Austria (2011)
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State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
Global Austria Austria’S Place in Europe and the World
Global Austria Austria’s Place in Europe and the World Günter Bischof, Fritz Plasser (Eds.) Anton Pelinka, Alexander Smith, Guest Editors CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | Volume 20 innsbruck university press Copyright ©2011 by University of New Orleans Press, New Orleans, Louisiana, USA. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All inquiries should be addressed to UNO Press, University of New Orleans, ED 210, 2000 Lakeshore Drive, New Orleans, LA, 70119, USA. www.unopress.org. Book design: Lindsay Maples Cover cartoon by Ironimus (1992) provided by the archives of Die Presse in Vienna and permission to publish granted by Gustav Peichl. Published in North America by Published in Europe by University of New Orleans Press Innsbruck University Press ISBN 978-1-60801-062-2 ISBN 978-3-9028112-0-2 Contemporary Austrian Studies Sponsored by the University of New Orleans and Universität Innsbruck Editors Günter Bischof, CenterAustria, University of New Orleans Fritz Plasser, Universität Innsbruck Production Editor Copy Editor Bill Lavender Lindsay Maples University of New Orleans University of New Orleans Executive Editors Klaus Frantz, Universität Innsbruck Susan Krantz, University of New Orleans Advisory Board Siegfried Beer Helmut Konrad Universität Graz Universität -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Exposure to Refugees and Voting for the Far-Right: (Unexpected) Results from Austria
IZA DP No. 9790 Exposure to Refugees and Voting for the Far-Right: (Unexpected) Results from Austria Andreas Steinmayr March 2016 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Exposure to Refugees and Voting for the Far-Right: (Unexpected) Results from Austria Andreas Steinmayr University of Munich (LMU), IZA and IfW Kiel Discussion Paper No. 9790 March 2016 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. -
A Case Study from an Austrian School
Journal of Social Science Education Volume 17, Number 1, Spring 2018 DOI 10.4119/UNIBI/jsse-v17-i1-1820 Isabella Schild, Judith Breitfuss Civic Education under Pressure? A Case Study from an Austrian School 1 When the politician Roman Haider of the party Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ – Freedom Party of Austria) caused the interruption of a lecture about political extremism in an Austrian school in spring 2017, a heated debate erupted over the place of politics in school education. While Haider accused the lecturer of political propaganda, teachers, students and political opponents were upset about this seeming act of censorship. The controversy raises 2 important questions over the aims and principles of civic education, which will continue to engage teachers and educationalists. Keywords: Finanzbildung, Finanzkompetenz, Finanzinklusion, staatsbürgerliche Bildung 1 A lecture causing a stir The 8th of March 2017 should become a day to remember for Wolfgang Oberndorfer, headmaster of the Bundesoberstufenrealgymnasium Honauerstraße (BORG Honauerstraße – an upper secondary school with a special emphasis on music, sports and science, among 3 others) in the Austrian city of Linz. At the invitation of one of the school's philosophy teachers, Thomas Rammerstorfer visited the school to give a lecture about "The extremist challenges" in front of an audience of around seventy pupils between the age of seventeen and One of the PowerPoint slides used by Thomas Rammerstorfer during nineteen years. As teenagers from the age of sixteen his lecture (© Thomas Rammerstorfer). have been eligible to vote in Austria since 2007, a topic such as this one is highly relevant for this age group. -
Parties Now Talk About the EU in National Election Campaigns, but They Still Tend to Talk Past Each Other
Parties now talk about the EU in national election campaigns, but they still tend to talk past each other blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/08/27/parties-now-talk-about-the-eu-in-national-election-campaigns-but-they-still-tend-to-talk-past-each-other/ 8/27/2015 How important is the issue of European integration to national election campaigns? Roman Senninger and Markus Wagner write that while the EU previously played only a very small role in national elections, the onset of the Eurozone crisis has resulted in the issue becoming more prominent in campaigns in several countries. However, using an analysis of party press releases in Austria, they illustrate that parties still differ greatly in how they address the issue, with parties exhibiting a tendency to talk past each other rather than genuinely engaging with the subject. For a long time, most political parties in Europe have tended to avoid discussing the EU during national election campaigns. However, recently this has changed, with research showing that parties have increasingly made EU issues a central topic of debate and disagreement in elections. The Eurozone crisis and the subsequent bail-out packages and reforms have meant that the EU has finally entered the limelight of domestic politics. The key question in understanding the role of the EU in national politics is no longer whether parties talk about the EU (and why they often fail to do so). Instead, it is more useful to ask how parties mobilise on European Union issues in national elections. Are parties engaged in real debate and discussion about the EU, or are they simply talking past each other? This question in turn has two key dimensions: first, which parties and actors within parties talk about the European Union? Second, what kinds of EU-related issues are discussed and how are they framed? Everybody is talking: parties and within-party actors First, parties should differ in how much they are likely to talk about EU issues. -
Climate Change
CORPORATE DESIGN MANUAL STAND VOM 08.12.2010 STUDY CONVENIENT TRUTHS Mapping climate agendas of right-wing populist parties in Europe Stella Schaller and Alexander Carius IMPRINT © 2019 adelphi consult GmbH Publisher Berlin, 26 .02. 2019 adelphi consult GmbH Alt-Moabit 91, 10559 Berlin Authors P: +49 (030) 89 000 68-0 Stella Schaller and Alexander Carius F: +49 (030) 89 000 68-10 [email protected] Design & Cover www.adelphi.de Sebastian Vollmar vividshapes.com Suggested Citation Schaller, Stella and Alexander Carius (2019): Printer Convenient Truths: Mapping climate agendas H. Heenemann GmbH & Co. KG of right-wing populist parties in Europe Bessemerstraße 83, 12103 Berlin Berlin: adelphi. Disclaimer The analysis, results and recommendations in this paper represent the opinion of the authors and are not necessarily representative of the position of any of the organisations listed above. For the texts in this publication, adelphi grants a license under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International. You may reproduce and share the licensed materi- al if you name adelphi as follows: “© adelphi, CC-BY ND 4.0”. Photographs and graphics are not covered by this license. In case of doubt please contact adelphi prior to reusing the material. Acknowledgements We wish to thank Katarina Schulz for her valuable support in collecting qualitative and quanti- tative data with utmost care, translating statements from numerous languages, providing back- ground information and for her help throughout the analysis. We also thank Johannes Ackva, who provided succinct comments and expertise that greatly improved the research, and for his support in interpreting the data results. -
O4 Triumph of the Women?
Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 04 Case study Austria Judith Goetz 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights. -
Europe's Party Politics: Liberal, Illiberal, Or Quasi-Liberal? N° 02 • April 2021
Policy Brief N° 02 April 2021 EUROPE’S PARTY POLITICS: LIBERAL, ILLIBERAL, OR QUASI-LIBERAL? For a time, post-war European politics was dominated by the liberal type of party. These broadly liberal parties were who originally envisaged the idea of a united Europe and subse- quently carried the torch for the advancement of open society in a progressively integrated Europe under rule of law. 1/5 Takis S. Pappas PhD, full-time researcher and writer, Introduction University of Helsinki, Finland Over many decades, Europe’s party systems op- split along many, often crosscutting, divisions that erated as liberal political cartels in which the ma- generate conflict. Liberal parties’ second common jor parties competed for power against each other, characteristic is their understanding of the need largely unchallenged by other party types. Fast for- to behave moderately, seek consensus, and prefer ward to the present day, and the talk around town positive-sum outcomes. This need is best met via is about the decline of the formerly established lib- liberal parties’ third characteristic, which is their eral parties, the proliferation of new populist ones, adherence to safeguards for minority rights and and, ominously enough, the rise of various other the rule of law, as expressed primarily in written so-called anti-system parties – leading to democrat- constitutions. In addition to these three core char- ic backsliding and, potentially, the disintegration of acteristics, the vast majority of Europe’s post-war the European Union. Which part of this -
Freedom Party Austria Factsheet June 2020
FREEDOM PARTY OF AUSTRIA (FREIHEITLICHE PARTEI ÖSTERREICHS, FPÖ) IMPACT: The Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) was founded in 1956 as a party of former Nazis. While the party remained a marginal opposition party during its first three decades, by the mid-1980s it became one of the first (and most successful) populist far-right parties in Europe. FPÖ has primarily targeted Muslims and Islam in its policies and rhetoric, and has maintained connections with far-right, anti-Muslim parties, movements, and figures across Europe, in the U.S., and in Israel. • In 1949, following the end of World War II, former Nazis established the political party Verband der Unabhängigen (VdU, Union of Independents). According to political scientist Anton Pelinka, the VdU is a party that “ex-Nazis founded for ex-Nazis.” In 1965, FPÖ became the successor party of the VdU. Established by Anton Reinthaller, a former top Nazi leader, FPÖ was marginal and vehemently opposed to the power-sharing coalition between the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, SPÖ) and the Christian conservative Austrian Peoples Party (Österreichische Volkspartei, ÖVP). • FPÖ emerged from its marginal position in the 1980s, when Jörg Haider (d. 2008) took over in 1986. From 1986 to 2000, Haider transformed the party into one of the first (and most successful) populist far-right parties in Europe. Haider was a young and charismatic leader who became notorious for minimizing Nazi atrocities. This included describing members of the Waffen-SS as “decent people of good character” and calling Nazi concentration camps “punishment camps.” • In the 1990s under Haider’s leadership, FPÖ primarily mobilized against immigrants of Turkish, former Yugoslavian, and African background. -
Euroscepticism in the Face of Brexit
EUROSCEPTICISM IN THE FACE OF BREXIT WITH A GLIMPSE AT EUROSCEPTIC FORCES IN AUSTRIA AND POLAND Master’s thesis submitted for the degree in Advanced European and International Studies; Global Studies 2018/2019 at the Centre international de formation Européenne (CIFE); NiCe, France Author: Nikolaus Riss Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Hartmut Marhold Date: June 15, 2019 AbstraCt After the successful Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016, many politicians and political analysts predicted a snowball effect for other eurosceptic member states of the European Union, that just was about to recover from the eurozone crisis and the migration crisis. However, public opinion towards the EU did not only not decrease but increase within the following years. The political attitude of the United Kingdom during the Brexit negotiations created a new form of unity in continental Europe. This was not necessarily due to a good performance of the EU since the referendum, but because for the first time in the history of the bloc, EU citizens were able to observe the difficulties of extracting a member state from EU framework. In Austria, the eurosceptic Freedom Party tried to use the momentum of Brexit to its favour until the public opinion shifted and, more importantly, it became a junior partner in the government, where it had to adjust to its coalition partner. In Poland, the Law and Justice Party had to balance its eurosceptic rhetoric during the rule of law crisis with the citizens’ favourable public opinion towards the EU. However, this favourable public opinion can very well fall sooner than later, as Euroscepticism has always been delivered to fluctuation.