Jerusalem on the Map Basic Facts and Trends 1967-1996 Maya

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The Jerusalem Institute tor Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation

Jerusalem on the Map Basic Facts and Trends 1967-1996

Maya Choshen

The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation, N.Y.

Jerusalem on the Map Basic Facts and Trends 1967-1996

Maya Choshen

Maps: Israel Kimhi Graphic design: Naama Shahar

1998 The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies

Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation, N.Y.

Jerusalem on the Map

Basic Facts and Trends 1967-1996

Maya Choshen

Maps: Israel Kimhi

Graphic design & production: Naama Shahar

This publication was aided by a grant from the Charles H. Revson Foundation, New York

The author assumes sole responsibility for all statements made

ISSN 0333-9831 Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Israel Kimhi for preparing the maps and making important comments about the text; Naama Shahar for graphic design and production; Esti Boehm for textual design; Michal Korah for research assistance and proofreading; and Ralf Mandel for the English translation.

Maya Choshen Contents

Introduction 1

Jerusalem as a National, Historical, and Religious Center 2

Area and Municipal Boundaries 4

Infrastructure and Economic Features 7

Economic Status of the Population 10

Tourism 13

The Educational System in Jerusalem 16

Higher Education 18

Planning and Construction

1. Introduction 19 2. Jewish Building 20 3. Arab Building 21 4. Housing Density 22

Population Trends in Jerusalem 24 1. Changes in the Size and Growth of the Population of Jerusalem 24 2. Population Distribution Throughout the City 37

Metropolitan Jerusalem 43 1. Introduction 43 2. From City to Metropolitan Jerusalem 45 3. Boundaries 47 4. Population 47 Tables

Table 1: Employed Persons Working in Israel, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv-Jaffa And Haifa, by Economic Branch, 1995/1996 8 Table 2: Guests, Overnight-stays and Occupancy Rate in Tourist Hotels in Jerusalem. 1980-1996 14 Table 3: Population and Population Growth in Jerusalem, 1967-1996 27 Table 4: Population of Jerusalem by Groups. 1967-1996 28

Figures

Figure 1: Employment of Jewish Residents of Jerusalem by Economic Branch, 1995/1996 9

Figure 2: Poverty Rate - Percentage of Poor Families in Israel, Jerusalem, Benei-Beraq, Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Haifa, 1991-1996 11 Figure 3: Employees' Average Gross Salary Per Month, in Israel, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Haifa, by Gender, in Selected Years 12 Figure 4: Rooms in Tourist Hotels in Jerusalem, 1987-1996 15

Figure 5: Students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, as a Percentage of the Students in Israel's Universities, by Degree, in Selected Years 17 Figure 6: Population in Israel and in Jerusalem, by Population Group. 1922-1996 25 Figure 7: Population in Israel and in Jerusalem, by Population Group, in Selected Years 26 Figure 8: Births and Deaths in Israel and in Jerusalem, by Population

Group, in Selected Years 31 Figure 9: Immigrants to Jerusalem, Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Haifa, as Percentage of Total Immigrants to Israel, 1979-1996 33 Figure 10: Sources of Population Growth in Jerusalem - Immigrants, Internal Migration Balance (Jews), and Natural Increase (Jews), 1985-1996 34

Maps

Jerusalem - Changes in the Municipal Area 6 Jerusalem - Built-Up Area, 1997 23 Jewish and Arab Population in Jerusalem, 1997 41 Jerusalem - Population 1967 42 Jerusalem - Population 1997 42 Jerusalem Area - Distribution of Jews & Arabs Population, 1997 44 Introduction

Jerusalem, the capital of Israel since the time of King David, became the ideal of all Jews in their enforced exile. Since the state's establishment, the city has been the focus of national and international attention. The city became even more central on the global and local agenda in the wake of the 1967 war.

Whereas before 1967 Jerusalem lay at the eastern extremity of the Jerusalem Corridor, bordering an enemy state, after the war the city found itself located at the center of an area containing numerous Jewish and Arab settlements.

Jerusalem is today Israel's largest city in area and in population - both of Jews and Arabs. However, although it is the country's largest city, Jerusalem is not located in Israel's major urban area. The core of Israel is in fact Metropolitan Tel Aviv, with a population of two million.

