Courage, Integrity and Independence Edwin Cameron's
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Staging Queer Temporalities 75 STAGING QUEER TEMPORALITIES
Staging Queer Temporalities 75 STAGING QUEER TEMPORALITIES A Look at Miss Gay Western Cape By: Olivia Bronson iss Gay Western Cape is a beauty pageant that takes place once a year in Cape Town. Though the event began during apartheid, it is only recently that it has gained visibil- ity and emerged as the largest gay pageant in South Africa. This project considers the Mways in which different queer communities in Cape Town strive to be seen in spaces that remain governed by the logics of racialized segregation. As evidenced with this event, queer communi- ties in Cape Town bare the wounds of the colonial and apartheid mechanism of informing and controlling groups on the basis of race. “Queer” as a politics, aesthetic, and movement takes many shapes within different contemporary contexts and serves as a necessary axis of conflict in relation to the imported, Westernized gay rights discourse. By representing an imagined world—a haven for oppressed, queer individuals to bear tiaras and six-inch heels to freely express their sexuali- ties through feminized gender identities—the pageant becomes a space in which queer practices supersede dominant gay rights discourse. It articulates an untold history through performance. I thus understand the pageant as both an archive and an act of resistance, in which participants enact a fragmented freedom and declare their existence in South Africa, the supposed rainbow nation. Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 76 FIGURE 1.1 Past winner of Miss Gay Western Cape I. Introduction to Topic This is what I say to my comrades in the struggle when they ask why I waste time fighting for ‘moffies,’ this is what I say to gay men and lesbians who ask me why I spend so much time struggling against apartheid when I should be fighting for gay rights. -
Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
South African Artists at the Constitutional Court of South Africa
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Decoding Memories: South African Artists at the Constitutional Court of South Africa A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in African Studies by Mary Ann Braubach 2017 © Copyright by Mary Ann Braubach 2017 ABSTRACT OF THESIS Decoding Memories: South African Artists at the Constitutional Court of South Africa by Mary Ann Braubach Master of Arts in African Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor William H. Worger, Chair This paper examines the decoding of the memory of apartheid and post apartheid years of South Africa’s recent history. And it contextualizes how the struggle influenced the visual arts. Also analyzed are the history of the Constitution and Constitutional Court of South Africa. It interrogates the formation of the Constitutional Court art collection. by Justices Albie Sachs and Yvonne Mokgoro for the yet-to-be-constructed Constitutional Court building in Johannesburg. Many donated artworks are responsive both to the anti- apartheid struggles and also to the new democracy. The essay also examines the underlying politic that now hangs in the Constitutional Court building. Select works, that function as signifiers of the new Constitution, are examined. I draw on interviews with South African artists, Court Justices and curators to investigate the role of memory, the archeology of the site, and the significance of the collection to the artists, the Justices, and citizens of South Africans twenty years post apartheid. -
1 Transcript Johann Kriegler Interview with Johann Kriegler, 2 February
Interview with Johann Kriegler, 2 February 2016, Johannesburg (based on notes) Interaction with Mandela around the 1994 elections TT What interaction did you have with Nelson Mandela in the context of the 1994 elections? JK My first contact with Mandela was a phone call fairly early on encouraging me in the work of administering the election, saying that he and the party realised that there were difficulties, and I should know that I had the support of the party and its confidence. Mandela would call personally, unlike the usual CEO, whose PA calls you to say the CEO would like to speak to you and then you wait for the CEO. My first face-to-face meeting with Mandela was at a full meeting of the TEC [Transitional Executive Council] presided over by De Klerk four to five weeks before the election. It was a general TEC meeting with reports from various sub- councils. In mid-April there was a TEC meeting at which Mandela was present where I reported on a meeting with the IFP. There was at one point talk of a boycott of the elections by the ZCC [Zion Christian Church]. At that time there were several threats of boycott: IFP, Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, and the right wing. I went to meet with Bishop Lekganyane to persuade him to support the process, before Easter. He said that he had invited the leaders of all parties to attend the Easter celebration at Moria to set the right tone for the election, which seemed to imply that he would be encouraging participation At the Easter meeting I sat in the church next to Mandela for two hours. -
