The Principle of Subsidiarity
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Davor Jancic the Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing Or Democracy Boost?
Davor Jancic The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Jancic, Davor (2012) The barroso initiative: window dressing or democracy boost? Utrecht Law Review, 8 (1). pp. 78-91. ISSN 1871-515X © 2012 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/51580/ Available in LSE Research Online: August 2013 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This article is published in a peer-reviewed section of the Utrecht Law Review The Barroso Initiative: Window Dressing or Democracy Boost? Davor Jančić* 1. Introduction: refurbishing EU parliamentary democracy Although historically five years is a negligible period of time, in European integration it can spark impor- tant developments. Such is the case with the so-called Barroso Initiative (the Initiative), named after João Manuel Durão Barroso, incumbent second-term President of the European Commission. The purpose of his Initiative is to reinforce the democratic basis of the Union by involving national parliaments of the Member States more closely in the EU policy-making processes beyond the texts of the founding treaties. -
The Development of International Police Cooperation Within the EU
American University International Law Review Volume 14 | Issue 3 Article 1 1999 The evelopmeD nt of International Police Cooperation within the EU and Between the EU and Third Party States: A Discussion of the Legal Bases of Such Cooperation and the Problems and Promises Resulting Thereof Jacqueline Klosek Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Klosek, Jacqueline. "The eD velopment of International Police Cooperation within the EU and Between the EU and Third Party States: A Discussion of the Legal Bases of Such Cooperation and the Problems and Promises Resulting Thereof." American University International Law Review 14, no. 3 (1999): 599-656. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION WITHIN THE EU AND BETWEEN THE EU AND THIRD PARTY STATES: A DISCUSSION OF THE LEGAL BASES OF SUCH COOPERATION AND THE PROBLEMS AND PROMISES RESULTING THEREOF JACQUELINE KLOSEK* INTRODUCTION .............................................. 600 I. TRADITIONAL BILATERAL, REGIONAL, AND MULTILATERAL BASES OF TRANSNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION ................................... 603 A. THE UNITED STATES ....................................... 603 B. THE M IDDLE EAST ........................................ 606 C. CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE ........................... 609 D. INTERNATIONAL AND MULTILATERAL EFFORTS ............ 610 II. EUROPEAN EFFORTS AT TRANSNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION ............................................ 611 A . T REvI .................................................... -
The Future of European Education: a Political Strategy & Four Action Areas
Eur J Futures Res (2014) 2:49 DOI 10.1007/s40309-014-0049-2 ORIGINAL ARTICLE The future of European education: A political strategy & four action areas Alfonso Diestro Fernández Received: 15 October 2014 /Accepted: 17 November 2014 /Published online: 16 December 2014 # The Author(s) 2014. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The European integration project is confronting Introduction one of the greatest challenges in its recent history. The pro- found current financial crisis is jeopardising both trust in the Nobody can now ignore that Europe is currently facing a huge process of integration and the support of European Union predicament; this obliges Europe to reinvent itself once again citizens. This paper aims to show the need to find transversal if the region wishes to realise the original aspirations that solutions to the immediate and future challenges that the motivated the current project of building and integrating Eu- European integration project faces. These solutions could rope, establishing a closer union between its peoples and its emerge from the retrieval of the idea of including a European regions. In the present context, characterised by the econom- Dimension in Education, as a joint political strategy of the ical crisis, the political programmes of only one way and the European Union and the Council of Europe, given that two political disaffection of the citizens with the European project, separate, but convergent, trends have been identified. Special it is a matter of urgency to find new proposals, also for importance will be placed on the four action points that the educational politics, across a new process of deliberation European dimension could adopt (curricular and teaching between institutions and Members States. -
The Principle of Subsidiarity and Its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order
The Principle of Subsidiarity and its Enforcement in the EU Legal Order The Role of National Parliaments in the Early Warning System Katarzyna Granat HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2018 Copyright © Katarzyna Granat , 2018 Katarzyna Granat has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2018. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Perspectives for Reform in the European Union Nicolai Von Ondarza
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Blocked for Good by the Threat of Treaty Change? WP S Perspectives for Reform in the European Union Nicolai von Ondarza The European Union faces a fundamental dilemma. On the one hand, pressure to reform its structures is growing. The hard negotiations with Greece in summer 2015 have revived the debate on deepening the Eurozone, while at the same time London is pushing to roll back integration, at least for itself. On the other hand, national governments reject any moves that would require a treaty change (such as transfer of powers) as politically impossible. Legal options for evading the dilemma and developing the Union by “covert integration” do exist, but these require unanimous political agreement among all the national governments – and would in the medium term require treaty changes to restore transparency and democratic legitimacy. The traumatic process of negotiating and bought itself some time for reform, the vola- ratifying the EU Constitutional Treaty and tile negotiations with Greece in summer the Treaty of Lisbon has left deep marks. 2015 again spotlighted the persistence of Ever since, national governments have con- grave deficits in its economic and political sistently avoided initiating significant treaty structures. In response, France in summer amendments, including at the height of 2015 proposed strengthening the Eurozone the euro crisis. Even in projects such as the with a finance minister with a budget and banking union, they have instead turned a parliament of its own. Concurrently, in to treaties outside the EU framework. June 2015 the presidents of five European Despite this reservation – or perhaps institutions (Commission, Council, ECB, precisely because of it – pressure to tackle Eurogroup and European Parliament) pub- reform of primary law is growing. -