The unification of Jerusalem in 1967 was a powerful spur to the city's physical, demographic, and economic growth. The national policy of strengthening the capital city, which had been pursued since the state's establishment, was reaffirmed, resulting in significant growth of the municipal area together with a building boom and a dramatic population increase. However, the development momentum of the late 1960s and the 1970s tapered off in the 1980s. In recent years the authorities have tried to reverse this trend by launching new initiatives in high-tech industry, higher education and by developing the infrastructure, building modern commercial centers, promoting tourism, and accelerating housing construction.

The peace process has again placed the city - resolution of the "Jerusalem question" will be a crucial element of the final-status talks - at the hub of the national and the international debate. A situation of peace giving rise to cooperation

1 The main origin of the data processed or presented in this publication is The Statistical Yearbook of Jerusalem, which is published annually by the Jerusalem Municipality and The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, and edited by Maya Choshen and Naama Shahar.

1 with the Arabs in the region could prove a tremendous boost to the city by exploiting the latent potential of interaction between the different population groups and between the city and the surrounding area.

Jerusalem as a National, Historical, and Religious Center

Jerusalem has been the holiest city to the Jews since David conquered it, 3,000 years ago, and made it his capital. His son, Solomon, built the First Temple there on Mount Moriah, inaugurating it in 960 BCE. Hence the name of the mount in Jewish lore, the "Temple Mount." By virtue of the temple Jerusalem was sanctified. Following the destruction of the temple and the prohibition imposed by the Muslims on entry of Jews to the Temple Mount, the Western Wall (a section of the western side of the wall that surrounded the Temple Mount) became a central site of the Jewish people; it has been a place of worship since at least the 10th century CE. In the sixteenth century the Turkish sultan recognized this and ordered that a space for prayer be cleared for the Jews in front of the wall. Thus, a thousand years before Jerusalem became sacred to Christianity and seventeen hundred years before it was sanctified for Muslims, Jerusalem was the capital of Israel and the holiest city in Judaism. For the Jews who were exiled from the Land of Israel, Jerusalem became a symbol of religious and national rebirth and yearning, the word Zionism - the national movement of the Jewish people - derives from one of the names conferred on Jerusalem in Jewish tradition.2

Upon the establishment of the State of Israel, Jerusalem was declared its capital and thus became the country's center of government. Under Israeli law, the major governmental and national institutions are located in Jerusalem, which thereby serves as the institutional focal point for the residents of Israel and for Jews worldwide.

" Shmuel Berkovits. 1997, The Legal Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, Research Series No. 73. The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies.

2 Following the conclusion of Israel's War of Independence, Jerusalem remained a divided city from 1949 until 1967. The city was unified following the 1967 Six-Day War and its boundaries extended to incorporate areas which, since 1948, had been under Jordanian rule. In the wake of the unification, the government applied Israeli law, jurisdiction, and administration to the city's eastern section and enacted a law for the preservation of the holy places. In 1980, the Knesset enacted the Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel, stating that "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel" and is "the seat of the President of the State, the Knesset, the Government and the Supreme Court." The law also reiterates the provisions of the 1967 Protection of the Holy Places Law, and stipulates that the government is obligated to "provide for the development and prosperity of Jerusalem." These legislative acts were rejected by the international community, which does not recognize Israel's sovereignty in the city.

Jerusalem also contains sites sacred to Islam and Christianity. Muslims prayed toward Jerusalem before they did toward Mecca. Although not mentioned by name in the Koran, Jerusalem is traditionally the site of the "remote mosque," Muhammad's destination in his Night Journey, from where he ascended to heaven after tying his steed, al-Buraq, to a stone of the Western Wall. In the year 638 CE, Jerusalem was captured by the Khalif Omar and thus became part of the precinct of Dar-al-Islam. In the seventh century the Khalif Ibn-Marwan built the shrine known as the Dome of the Rock on the site of the razed Temple. Despite the later Crusader conquests of the city, its religious status for Muslims was reinforced. Under Ottoman Muslim rule Jerusalem remained a magnet for the faithful, though its political importance derived from interests involving the Christian communities and powers. Today Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount/ Haram al-Sharif in particular, constitutes a central religious and national symbol for the Palestinians.

Jerusalem's sanctity for Christians is bound up with its role in the life of Jesus. Jerusalem was the site of Jesus's arrest, trial, crucifixion, and resurrection. The places in the city that are identified with these and other events are (together with nearby Bethlehem) the holiest sites of Christianity: the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Gethsemane, the site of the Assumption on the Mount of Olives, and

3 others. At the same time. Christian doctrine also contains the concept of the "Heavenly Jerusalem," referred to in the New Testament. This is propounded primarily by the Protestant denominations, which tend to regard Jerusalem as more of a spiritual and symbolic concept than an earthly city.