Top Court Trims Executive Power Over Hawks
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Sunday 26 September 2021 Top court trims executive power over Hawks The Constitutional Court has not only agreed that legislation governing the Hawks does not provide adequate independence for the corruption-busting unit, it has 'deleted' the defective sections, notes Legalbrief. It found parts of the legislation that governs the specialist corruption-busting body unconstitutional, because they did not sufficiently insulate it from potential executive interference. This, notes a Business Day report, is the second time the court has found the legislation governing the Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, unconstitutional for not being independent enough. The first time, the court sent it back to Parliament to fix. This time the court did the fixing, by cutting out the offending words and sections. The report says the idea behind the surgery on the South African Police Service (SAPS) Act was to ensure it had sufficient structural and operational independence, a constitutional requirement. In a majority judgment, Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng said: 'Our anti-corruption agency is not required to be absolutely independent. It, however, has to be adequately independent. 'And that must be evidenced by both its structural and operational autonomy.' The judgment resolved two cases initially brought separately - one by businessman Hugh Glenister, the other by the Helen Suzman Foundation (HSF), notes Business Day. Because both cases challenged the Hawks legislation on the grounds of independence, the two were joined. Glenister's case - that the Hawks could never be independent while located in the SAPS, which was rife with corruption - was rejected by the court. -
K Malan REASSESSING JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE and IMPARTIALITY AGAINST the BACKDROP of JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS in SOUTH AFRICA
Author: K Malan REASSESSING JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND IMPARTIALITY AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA ISSN 1727 -3781 2014 VOLUME 17 No 5 http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/pelj.v17i5.05 K MALAN PER / PELJ 2014(17)5 REASSESSING JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND IMPARTIALITY AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS IN SOUTH AFRICA K Malan 1 Introduction Two decades ago, in 1994, South Africa formalised the first stride of its constitutional transition when the Interim Constitution1 came into force. Two years later the Interim Constitution was replaced by the so-called final Constitution, which came into force in February 1997 and is often praised as one of the best constitutions in the world. The Constitution is the supreme law of the country and provides for a strikingly wide purview of judicial review,2 probably an important reason why it is held in such high esteem.3 The courts in South Africa are assigned powers to review and to declare administrative and executive conduct, as well as legislation, in all spheres of government, unconstitutional and invalid. Such extensive powers should make them more powerful than the judiciaries in most other jurisdictions. The Constitutional Court is the apex court in relation to all constitutional matters and in a number of constitutional issues it exercises exclusive jurisdiction. It may also exercise appeal jurisdiction in relation to matters not constitutional in nature on the grounds that a matter raises an arguable point of law of general public importance. Except for this particular power, the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) is the highest court in all matters not of a constitutional nature and also has sweeping jurisdiction in constitutional matters, with a few exceptions which fall within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court. -
By Mr Justice Edwin Cameron Supreme Court of Appeal, Bloemfontein, South Africa
