READING LIST Alberico Gentili Lectures April 2018 Justice Edwin Cameron 1. General Background *Heinz Klug, the Constitution of S
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Staging Queer Temporalities 75 STAGING QUEER TEMPORALITIES
Staging Queer Temporalities 75 STAGING QUEER TEMPORALITIES A Look at Miss Gay Western Cape By: Olivia Bronson iss Gay Western Cape is a beauty pageant that takes place once a year in Cape Town. Though the event began during apartheid, it is only recently that it has gained visibil- ity and emerged as the largest gay pageant in South Africa. This project considers the Mways in which different queer communities in Cape Town strive to be seen in spaces that remain governed by the logics of racialized segregation. As evidenced with this event, queer communi- ties in Cape Town bare the wounds of the colonial and apartheid mechanism of informing and controlling groups on the basis of race. “Queer” as a politics, aesthetic, and movement takes many shapes within different contemporary contexts and serves as a necessary axis of conflict in relation to the imported, Westernized gay rights discourse. By representing an imagined world—a haven for oppressed, queer individuals to bear tiaras and six-inch heels to freely express their sexuali- ties through feminized gender identities—the pageant becomes a space in which queer practices supersede dominant gay rights discourse. It articulates an untold history through performance. I thus understand the pageant as both an archive and an act of resistance, in which participants enact a fragmented freedom and declare their existence in South Africa, the supposed rainbow nation. Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 76 FIGURE 1.1 Past winner of Miss Gay Western Cape I. Introduction to Topic This is what I say to my comrades in the struggle when they ask why I waste time fighting for ‘moffies,’ this is what I say to gay men and lesbians who ask me why I spend so much time struggling against apartheid when I should be fighting for gay rights. -
Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
The Constitutional Court of South Africa: Rights Interpretation and Comparative Constitutional Law
THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA: RIGHTS INTERPRETATION AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Hoyt Webb- I do hereby swear that I will in my capacity asJudge of the Constitu- tional Court of the Republic of South Africa uphold and protect the Constitution of the Republic and the fundamental rights entrenched therein and in so doing administerjustice to all persons alike with- out fear,favour or prejudice, in accordance with the Constitution and the Law of the Republic. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Schedule 3 (Oaths of Office and Solemn Affirmations), Act No. 200, 1993. I swear that, asJudge of the ConstitutionalCourt, I will be faithful to the Republic of South Africa, will uphold and protect the Consti- tution and the human rights entrenched in it, and will administer justice to all persons alike withwut fear,favour or prejudice, in ac- cordancewith the Constitution and the Law. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, Schedule 2 (Oaths and Solemn Affirmations), Act 108 of 1996. I. INTRODUCTION In 1993, South Africa adopted a transitional or interim Constitu- tion (also referred to as the "IC"), enshrining a non-racial, multiparty democracy, based on respect for universal rights.' This uras a monu- mental achievement considering the complex and often horrific his- tory of the Republic and the increasing racial, ethnic and religious tensions worldwide.2 A new society, however, could not be created by Hoyt Webb is an associate at Brown and Wood, LLP in NewYork City and a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. -
Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
Top Court Trims Executive Power Over Hawks
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Sunday 26 September 2021 Top court trims executive power over Hawks The Constitutional Court has not only agreed that legislation governing the Hawks does not provide adequate independence for the corruption-busting unit, it has 'deleted' the defective sections, notes Legalbrief. It found parts of the legislation that governs the specialist corruption-busting body unconstitutional, because they did not sufficiently insulate it from potential executive interference. This, notes a Business Day report, is the second time the court has found the legislation governing the Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, unconstitutional for not being independent enough. The first time, the court sent it back to Parliament to fix. This time the court did the fixing, by cutting out the offending words and sections. The report says the idea behind the surgery on the South African Police Service (SAPS) Act was to ensure it had sufficient structural and operational independence, a constitutional requirement. In a majority judgment, Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng said: 'Our anti-corruption agency is not required to be absolutely independent. It, however, has to be adequately independent. 'And that must be evidenced by both its structural and operational autonomy.' The judgment resolved two cases initially brought separately - one by businessman Hugh Glenister, the other by the Helen Suzman Foundation (HSF), notes Business Day. Because both cases challenged the Hawks legislation on the grounds of independence, the two were joined. Glenister's case - that the Hawks could never be independent while located in the SAPS, which was rife with corruption - was rejected by the court. -
1 Frank Michelman Constitutional Court Oral History Project 28Th