The schism in the Church also affected the Christian presence in Jerusalem. For centuries the Catholic Church and the Greek-Orthodox Church (along with smaller churches) have been locked in a titanic struggle for control of the holy places. The peak of the dispute came during the Ottoman period, but it continues to underlie much of the international interest in the city's future fate. Since the eighteenth century the struggle has been subject to a legal principle that has "frozen" the situation at the holy places - with clear preference to the Greek- Orthodox camp - until a solution acceptable to all sides can be reached (the Status Quo Principle).

Dozens of Christian communities are today active in and around Jerusalem, maintaining relief, charitable, educational, health, and other organizations.

Area and Municipal Boundaries

As noted. Jerusalem is Israel's largest city in size and population. Its area within the municipal boundaries is 123 sq. km. By comparison, the area of the second largest city, Tel Aviv, is 51 sq. km. Jerusalem's boundaries of jurisdiction have fluctuated enormously in the past 50 years. The point of departure for a discussion of the city's boundaries is the Partition Resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 29 November 1947, which recommended internationalization for Jerusalem. This would have entailed the establishment of a special international regime for the city, which would become a corpus separatum (see map, page 6).

The resolution triggered Israel's War of Independence, in which heavy fighting took place in the city and on its access roads. At war's end the Old City

Based on a research project concerning the Christian Holy Places in Jerusalem, conducted by Rotem M. Giladi of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel studies.

4 and east Jerusalem remained in the hands of the Jordanian Army, while west Jerusalem was controlled by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Hostilities ended with a ceasefire agreement signed on 30 November 1948. Two lines were drawn on an accompanying map (scale of 1:20,000), to show the positions of each side at the time. These lines were perpetuated in the Israel-Jordan armistice accord signed at Rhodes on 3 April 1949 (Hazan, 1995). The area of west Jerusalem, under Israeli control, was 38 sq. km., while the area of Jordanian-controlled east Jerusalem was only 6 sq. km. Jerusalem's reunification following the Six-Day War of 1967 involved the most far-reaching and dramatic change in the city's area of jurisdiction, which was enlarged by some 70 sq. km. on 28 June 1967, in an accelerated legislative process. With an area of 108 sq. km., the city now encompassed west Jerusalem, east Jerusalem, the Old City, and extensive additional areas, mainly to the north and south, including 28 villages, some of which were annexed in toto. though most only in part. In the late 1980s, the authorities re-evaluated the city's boundaries.

On 10 February 1988 the director-general of the Interior Ministry, acting on the request of the mayor of Jerusalem, appointed a commission of inquiry to address the question of redrawing the boundaries. The Jerusalem Municipality wanted to annex to the city another 30 sq. km., all lying west of the city on the Israeli side of the former "Green Line" (the Israeli-Jordanian border until June 1967) to avoid diplomatic and international problems.4 Annexation of territory in the west would also serve the Municipality's policy of not only enlarging the city's Jewish majority but also strengthening it by adding a more economically established population. Ultimately, the boundaries were extended by 15 km., so that on 11 May 1993 Jerusalem had an area of 123 sq. km.

4Anna Hazan, 1995, Jerusalem Municipal Boundaries 1948-1993, Background Papers No. 17, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Sudies.

Infrastructure and Economic Features

As a capital city, Jerusalem is a center for government, national, and public institutions; however, it is not a center of economic or business activity. Economic power in Israel resides in Metropolitan Tel Aviv. This functional alignment affects the employment structure and the economic well-being of the city's residents.

In large measure, Jerusalem's economic profile is determined by three factors: the city's distinctive demographic makeup, lengthy periods of adverse geopolitical conditions, and a long tradition of Jerusalem as a city providing services and acting as a religious center.

Jerusalem's employment structure and the type of work the city offers have been stable for the past generation, especially within the Jewish sector. Throughout this period the large proportion of public-sector employers has remained the characteristic feature of the Jewish employment structure in the city. In 1968, 43 percent of the city's laborforce was employed in the public sector, rising to 50 percent in 1996. A steep decline occurred in the number of Jews employed in the construction industry, from 9 percent in 1968 to 4 percent in 1996. Their place was taken by Arabs. Similarly, fewer Jews are employed in industry, the decrease here being from 16 percent in 1968 to 9 percent in 1996. However, these data do not indicate a decline in the economic activity of the city's industrial sector or in the scope of industrial production for export.

