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A Multi-Model Assessment of Stereotype Content of Three Latino Groups Sandra Villalpando Loyola University Chicago

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A Multi-Model Assessment of Stereotype Content of Three Latino Groups Sandra Villalpando Loyola University Chicago CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Loyola eCommons Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 2009 A Multi-Model Assessment of Stereotype Content of Three Latino Groups Sandra Villalpando Loyola University Chicago Recommended Citation Villalpando, Sandra, "A Multi-Model Assessment of Stereotype Content of Three Latino Groups" (2009). Master's Theses. Paper 536. http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/536 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 2009 Sandra Villalpando LOYOLA UNIVERSITY CHICAGO A MULTI-MODEL ASSESSMENT OF STEREOTYPE CONTENT OF THREE LATINO GROUPS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS PROGRAM IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BY SANDRA VILLALPANDO CHICAGO, IL DECEMBER 2009 Copyright by Sandra Villalpando, 2009 All rights reserved LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. FACTOR ANALYSIS ON ROLE MEASURES (2005) 12 2. FACTOR ANALYSIS ON INTER-GROUP MEASURES (2005) 13 3. FACTOR ANALYSIS ON ROLE MEASURES (2009) 31 4. LATINO FACTOR ANALYSIS ON ROLE MEASURES (2009) 34 5. LATINO FACTOR ANALYSIS ON INTER-GROUP MEASURES (2009) 35 iii LIST OF FIGURES Figures Page 1. SCATTERPLOT (2005) 13 2. SCATTERPLOT (2009) 32 iv ABSTRACT The proposed research study deals with Latino groups’ stereotypes, the content that makes up those stereotypes, and the effects the stereotypes have on Latinos’ general well-being. This project investigates the origins of stereotype content using a general theory of stereotype content that is composed of two theories: social role theory (Eagly et al., 2000) and the stereotype content model (Fiske et al., 2003; Fiske et al., 1999). Short questionnaires on three different Latino groups in American society were completed by non-Latino respondents in the Chicago area, and an extended questionnaire on Latino groups was completed by Latino respondents in the Chicago area. This research is aimed to produce a better understanding of Latino stereotype content as perceived by the non- Latino and Latino public, stereotype change from before the highly-debated immigration issue to the present, and the impact of Latino stereotypes on Latino groups’ self-esteem and future outlook. v Introduction The study of stereotypes and their content has been ongoing for many decades. There are several theories and models that help explain group stereotypes and what exactly constitutes the content of the stereotypes. However, the study of Latino stereotypes and their content is a new area, and not much research can be found regarding the content of stereotypes pertaining to specific Latino groups. This can be attributed to the basis upon which stereotype content theories are founded and to the continuing application of stereotype content models to a general American population, which consists mostly of a white population. Currently, Hispanics are the largest and fastest growing minority group in the United States, comprising just over 13% of the population (Major et al., 2007). Hispanics are also the largest and fastest growing immigrant group, comprising of nearly 14% of legal U.S. residents (Schwartz, Zamboanga & Jarvis, 2007). Moreover, since 2002, one of every two individuals added to the U.S. population has been Hispanic (Huntington, 2004). Hispanics are also a young population, with nearly 40% under the age of 20 (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2003). Thus, there is a need for more information regarding this increasingly diverse and complex population. Understanding the origins of stereotype content is important for at least two major reasons. First, stereotype content shapes groups’ typical behaviors because these beliefs about groups not only describe typical attributes but also often function as 1 2 prescriptive rules for appropriate behavior (e.g., Fiske & Stevens, 1993; Prentice & Carranza, 2002). Second, stereotype content is crucial for understanding and ameliorating prejudice and discrimination, which arises when group members’ stereotypical attributes are mis-matched to the requirements of social roles (Eagly & Diekman, 2005). Thus, it is important to understand the major theories of stereotype content, to be familiar with what they measure, and ultimately, to utilize them correctly, accurately and efficiently in order to investigate different groups’ stereotype content. There have been many shortcomings in the existing literature when it comes to addressing the topic of Latino stereotypes. Of