpinnings. In this regard, their their own status by portraying themselves as discourses are performative: they create their more sophisticated, progressive, concerned, and subculture and its speciality by emphasising urban than the followers of competing youth difference to the other popular youth music music styles that allegedly convey a carefree and styles, in particular contemporary kwaito as well undiscerning mentality prevalent in townships. as commercial house and hip hop. However, reducing the meaning of the ample

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discourses simply to a status competition does 2013). Haupt (2008), for his part, contrasts South not do full justice to them. Viewed in the African conscious hip hop to mainstream hip hop (such as ) and kwaito, emphasising context of contemporary South African society, conscious hip hop’s critical, empowering and anti- it is evident that conscious rap adherents are hegemonic qualities against the compliance with addressing topical issues. In so doing they are the hegemonic values in kwaito and mainstream participating in public discussion about the hip hop. Recently kwaito has experienced a further commercialisation as several of the traces of the apartheid history, the prevalence mainstream rappers have started referencing and of poverty, and the inappropriate forms and integrating relatively early, well-known kwaito manifestations of black upward mobility in the songs and dance styles in their music (http:// post-apartheid era. Once regarded as rather pigeonsandplanes.com/in-depth/2014/05/south- african-rappers-the-new-kwaito-kings). marginal voices, recently their views have found 6 This distinction appears to be stronger in the resonance with the fervent demanding Cape Town region than in Johannesburg. This is a cessation in corruption and an overall most probably due to the fact that Johannesburg transformation of the societal power structures. is the hub of the music industry, where the most important record companies and labels as well as the entertainment media are located, and with Notes them, artists who try to become commercially successful. 1 This research was enabled by the Academy of 7 Spaza is a slang word that originally referred to funding for my Academy Researcher an informal township kiosk or small shop. Spaza project entitled ‘Globalisation of African Music’ rap refers to hip hop from the Western and in 2008–2013. I also want to thank Khanyisile Eastern Cape sung in a mixture of languages Mbongwa for acting as an assistant on one of my where Xhosa is dominant. research trips in Cape Town. 8 The idea of hip hop as alternative education is 2 According to the statistics, in mid-2014, the total also employed, for instance, in the Cape Town- population in South Africa was estimated to be based Bush Radio’s MC workshop series, titled 54 million. 80.2 % of the population were black ‘Alternative Kerriculum [sic] for Mentoring Youth’ Africans, 8.8 % were coloureds, 8.4 % were white, (Haupt 2008: 159). and 2.5 % were Indians/Asians (Statistics South 9 The situation varies geographically. Cape Town’s Africa 2014a: 2–3). city centre used to have a few clubs with regular 3 In the Johannesburg region, where kwaito first hip hop evenings, but they hardly exist anymore; appeared, this argot is a mixture of Zulu, Sotho, in Johannesburg there are some city centre venues English and Afrikaans and is called iscamtho featuring hip hop. by linguists. Colloquially it is often called tsotsitaal, a contemporary version of a gangster References patois developed in the early twentieth century townships. Allen, Laura 2004. Kwaito versus Crossed-over: 4 For a review of the popular and academic Music and Identity During South Africa’s Rainbow criticism of kwaito as well as an alternative view Years, 1994–99. Social Dynamics 30 (2): 82–111. to its socio-political importance, see Pietilä (2013). Austin, John 1962. How to Do Things with Words. 5 The conscious rap devotees’ valuations are Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. opposite to those of the academic writers, who celebrated what they perceived an emergence of a Ballantine, Christopher 2003. Popular Music and the more socially conscious and self-reflexive strand End of Apartheid: The Case of Kwaito. Paper presented of kwaito in the end of the 1990s (e.g., Allen 2004: at the conference of the International Association of 102; Ballantine 2003: 20, cited in Steingo 2007: Popular Music, July 3–7, Montreal. 30; for more thorough comments, see Pietilä

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Bogatsu, Mpolokeng 2002.’Loxion Kulcha:’ Peterson, Bhekizizwe 2003. Kwaito,’Dawgs’ and Fashioning Black Youth Culture in Post-Apartheid the Antimonies of Hustling. African Identities 1 (2): South Africa. English Studies in Africa 45 (2): 1–12. 197–213.

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Yuval-Davies, Nira 2010. Theorizing Identity: Solomon Moremong, Johannesburg, 10 March 2011. Beyond the ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ Dichotomy. Patterns of Prejudice 44 (3): 261–280. Thapelo Raphuti, Johannesburg, 11 March 2011. Kwelagobe Sekele, Johannesburg, 8 March 2011. Interviews by the author: Damian Stephens, Cape Town, 20 November 2013. Crosby Bolani, Cape Town, 3 December 2009. Zenande, Gugulethu (Cape Town region), 27 DJ Rozzano, Mitchell’s Plain (Cape Town region), November 2009. 19 November 2009. Tuulikki Pietilä Dre, Cape Town, 24 November 2009. Social and Cultural El Nino, Ma-B and Redondo of the group Anthropology Driemanskap, Cape Town, 1 December 2009. University of Helsinki [email protected] Flabba of the group Skwatta Kamp, Johannesburg, 3 June 2005.

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