The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
European Programme November 2002 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Agnes Batory Introduction For the second time since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty – seen by many as a watershed in the history of European integration – the European Union (EU) is set to expand. Unlike in 1995, when the group joining the Union consisted of wealthy, established liberal democracies, ten of the current applicants are post-communist countries which recently completed, or are still in various stages of completing, democratic transitions and large-scale economic reconstruction. It is envisaged that the candidates furthest ahead will become members in time for their citizens to participate in the next elections to the European Parliament due in June 2004. The challenge the absorption of the central and east European countries represents for the Union has triggered a need for internal institutional reform and new thinking among the policy-makers of the existing member states. However, despite the imminence of the ‘changeover’ to a considerably larger and more heterogeneous Union, the domestic profiles of the accession countries have remained relatively little known from the west European perspective. In particular, the implications of enlargement in terms of the attitudes and preferences of the new (or soon to be) players are still, to a great extent, unclear. How will they view their rights and obligations as EU members? How committed will they be to the implementation of the acquis communautaire? In what way will they fill formal rules with practical content? BRIEFING PAPER 2 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Naturally, the answers to these questions can only government under the premiership of Miklós Németh be tentative at this stage. -
The Legal and Constitutional Nature of the New International Treaties on Economic and Monetary Union from the Perspective of Eu Law
P-с \<L Ka ¿^ ļ/s ^ ^—T> . _ _Λί_- ΛνΛ.1^-^<Λ-\,?_--^/V" p/ Jk*, Focus THE LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL NATURE OF THE NEW INTERNATIONAL TREATIES ON ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF EU LAW Rose M. D'Sa LL.B. (Hons), Ph.D (University of Birmingham, UK) Barrister at Law (MiddleTemple, non-practising) Consultant in European Union Law Member, European Economic and Social Committee (EESC, Brussels) Introduction This article1 discusses, in particular, two proposed Treaties of an "inter-goverrimental" nature (i.e. Treaties governed by International Law rather than European Union Law). The first is the Treaty on Stability, Co-ordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (hereinafter referred to as the "TSCG") and the second, theTreaty on the European Stability Mechanism ("TESM"or ESM Treaty). The analysis focuses inter alia on the issue of whether the creation of these instruments is, of itself, legal and constitutional within the framework of the EU Treaties, their future relationship with the existing EU legal framework and whether their objectives could or should, as a matter of law, have been achieved within the framework of the latter. It takes account of the texts of relevant legal instruments as they stood on February 2, 2012, though some limited reference to later events has been possible. In particular, the TSCG was formally signed on March 2, 2012. The most recent alterations to its text include a new focus on growth, but otherwise appear minor. European politics in recent years and months has become increasingly focused on the economic, financial and sovereign debt crisis, created in part by the situation in Greece. -
Unlocking the Potential of the EU Treaties: an Article
Unlocking the potential of the EU Treaties An article-by-article analysis of the scope for action STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Étienne Bassot Members’ Research Service PE 630.353 – January 2019 EN Unlocking the potential of the EU Treaties An article-by-article analysis of the scope for action Public opinion often expresses the view that the European Union should do more to improve the lives of citizens in various policy areas, but a lack of convergence among Member States on the desired changes, not to mention likely hurdles in the ratification process, as well as other factors make any significant reform of the EU Treaties unlikely in the near term. This study identifies and analyses 34 policy areas where there may be the potential to do more under the existing legal bases provided by the Treaties without recourse to any amendment or updating of those texts. It looks at currently unused or under-used legal bases in the Treaties with a view to their contributing more effectively to the EU policy process. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHOR(S) This paper has been drawn up by the Members’ Research Service of the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. Its preparation has been coordinated by Rafał Mańko. A number of policy analysts within the Members' Research Service have each drafted sections of this paper. They are: Nikolai Atanassov, Denise Chircop, Carmen-Cristina Cîrlig, Alessandro D’Alfonso, María Diaz Crego, Roderick Harte, Beatrix Immenkamp, Cemal Karakas, Ivana Katsarova, Silvia Kotanidis, Tania Laţici, Elena Lazarou, Tambiama Madiega, Rafał Mańko, Nóra Milotay, Shara Monteleone, Laura Puccio, Anja Radjenović, Gianluca Sgueo, François Théron, Sofija Voronova, Agnieszka Widuto, and Alex Benjamin Wilson. -
Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question?