the few existing research studies on stereotype content that have caught a glimpse of Latinos’ stereotypes, only two subgroups of the Latino population have been identified, those being “Hispanics” and “Undocumented Workers”. Given that the issue of immigration was a highly-debated topic in the last presidential election, it would be interesting to see if the stereotype held of another subgroup of Latinos, “Immigrants,” differs from that of “Hispanics” and “Undocumented Workers.” It would also be interesting to learn about the different effect that the immigration debate has had on the stereotype of these three Latino subgroups, especially in Chicago, where Latinos have experienced a history of segregation and discrimination. The fairly new Latino population of Chicago (the Latino population of Chicago surged in the 1970s) could experience changes in how others perceive them and how they perceive themselves. These perceptions might also affect their self esteem and outlook for the future. In fact, when President Reagan signed the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), Mexican women who did not qualify for amnesty reported more 3 hostility and anxiety than Mexican women who qualified for amnesty and Mexican- American legal residents (Rodriguez & DeWolfe, 1990). According to this study, “the sense of hostility may have been due to the women's feeling that American society, with the implementation of IRCA, wants them out of the country and that they are perceived as some kind of criminal” (p. 552). As this population keeps growing and immigration concerns persist, there continues to be a paucity of knowledge of these groups on these issues. This proposal offers increased understanding of this population. It is important to make a distinction between Latinos, Hispanics, Undocumented Workers, and Immigrants for several reasons. First, Latinos and Hispanics are not the same group of people. The Latino ethnicity is comprised of many different races, such as Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Argentineans, Brazilians, and Peruvians. In addition, the Latino population is made up of different social subgroups (e.g., cultural, economical, political, legal, generational, etc.). Most of the previous research conducted on Latinos has targeted Hispanics, which is a subgroup of Latin Americans and can include other Latino subgroups such as Undocumented Workers and Immigrants. The difference between a Latino and a Hispanic, according to the American Heritage Dictionary, is the following: “Though often used interchangeably in American English, Hispanic and Latino are not identical terms, and in certain contexts the choice between them can be significant. Hispanic, from the Latin word for "Spain," has the broader reference, potentially encompassing all Spanish-speaking peoples in both hemispheres and emphasizing the common denominator of language among communities that sometimes have little else in common. Latino—which in Spanish means "Latin" but which as an English word is probably a shortening of the Spanish word 4 latinoamericano—refers more exclusively to persons or communities of Latin American origin. Of the two, only Hispanic can be used in referring to Spain and its history and culture; a native of Spain residing in the United States is a Hispanic, not a Latino, and one cannot substitute Latino in the phrase the Hispanic influence on native Mexican cultures without garbling the meaning.” To further clarify the meanings, a Latino can represent a mixture of several ethnic backgrounds, including European, American Indian, and African. A Latino is someone who is native to or whose family or ancestors are native to countries in Latin America. Hispanics are a cultural subgroup of Latin Americans. Hispanics are mostly coined as persons belonging to a household where Spanish is spoken or as persons who self- identify with Spanish ancestry or descent. A person from Brazilian or Surinamese origin might be Latino because those countries are located in Latin America, but is not considered to be Hispanic because their culture, heritage, or language do not originate from or is influenced by Spain. Second, in recent studies examining the content of groups’ stereotypes, a primitive distinction of two Latino subgroups was examined—Hispanics and Undocumented Workers. Given that the Latino population is immensely complex, further distinction of Latino groups is necessary. Lastly, it is imperative to further differentiate Hispanics and Undocumented Workers from yet another Latino group—Immigrants. Immigration and immigration reform has been an especially significant issue since the immigration marches across the U.S. in the years 2006 and 2007. An important and identifiable shift of the immigrant’s stereotype
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