Frank Michelman Constitutional Court Oral History Project 28th February 2013 Int This is an interview with Professor Frank Michelman, and it’s the 28th of February 2013. Frank, thank you so much for agreeing to participate in the Constitutional Court Oral History Project, we really appreciate your time. FM I’m very much honoured by your inviting me to participate and I’m happy to do so. Int Thank you. I’ve not had the opportunity to interview you before, and I wondered whether you could talk about early childhood memories, and some of the formative experiences that may have led you down a legal and academic professional trajectory? FM Well, that’s going to be difficult, because…because I didn’t have any notion at all prior to my senior year in college, the year before I entered law school, that I would be going to law school. I hadn’t formed, that I can recall, any plan, hope, ambition, in that direction at all. To the extent that I had any distinct career notion in mind during the years before I wound up going to law school? It would have been an academic career, possibly in the field of history, in which I was moderately interested and which was my concentration in college. I had formed a more or less definite idea of applying to graduate programs in history, and turning myself into a history professor. Probably United States history. United States history, or maybe something along the line of what’s now called the field of ideas, which I was calling intellectual history in those days. -
One Hundred Years of the Kwazulu-Natal Bench by LB Broster SC, a Coutsoudis and AJ Boulle, Kwazulu-Natal Bar
SA JUDICIARY100 YEARS OLD Juta, Kotzé and rule from 1949-1959), and Munnik CJ (from 1981-1992). Hlophe Menzies who were CJ, the first black JP of the division, is perhaps the best-known of either judges of the the current group of Judges President in the country. Amongst court or members of other things, he was responsible for the controversial decision in the families of judges of dispute between the Pharmaceutical Society of South Africa, New the court. Clicks South Africa (Pty) Ltd and the Minister of Health (New Clicks Perhaps the most South Africa (Pty) Ltd v Tshabalala-Msimang and Another NNO; well-known advocate Pharmaceutical Society of South Africa and Others v Tshabalala- ever to practise in Msimang and Another NNO 2005 (2) SA 530 (C)). the Cape was Harry The CPD also made important contributions to the development Snitcher QC, who also of the new constitutional law in cases such as the Grootboom deci- acted for appellants sion that enforced the right to housing (Government of the Republic Judge President John Hlophe, in the Harris decision, and Cape High Court of South Africa and Others v Grootboom and Others 2001 (1) SA 46 many another similar cause (CC)) and the Metrorail decision which enforced the right to life (Rail celebre. Commuters Action Group and Others v Transnet Ltd t/a Metrorail Of the Judges President of the court, several stand out purely and Others 2005 (2) SA 359 (CC)). because of the long duration of their tenure. These were Van Zyl CJ In this way the division has contributed to a process of constitu- (who took the court through the difficult years of the aftermath of tional development - from Slave Lodge to beacon of Good Hope. -
By Mr Justice Edwin Cameron Supreme Court of Appeal, Bloemfontein, South Africa
The Bentam Club Presidential Address Wednesday 24 March ‘When Judges Fail Justice’ by Mr Justice Edwin Cameron Supreme Court of Appeal, Bloemfontein, South Africa 1. It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to be with you this evening. The presidency of the Bentham Club is a particular honour. Its sole duty is to deliver tonight’s lecture. In fulfilling this office I hope you will not deal with me as Hazlitt, that astute and acerbic English Romantic essayist, dealt with Bentham.1 He denounced him for writing in a ‘barbarous philosophical jargon, with all the repetitions, parentheses, formalities, uncouth nomenclature and verbiage of law-Latin’. Hazlitt, who could, as they say, ‘get on a roll’, certainly did so in his critique of Bentham, whom he accused of writing ‘a language of his own that darkens knowledge’. His final rebuke to Bentham was the most piquant: ‘His works’, he said, ‘have been translated into French – they ought to be translated into English.’ I trust that we will not tonight need the services of a translator. 2. To introduce my theme I want to take you back nearly twenty years, to 3 September 1984. The place is in South Africa – a township 60 km south of Johannesburg. It is called Sharpeville. At the time its name already had ineradicable associations with black resistance to apartheid – and with the brutality of police responses to it. On 21 March 1960, 24 years before, the police gunned down more than sixty unarmed protestors – most of them shot in the back as they fled from the scene. -
The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 60 Issue 1 Twenty Years of South African Constitutionalism: Constitutional Rights, Article 5 Judicial Independence and the Transition to Democracy January 2016 The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa STEPHEN ELLMANN Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation STEPHEN ELLMANN, The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa, 60 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2015-2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Stephen Ellmann The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa 60 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 57 (2015–2016) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Stephen Ellmann is Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School. The author thanks the other presenters, commentators, and attenders of the “Courts Against Corruption” panel, on November 16, 2014, for their insights. www.nylslawreview.com 57 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE RULE OF LAW IN SOUTH AFRICA NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 I. INTRODUCTION The blight of apartheid was partly its horrendous discrimination, but also its lawlessness. South Africa was lawless in the bluntest sense, as its rulers maintained their power with the help of death squads and torturers.1 But it was also lawless, or at least unlawful, in a broader and more pervasive way: the rule of law did not hold in South Africa. -