2. The Union shall also have exclusive competence for the conclusion of an internation- al agreement when its conclusion is provided for in a legislative act of the Union or is INSTITUTIONAL INNOVATIONS necessary to enable the Union to exercise its internal competence, or in so far as its con- clusion may affect common rules or alter their scope. Does Subsidiarity Ask the Right Question? But subsidiarity is not the only principle in the EU Treaty that relates to the distribution of Jörgen Hettne Senior Researcher, SIEPS powers between the EU and Member States. Article 5 TEU contains in fact three fundamen- Fredrik Langdal Researcher, SIEPS tal principles, which each impose limitations on the institutions of the Union: the principles of conferral, subsidiarity and proportionality. The meaning of these principles can be summarised as follows. The principle of conferral controls when the EU is able to act, the principle of subsidiarity when the EU should act and the principle of proportionality how the EU should act. In contrast to the principle of conferral, the principles ubsidiarity was formally introduced in the European Union (EU) with the Maastricht of subsidiarity and proportionality are therefore not concerned with the issue if the EU has the Treaty, which entered into force on 1 November 1993. By introducing this principle, power to do something or not, but rather impose certain conditions on how these powers should SMember States wanted to impose a check on how EU institutions used their powers. The be used. While the principle of subsidiarity regulates whether and to what extent the powers are principle of subsidiarity implies a preference for decisions to be taken as close as possible to to be exercised, the principle of proportionality shall ensure that they do not give rise to actions the people affected, but if more efficient outcomes can be reached at the central level, then that are more extensive than is necessary to achieve the objectives of the Union. -
Brexit and Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union
Brexit and Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union Andreu Olesti Rayo The EU referendum results have been clear: with a difference of more than 1 million votes, the Britons have decided to start running the mechanism that will put an end to their stay in the EU after more than 40 years. A new period of undetermined length will now begin aiming to set the framework for the relations between the UK and the EU. Until then, the UK will be a member of the EU to all intents and purposes and have their rights and obligations accordingly. The EU law will still be enforceable and the case law of the CJEU will keep shaping the correct application of EU law. UK citizens will still have the EU citizenship rights and the principles of free movement and prohibition of discrimination based on nationality, including the freedom of movement of persons between the UK and the other EU Member States. The results of the consultation are not legally binding. There is however no doubt that the political mandate of the citizenship has been very clear and the UK Government’s stance during the Brexit negotiations cannot be any different. Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union sets forth a specific procedure for the withdrawal from the EU. This mechanism will be activated as soon as the UK notifies the European Council its express intention to withdraw. This first requisite is not subject to a specific period, that is, there is no obligation to notify the intention before a certain date. -
Exporting the Acquis Communautaire Into the Legal Systems of Third Countries
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Exporting the Acquis Communautaire into the Legal Systems of Third Countries ROMAN PETROV* Abstract. This article explores the role of the EU as a global actor in international relations and a promoter of its own standards and values abroad. In particular, this article studies selected substantive and procedural means of exporting the acquis communautaire into the legal systems of third countries. It is argued that the substantive means refer to the fundamental ways of implementing the acquis into third country legal orders. The procedural means relate to specific technical/procedural tools which either directly or indirectly encourage the implementation of the acquis into third country legal orders. The article concludes that these substantive and procedural means are not uniformly applicable, but are rather exercised in accordance with the specific objectives of EU external agreements. Analysis of the selected EU external agreements illustrates that their objectives unquestionably constitute a driving force behind understanding the role and mechanism of the substantive and procedural means of exporting the acquis communautaire. I Introduction The process of exporting the acquis communautaire1 into legal orders of third countries is an indispensable part of the challenging role of the EU as a global * Jean Monnet Lecturer, Donetsk National University, Donetsk, Ukraine and Max Weber Fellow, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. 1 In accordance with the EU’s Glossary of Definitions, ‘The Community acquis’ is the body of common rights and obligations which bind all the Member States together within the European Union. -
The Treaty of Accession and Differentiation in the Eu
Jurisprudencija, 2005, t. 72(64); 117–123 THE TREATY OF ACCESSION AND DIFFERENTIATION IN THE EU Academic Assistant Peter Van Elsuwege European Institute – Ghent University Pateikta 2005 m. geguės 2 d. Parengta spausdinti 2005 m. rugsėjo 20 d. Keywords: EU enlargement, Accession Treaty, transitional arrangements, safeguard clauses, Eurozone, Schengen area. Introduction With the entering into force of the Accession Treaty, on 1 May 2004, the process of European integration has entered a new phase. The EU of 25 will differ from the EU 15 in many ways. First, the accession of 10 new Member States has fundamentally changed the institutional framework and decision-making capacity of the Union. Reaching agreement with 25 Member States is obviously much more difficult than with 15. It remains to be seen how the Nice arrangement for QMV will affect the EU’s decision-making in practice awaiting the entry into force of the Constitution. Second, EU enlargement raises the question of balance in the EU. On the one hand, there is a question of balance between Member States: big and small, old and new, countries defending a more intergovernmental and supranational view on European integration. On the other hand, there is the traditional issue of balance between the institutions and in particular the institutional triangle constituted by the Commission, the Council and the European Parliament. The discussions surrounding the inauguration of the Barroso Commission clearly revealed the importance of this institutional balance and the power relations between the institutions. Third, and this is the central topic of today’s conference, EU enlargement raises questions about the future functioning of the Union and the application of the acquis communautaire.