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The Emotional Politics of Slavery Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Dwyer, Erin. 2012. Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:9282890 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © 2012, Erin Austin Dwyer All rights reserved. iii Professor Walter Johnson Erin Austin Dwyer Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery Abstract Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery explores how the emotions and affective norms of the Antebellum South were conditioned upon and constructed through the institution of slavery. Though slavery is a subject wrought with emotion, there has been no focus in recent historical scholarship on the affective dimensions of slavery. Studies in the history of emotion have also largely ignored slavery. My intervention in these fields reveals the ways that both slaveholders and slaves wielded fear, trust, jealousy, and affection in their interactions with one another. The project also sheds light on how the emotional norms of societies are learned and policed, manipulated and enforced. I argue that the emotions of slaveholders and slaves alike were irrevocably shaped by slavery. The daily negotiations and contestations that occurred between slaveholders and slaves through and about feelings, in conjunction with larger debates about race, freedom, and emotional norms, form the backbone of what I call the emotional politics of slavery. Mastering Emotions examines how the affective norms of slavery were taught, how emotional transgressions were punished, and the long-term impacts of those emotional norms on the affective landscape of the post-Reconstruction South. To gain insight into the emotional lives and affective experiences of enslaved people and free people of color I use a variety of primary sources such as slave iv narratives, letters, and court testimony. Steeped in the mode of sentimentalism, which encouraged people to reflect upon and articulate their feelings, slaveholders revealed how they felt about their slaves, and how they believed their slaves felt, in diaries, wills and even records of slave sales and manumissions. Studying the affective terrain of the Antebellum South provides fresh insight into the politics of slavery, revealing how those in bondage used feelings to resist slavery, and how the planter class employed emotions to enforce the institution. This project also contributes to the burgeoning field of affective history by complicating understandings of how emotions are constructed in relation to power, and how power operates in affective relations. v Erin Austin Dwyer “Mastering Emotions: The Emotional Politics of Slavery” Abstract iii-iv Introduction 1-37 Chapter One: "No One Can Imagine My Feelings”: Race, Slavery and Emotional Exceptionality 38-86 Chapter Two: “To Change Their Sentiments”: The Emotions the Slaves Made 87-124 Chapter Three: “Born and Reared in Slavery”: Learning the Affective Norms of Slavery 124-175 Chapter Four: “Breach of Confidence:” The Mechanics of Trust and Mistrust in the Antebellum South 176-245 Chapter Five: “He Wouldn’t Whip, He’d Punish”: Affective Control in the Antebellum Slave South 246-276 Chapter Six: “The Pursuit of Happiness”: Freedom, Race and Emotions 277-328 Bibliography 329-338 1 Introduction “The passions are a numerous crowd Imperious positive and loud… If they grow wild and rave They are thy masters, thou their slaves.”1 In an article published in the DeBow’s Review in 1851, Dr. Samuel A. Cartwright introduced an affliction that he claimed was “well known to our planters and overseers,” but was as yet unrecognized by the medical profession: “Drapetomania, or the disease causing Negroes to run away.” Cartwright asserted that this condition was “curable” as long as slaveholders used moderation in the treatment of their slaves. They were to neither be “too familiar” with a slave and treat them as an equal, nor to be “cruel to him, or punishing him in anger,” but to be “be kind and gracious.” Cartwright claimed that slaveholders needed to inspire “awe and reverence” in their slaves, or else “they will despise their masters.” According to Cartwright, once an enslaved person had lost respect for their owner, or began to loathe them, they “become sulky and dissatisfied.” Furthermore, he advised that “the cause of this sulkiness and dissatisfaction should be inquired into and removed,” otherwise the slaves were likely to run.2 Cartwright’s attempt to medicalize enslaved resistance reveals a great deal about the role feelings played in maintaining slavery, as well as the extent to which enslaved people irrevocably shaped the emotional norms and practices of the Antebellum South. 