The cross-section of employment in Jerusalem differs from that of Israel's other major cities. The proportion of public-service workers is twice that of Tel Aviv, but only half as many Jerusalemites are employed in the financial sector as compared with Tel Aviv. In industry too, Jerusalem has a lower employment rate than either Tel Aviv or Haifa (if the Jewish population only is taken into account the differences become even more stark).

7 Table 1: Employed Persons Working in Israel, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv-Jaffa And Haifa, by Economic Branch, 199511996

Economic branch Israel Jerusalem Tel-Aviv Haifa Jaffa

Total* (thousands} 1,990.3 196.4 327.8 156.5 Total** (Percent) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Agriculture 2.7 (0.5) (0.2) (0.4) Manufacturing 20.5 10.6 14.4 17.4 Electricity and water supply 1.0 (0.5) 1.2 2.7 Construction 7.4 7.1 5.0 1 1.9 Trade and repair of motor vehicles 12.7 10.9 15.1 13.1 Accomodation services and restaurants 4.0 4.8 5.0 2.8 Transport, storage and communications 6.1 5.5 7.5 8.7 Banking, insurance & finance 3.4 3.3 8.8 3.0 Business activities 9.3 9.2 17.2 9.5 Public administration 5.5 12.1 5.1 4.9 Education 12.1 15.2 6.7 10.2 Health, welfare & social services 8.9 1 1.5 6.0 10.0 Community, social & personal services 4.8 7.3 6.2 3.5 Households with domestic personnel 1.7 1.4 1.4 1.9

Extra-territorial organizations (0.1) (0.2) (0.2) -

Including not-known. Not including not-known.

X FIGURE 1: EMPLOYMENT OF JEWISH RESIDENTS OF JERUSALEM BY ECONOMIC BRANCH, 1995/1996 (Biannual Average, Percent)

Public administration I 13.0% m Health services and Business activities I we/fare and social work D 10.6% 12.4%

other financial institutions 0.1", 3.7%

h Community, social. Transport, storage and I personal and other services 0 conuniini( ations 7.6% 4.9%

Accommodation services 0 and restaurants 3.6%

Wholesale and retail trade Manufacturing (mining and industry) and repair of motor vehicles 0 D 9.9% 10.6% 0 Construction (building "I Electricity and water s apply and civil engineering projects) |_|

Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies There is also a difference in terms of the employment structure within Jerusalem itself between the Jewish and Arab populations, as there is in occupations, which reflect income potential better than the economic branches. In contrast to the high percentage of Jews employed in the public services and their high concentration in academic and scientific occupations, a strikingly high proportion of the Arab laborforce is employed in industry, construction, commerce, and hospitality. As of the early 1990s,' about 15 percent of Jerusalem's Arabs were employed in construction (vs. 3 percent of Jews), 24 percent in commerce and hospitality (12 percent among Jews), and 20 percent in public services, as compared with 45 percent of the Jewish workforce.

Economic Status of the Population

Average income in Jerusalem is lower than in the other major cities in Israel, due primarily to the city's employment structure and its distinctive population makeup. The Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) Jews and Arabs tend to have large families and a relatively low rate of participation in the laborforce, and many of those among them who do work hold low-paying jobs. Hence the low economic status of the city and its residents, a situation clearly reflected in the poverty data for Jerusalem.

* * ־!־

To conclude, the employment structure in Jerusalem - a low level of manufacturing and business activity - combined with the distinctive composition of the population and a low income level impair the city's social and economic resilience and undermine its ability to strengthen its status as an economic center and a hub of services for the metropolitan area.

1 Israel Kimhi, 1993, 25 Years of Re-united Jerusalem, Focus Series No. 3, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies.

10 FIGURE 2: POVERTY RATE - PERCENTAGE OF POOR FAMILIES IN ISRAEL, JERUSALEM, BENEI-BERAQ, TEL-AVIV - JAFFA AND HAIFA, 1991-1996

Families (Percent) 35.0 i

5.0

0.0 i ! ! 1 I 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 Year

Israel Jerusalem Benei- Beraq Tel-Aviv - Jaffa Haifa

1 Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies FIGURE 3: EMPLOYEES' AVERAGE GROSS SALARY PER MONTH, IN ISRAEL, JERUSALEM, TEL-AVIV - YAFO AND HAIFA, BY GENDER, IN SELECTED YEARS

Males Salary (NIS)

7,000

6.000

5.000

4.000

3.000

2.000

1.000

0 1987 1989 1990 1992 1994 1996 Year

Females Salary (NIS)