South Africa 2
The Atlantic Philanthropies South Africa 2 Honjiswa Raba enjoysThe the new auditorium of the Isivivana Centre.Atlantic Raba is head of human resources Philanthropies for Equal Education, a Centre tenant, and is a trustee of the Khayelitsha Youth & Community Centre Trust, the governing body of Isivivana. Foreword 5 Preface 9 Summary 13 South Africa 22 Grantee Profiles 89 Black Sash and Community Advice Offices 91 Legal Resources Centre 96 University of the Western Cape 101 Lawyers for Human Rights 108 Umthombo Youth Development Foundation 113 Archives and the Importance of Memory 117 Nursing Schools and Programmes 125 Health Care Systems 131 LGBTI Rights 135 Social Justice Coalition 138 Equal Education 143 Isivivana Centre 147 Lessons 154 Acknowledgements 175 Throughout this book, the term “black” is used as it is defined in the South African Constitution. This means that it includes Africans, coloureds and Indians, the apartheid-era definitions of South Africa’s major race groups. The Atlantic Philanthropies South Africa BY RYLAND FISHER President Cyril Ramaphosa met with Chuck Feeney in Johannesburg in 2005 when they discussed their involvement in the Northern Ireland peace process. Ramphosa was elected president of South Africa by Parliament in February 2018. DEDICATION Charles Francis Feeney, whose generosity and vision have improved the lives of millions in South Africa and across the globe IN MEMORIAM Gerald V Kraak (1956–2014), a champion of human rights and Atlantic’s longest serving staff member in South Africa Students “No matter how some of the visit the Constitutional Court at ideals have been difficult Constitution Hill. to achieve and get a bit frayed around the edges, South Africans still achieved its transition to democracy in, I think, one of the most extraordinary ways in human history.” Christine Downton, former Atlantic Board member 5 South Africa Foreword he Atlantic Philanthropies are known for making big bets, and it’s fair to say that the foundation was making a very large wager when T it began investing in South Africa in the early 1990s. -
Natalia V28 Obituaries Didcott.Pdf
Obituaries John Mowbray Didcott (1931-1998) John Didcott spent 23 years as a judge, first in the Natal Supreme Court and, since 1994, as a member of the Constitutional Court. He became a human rights legend because of his strong support ofjustice and individual liberties. During the worst years of apartheid his scathing attacks on the unjust policies of the previous government were pored over with delight by opponents of those policies. Chief Justice Ismail Mahomed recalls his 'sparkling moral courage' and says Judge Didcott's instinctive abhorrence of injustice will ensure he is remembered as one of the greatest figures of South African law. John Mobray Didcott was born in Durban on 14 August 1931, and matriculated in 1948 from Hilton College. He graduated from the University of Cape Town with a B A degree in 1951 and an LI.B in 1953. But he was not merely a successful swot he also flourished in student politics. In his first year he was elected to the Students' Representative Council and served as its president from 1952 to 1954. He was also vice-president of the National Union of South African Students in 1953 and 1954, and its president for the next two years. Durban attorney Graham Cox, a long-time friend, recalls those days with relish. 'He was a brilliant fellow, but in addition to being an incredible scholar, he was a magnificent speaker - quite superb as a demagogue. When he, Zach de Beer and Sharkey King (now judge-president-elect of the High Court in Cape Town) debated the government's race policies, there would be standing room only in Jamieson Hall. -
AG3368-M48-001-Jpeg.Pdf
Zanele Majola Constitutional Court Oral History Project 24th January 2012 Int This is an interview with Zanele Majola, and it’s the 24th of January 2012. Zanele, thank you so much for agreeing to participate in the Constitutional Court Oral History Project, we really appreciate it. ZM It’s a pleasure. I’m happy to be here. Int Zanele, I wondered if we could talk about early childhood, where you were born, a bit about family background, and what are some of your experiences of growing up in South Africa when you did? ZM Alright. I was born in Durban and grew up in a township called KwaMakhutha. I was the last child of four siblings and I grew up with my mom, who is divorced, and we were sort of protected from stuff that was happening at the time. I was born in 1979. I remember very little actually about, for example what the Constitutional Court now represents, about apartheid, because you were basically growing up, going to school, back home, and my mother wasn’t very much of a political attuned person. I think it was only later on when we were witnessing toyi-toying in the late eighties, and houses being petrol bombed, that you started being aware of what was happening. I don’t know how much of it you want to know but it was only when I was in my early teens that I started becoming aware of things. I was fortunate…I don’t know whether fortunate is the right word: My elder sister went to school with Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge’s son, so when Victoria was killed we knew and we knew why it had happened.