The Bentam Club Presidential Address Wednesday 24 March ‘When Judges Fail Justice’ by Mr Justice Edwin Cameron Supreme Court of Appeal, Bloemfontein, South Africa 1. It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to be with you this evening. The presidency of the Bentham Club is a particular honour. Its sole duty is to deliver tonight’s lecture. In fulfilling this office I hope you will not deal with me as Hazlitt, that astute and acerbic English Romantic essayist, dealt with Bentham.1 He denounced him for writing in a ‘barbarous philosophical jargon, with all the repetitions, parentheses, formalities, uncouth nomenclature and verbiage of law-Latin’. Hazlitt, who could, as they say, ‘get on a roll’, certainly did so in his critique of Bentham, whom he accused of writing ‘a language of his own that darkens knowledge’. His final rebuke to Bentham was the most piquant: ‘His works’, he said, ‘have been translated into French – they ought to be translated into English.’ I trust that we will not tonight need the services of a translator. 2. To introduce my theme I want to take you back nearly twenty years, to 3 September 1984. The place is in South Africa – a township 60 km south of Johannesburg. It is called Sharpeville. At the time its name already had ineradicable associations with black resistance to apartheid – and with the brutality of police responses to it. On 21 March 1960, 24 years before, the police gunned down more than sixty unarmed protestors – most of them shot in the back as they fled from the scene. -
South Africa 2
The Atlantic Philanthropies South Africa 2 Honjiswa Raba enjoysThe the new auditorium of the Isivivana Centre.Atlantic Raba is head of human resources Philanthropies for Equal Education, a Centre tenant, and is a trustee of the Khayelitsha Youth & Community Centre Trust, the governing body of Isivivana. Foreword 5 Preface 9 Summary 13 South Africa 22 Grantee Profiles 89 Black Sash and Community Advice Offices 91 Legal Resources Centre 96 University of the Western Cape 101 Lawyers for Human Rights 108 Umthombo Youth Development Foundation 113 Archives and the Importance of Memory 117 Nursing Schools and Programmes 125 Health Care Systems 131 LGBTI Rights 135 Social Justice Coalition 138 Equal Education 143 Isivivana Centre 147 Lessons 154 Acknowledgements 175 Throughout this book, the term “black” is used as it is defined in the South African Constitution. This means that it includes Africans, coloureds and Indians, the apartheid-era definitions of South Africa’s major race groups. The Atlantic Philanthropies South Africa BY RYLAND FISHER President Cyril Ramaphosa met with Chuck Feeney in Johannesburg in 2005 when they discussed their involvement in the Northern Ireland peace process. Ramphosa was elected president of South Africa by Parliament in February 2018. DEDICATION Charles Francis Feeney, whose generosity and vision have improved the lives of millions in South Africa and across the globe IN MEMORIAM Gerald V Kraak (1956–2014), a champion of human rights and Atlantic’s longest serving staff member in South Africa Students “No matter how some of the visit the Constitutional Court at ideals have been difficult Constitution Hill. to achieve and get a bit frayed around the edges, South Africans still achieved its transition to democracy in, I think, one of the most extraordinary ways in human history.” Christine Downton, former Atlantic Board member 5 South Africa Foreword he Atlantic Philanthropies are known for making big bets, and it’s fair to say that the foundation was making a very large wager when T it began investing in South Africa in the early 1990s. -
The Judiciary As a Site of the Struggle for Political Power: a South African Perspective
The judiciary as a site of the struggle for political power: A South African perspective Freddy Mnyongani: [email protected] Department of Jurisprudence, University of South Africa (UNISA) 1. Introduction In any system of government, the judiciary occupies a vulnerable position. While it is itself vulnerable to domination by the ruling party, the judiciary must at all times try to be independent as it executes its task of protecting the weak and vulnerable of any society. History has however shown that in most African countries, the judiciary has on a number of occasions succumbed to the domination of the ruling power. The struggle to stay in power by the ruling elite is waged, among others, in the courts where laws are interpreted and applied by judges who see their role as the maintenance of the status quo. To date, a typical biography of a post-independence liberation leader turned president would make reference to a time spent in jail during the struggle for liberation.1 In the post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa, the situation regarding the role of the judiciary has not changed much. The imprisonment of opposition leaders, especially closer to elections continues to be a common occurrence. If not that, potential opponents are subjected to charges that are nothing but a display of power and might. An additional factor relates to the disputes surrounding election results, which inevitably end up in court. The role of the judiciary in mediating these disputes, which are highly political in nature, becomes crucial. As the tension heats up, the debate regarding the appointment of judges, their ideological background and their independence or lack thereof, become fodder for the media. -
Chapter 1 Making the Road.Fm