7.000

6.000

5.000

4.000

3.000

2.000

1,000 \\\\ 0 1987 1989 1990 1992 1994 1996 Year

Israel D Jerusalem Tel-Aviv - Yafo J Haifa

Jerusalem is a religious center for the three monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The remnants of the city's spectacular and important history draw many visitors, and Jerusalem is considered one of the world's most beautiful cities. As such, it is a tourist haven for Jews and Christians, especially pilgrims of both faiths. With the advent of full regional peace it will undoubtedly attract Muslim tourism. The peace agreements with the Palestinians and with Jordan will make Jerusalem a major junction for tourism passing between Jordan and Israel and other Middle Eastern countries. Tourism, already an important component of the city's economy, could become even more significant in peacetime. The security situation has a major effect on tourism: prolonged calm and safety for local residents and for visitors will enhance Jerusalem's allure for both internal and external tourism.

On the eve of the city's unification, tourism development in the form of hotels and rooms was under way primarily in the eastern section, where the main tourist attractions are located. The act of unification and the concomitant growth in tourism potential brought about the development of a tourism infrastructure and a boom in hotel construction in west Jerusalem. The great majority of hotels and rooms for tourists are now located in west Jerusalem.

In 1996, there were 65 hotels with 8,046 rooms in Jerusalem, of which 34 hotels containing 6,070 rooms were in west Jerusalem and 31 hotels with 1,870 rooms in east Jerusalem. More than a fifth (22 percent) of all the hotel rooms in Israel are located in Jerusalem. In 1996, 969,400 guests stayed in Jerusalem, 75 percent of them tourists from abroad. Foreign tourists spent an average of 3.6 nights in Jerusalem, local tourists 1.8 nights.

13 Table 2: Guests, Overnight-stays and Occupancy Rate in Tourist Hotels in Jerusalem, 1980-1996

Guests Overnight-stays Occupancy (thousands) (thousands) (%)

Year Total Tourists Israelis Total Tourists Israelis Beds Rooms

1980 629.8 542.6 87.2 2.302.0 2.113.8 188.2 57.1 60.8 1984 629.0 509.3 1 19.7 2.317.2 2.050.5 266.7 47.7 51.1 1985 715.5 575.2 140.3 2.631.4 2,332.7 298.7 51.6 55.9 1986 663.1 434.0 229.1 2.183.7 1.719.0 464.7 42.2 46.3 1987 852.3 625.3 227.0 2,922.7 2,460.0 462.7 54.1 59.0 1988 655.2 450.9 204.3 2,304.5 1.819.3 485.2 42.5 47.2 1988 654.7 450.5 204.2 2.302.6 1.817.5 485.1 42.5 47.3 1989 661.9 456.8 205.1 2,310.0 1,825.9 484.1 44.3 49.1 1990 650.4 429.6 220.8 2,209.1 1,700.0 509.1 43.2 47.9 1991 566.6 314.6 252.0 1,873.2 1,298.6 574.6 38.2 43.4 1992 860.0 645.0 215.0 2.899.5 2.471.6 427.9 57.0 63.2 1993 883.5 671.1 212.4 2,916.0 2.538.5 377.5 56.1 62.7 1994 938.6 701.9 236.7 2.898.2 2,476.9 421.3 53.4 59.7 1995 1.057.0 810.6 246.4 3,300.2 2,875.7 424.5 59.1 66.6 1996 969.4 716.4 253.0 3,011.6 2.559.3 452.2 53.1 59.5

The advent of peace and the continuous growth of world tourism will increase the number of visitors to Jerusalem, and the Jerusalem Municipality therefore intends to go on expanding and consolidating the city's tourism industry.

14 FIGURE 4: ROOMS IN HOTELS IN JERUSALEM, 1987 1996

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 Year

west Jerusalem ] east Jerusalem

The educational system in Jerusalem is Israel's largest and the most complex in terms of diversity of sectors.

The large number of schoolchildren in the city is due to the size of the population, but more specifically to the fact that a substantial portion of the population - Haredi Jews and Arabs - tends to have large families.

The complexity of the educational system stems from the diversity of the population. The different needs of a range of population groups, each of which maintains its own educational framework, must be met. The three major frameworks are State, Haredi and Arab. Each of these, in turn, is divided into sub-units which have separate school buildings and curricula. State education, for example, is divided into State (non-religious) and State-Religious, while the Haredi sector is atomized between Talmud Torah schools and "independent" schools, which are further divided among different Hasidic courts. Arab education is divided between municipal education (under the auspices of the Jerusalem Municipality) and private education, the latter largely religious in character and administered by the Muslim Waqf or the Christian churches.