1 Poem citied in Catherine Clinton The Plantation Mistress: Woman’s World in the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books) 66 2 Samuel Cartwright, “Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race – Concluded,” De Bow’s Review 11 (September 1851): 331-336 2 He posited that slaveholders’ affective expressions, and feelings like anger and affection, would trigger emotional responses in their slaves, including “awe and reverence,” “sulkiness and dissatisfaction,” or even loathing. But slaveholders were not only provoking their slaves’ sentiments, enslaved people were also influencing slaveowners through their emotions. If Cartwright is to be believed, a slaveholder was supposed to be upset if their slaves “despis(ed)” them, should hope to be respected by them, and should take action to “remove” any cause for “sulkiness and dissatisfaction” that their slaves might feel, lest they run away. Planters and overseers were not only expected to be aware of their slaves emotional states, they were supposed to actively respond to them. In this way, this passage sheds light on the myriad ways that slavery constructed emotions in the Antebellum South, and how feelings could be used to police and challenge the institution. Works like Cartwright’s also speak volumes about the debates that raged in the Antebellum South over what the parameters of the emotional norms of slavery would be for slaveowners and for the enslaved. Was the affective objective for planters for their slaves to love them or be afraid of them? Should slaveholders express any sort of affection to slaves, or only induce fear? Did enslaved people gain more from deploying fear or trustworthiness? What emotions needed to be feigned, and which needed to be concealed?3 Would the governing hierarchy of these emotional standards be defined by race or by free status? And if the affective norms of the Antebellum South were rooted in slavery and slave status, then what would become of these practices with the coming of Emancipation? 3 For more on the performance of emotions in daily life see Erving Goffman The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York: Doubleday, 1990) 3 In my dissertation I will argue that the emotions of the Antebellum South were not manufactured by elites, but rather were conditioned upon and constructed through the institution of slavery. For slaveholder and slaves alike, emotions were irrevocably shaped by slavery. These sentiments were central to how slaveholders maintained the institution, and how enslaved people endured and resisted it. The daily negotiations and contestations that occurred between slaveholders and slaves through and about feelings, in conjunction with larger debates about race, freedom and affective norms, form the back bone of what I term the emotional politics of slavery. In “Mastering Emotions” I examine how the affective strictures and practices of slavery were individually learned, collectively constructed, and socially embedded, and how these norms were impacted by the coming of Emancipation. Increasing work has been done on how emotions are individually and socially constructed, and the role that feelings play in society. In his work on emotions and the French Revolution, William Reddy points out that in modern, Western culture, people have long viewed emotions "as private, quasi-biological responses that endanger our reason."4 Though there are biological components to feelings, such perceptions ignore how emotions are socially, culturally, politically and temporally contingent. This belief also implies that feelings are at odds with reason, eliding all the ways that emotions are strategically, and rationally employed. Instead, Reddy would argue that emotions are deliberately used to shore up and resist political institutions, which he refers to as “emotional regimes.” According to Reddy, one can quantify how free a particular 4 William M. Reddy The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework For the History of Emotions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 113 4 “emotional regime” is by examining how much that society polices and restricts emotional expression. 5 While William Reddy’s phrase “emotional regime” is useful for understanding how the planter class saw themselves as affective masters, of their slaves and of themselves, the term belies the fact that the emotional norms and practices of the Antebellum South were not determined solely or even primarily by planters and policy makers. Historians Peter Stearns and Carol Stearns, pioneers in the field of the history of emotions, provide a more democratic understanding of how emotional norms develop in a given society. Unlike the hierarchical implications of the term “emotional regime,” the Stearns argue that there can be multiple, competing or overlapping affective standards within a single society, and that studying these affective “subcultures” can shed light on exactly how elites attempt to create and enforce “dominant culture” of emotions.6 I would argue that the emotional norms of slavery were not produced in a top-down or unidirectional fashion, nor did slaves’ affective practices and experiences function as a separate emotional subculture.
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