INTRODUCTION HAPTER C 1 Michael Cosser, Narnia Bohler-Muller & Gary Pienaar 1Introduction 1.1 Making the road by walking The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, the final draft of which was forged over a two-year period between 1994 and 1996, assumed a particular profile in the body politic in 2016. Following the release of the Public Protector’s 2014 report on improvements to President Zuma’s Nkandla residence,1 the Constitutional Court in March 2016 declared binding her findings and recommendations about the need for the President to repay public monies spent on non-security upgrades to his residence.2 Such high-profile cases, however, can distract us from the importance of the Constitution in shaping the lives of ordinary people. In catapulting the Constitution into the limelight, the ‘Nkandla judgement’, as it is known colloquially, has created renewed interest in what meaning the Constitution has for South Africans in 2018 and beyond. The initial impetus for this book came from a public address by former Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo. Delivered on 30 June 2016 and entitled ‘Why does the Constitution matter?’, his address began with an almost throwaway comment: that he was ‘privileged enough … to participate in constructing our foundational jurisprudence on constitutional law.’3 Ngcobo went on to say that the process of building a constitutional 1 Public Protector South Africa ‘Secure in comfort’ http://www.pprotect.org/library/ investigation_report/2013-14/Final Report 19 March 2014 pdf (accessed 23 May 2017). 2 Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others 2016 (3) SA 580 (CC). -
Constitutional Change and Participation of LGBTI Groups a Case Study of South Africa
Constitutional Change and Participation of LGBTI Groups A case study of South Africa As constitution-building processes are increasingly becoming a critical mechanism for peacebuilding and national reconciliation in societies emerging from conflict, , questions about the role of traditionally excluded groups in shaping the future of these societies are also taking centre stage in the process. How are members of marginalized groups making their voices heard in the design of constitutional solutions in the transition from conflict to stable democracies? What factors are promoting or hindering that effort and how can they be overcome? How is social media and international involvement impacting their efforts? What are some of the best practices of minority participation in securing constitutional protections in during constitutional transitions? This report highlights the key conclusions and recommendations emerging from an expert roundtable conference around some of these questions organized by International IDEA in October 2013 International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden Phone + 46 8 698 37 00 Fax + 46 8 20 24 22 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idea.int www.idea.int CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE AND PARTICIPATION OF LGBTI GROUPS A case study of South Africa David Bilchitz International IDEA resources on Constitution-Building Processes © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2015 International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 E-mail: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Licence (CCl)—Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 Licence. -
Organizing the First Post-Apartheid Election: South Africa, 1994
Amy Mawson Innovations for Successful Societies ORGANIZING THE FIRST POST-APARTHEID ELECTION: SOUTH AFRICA, 1994 SYNOPSIS South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission faced a daunting task in January 1994. The newly established body had less than four months to organize and implement the country’s first fully inclusive democratic elections. The stakes were high. A successful vote would signal a new beginning for the nation after the apartheid era. Failure could mean civil war. Choosing suitable polling sites, dealing with parties’ distrust, reaching alienated and possibly hostile communities, addressing potential spoiler issues and remedying shortages of electoral materials posed formidable challenges. The commission’s difficulties snowballed. In the end, however, all parties accepted the election results and the Government of National Unity went ahead as planned. The elections offer an example of how an electoral commission can sustain political will—of parties and the public—to overcome administrative shortcomings in extremely sensitive circumstances. The case study discusses location of polling stations, temporary polling facilities, candidate access, ballots and ballot counting. Amy Mawson drafted this case study on the basis of interviews conducted in Pretoria and Johannesburg, South Africa, in February 2010. INTRODUCTION government and policy. In the 1980s, increasing Sitting on the terrace of his home in domestic and international pressure, combined Johannesburg in February 2010, 77-year-old with private diplomacy, ushered in the Johann Kriegler, who led South Africa’s beginnings of change. In February 1990, Independent Electoral Commission in 1994, President F.W. de Klerk, leader of the minority reflected on the busy months of that year.