In the 1996-97 school year there were 156,600 pupils in the Jerusalem school system. Of them, 92,600 attended institutions administered by the Jerusalem Education Authority (JEA) - 68.400 pupils in the Hebrew sector and 24,200 in the Arab sector. About 64.900 pupils attended schools of the Ultra-Orthodox Educational Division.

Over the years the proportion of Haredi pupils in Jerusalem has risen steadily, while the share of state education has constantly declined. For example, in the 1996/97 school year there was an increase of 6.1 percent in the number of Haredi pupils getting elementary education as compared with the previous year, but a 7.5 percent decline in the number of elementary level pupils in the JEA's Hebrew sector (state non-religious track).

16 FIGURE 5: STUDENTS AT THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM, AS PERCENT OF THE STUDENTS IN ISRAEL'S UNIVERSITIES, BY DEGREE, IN SELECTED YEARS Students (percent)

—— ——• r-" """" " 1 1 " "•—i *—i—״ ™ — 1969/70 1974/75 1985/86 1990/91 1995/96 1996/97

B First degree (B.A., B.Sc.) ₪ Second degree (M.A., M.Sc.) • Third degree (Ph.D.) •Diploma Higher Education

Jerusalem takes pride in being the home of the Hebrew University, an institution of world renown. However, its allure has somewhat dimmed in recent years. At the end of the 1960s, students at the Hebrew University accounted for 36 percent of all students in Israeli universities, but this ratio fell to 25 percent in 1990/91 and to 20 percent in 1996/97. The number of students at the Hebrew University increased from 12.600 in 1969/70 to 21.100 in 1996/97. a growth of 67 percent; however, the number of university students in Israel rose in this period from 35,400 to 104.900 - an increase of 200 percent.

IS Planning and Construction

1. Introduction

When Jerusalem was unified in 1967, no single master plan for the city existed. During the 19 years of the city's partition, each side, the Israeli and the Jordanian, carried out planning based on its own conceptions, needs, and goals. An approach relating to a united city with one plan first emerged in 1968, with the completion of the master plan for Jerusalem. However, as this guideline lacked statutory force it could not be utilized to issue building permits or to develop the infrastructure or public institutions as obligated by Israel's Planning and Construction Law. In fact, only 8 percent of the area that was annexed to the city was covered by an approved plan, dating from the period of Jordanian rule, and it referred solely to the Old City. West Jerusalem had an approved plan dating from 1959 which was inappropriate for the new situation in the wake of the city's unification and expansion. Preparation of new plans proceeded lethargically. The main reasons for the slow pace of plans for the Arab sections are: • The absence of a formal land settlement leaves land ownership unclear. • The absence of a municipal planning tradition in the rural areas incorporated in Jerusalem's area of jurisdiction. • The desire to avoid infringing on the private property of the Arab population led to a decision against expropriating 40 percent of the private area for public needs, as permitted under the Planning and Construction Law. The Arab population is unused to expropriations on this scale, which are essential to supply public services such as education, health, culture, religion, roads, and other forms of infrastructure.

An important factor for understanding the processes at work is land settlement, which is a key element for municipal planning and development. Most of the areas that became part of the city when the municipal boundaries were extended had not undergone land settlement. Ownership had not been arranged in the Land Registry Office, only in the tax books. In most of the area that was annexed to Jerusalem, land was divided on an agricultural basis and as such precluded urban development. Urban planning and development required the consolidation and reparcelation of land, a difficult and protracted process even

19 in a modern city, and immeasurably more so among the rural, traditional Arab population of expanded Jerusalem.'1

2. Jewish Building

The extension of Jerusalem's boundaries in June 1967 to incorporate large unbuilt areas enabled the building of new neighborhoods on the city's fringes. Unification generated a building boom beginning in 1968-1969 with the construction of the Ramot Eshkol and Givat Hamivtar neighborhoods. The next stage came in 1971- 1972 in the form of new neighborhoods adjacent to Ramot Eshkol: Givat Shapira (French Hill), Ma'alot Dafna, and Sanhedriya Murhevet. The third wave of building, the major one in terms of the development, growth, and shaping of the city, was characterized by large-scale construction of neighborhoods on the periphery. Unlike the building from 1968 to 1971 contiguous with existing neighborhoods, the new, peripheral neighborhoods were established at the edges of the city's expanded municipal boundaries, at a considerable distance from previously built-up areas. These new neighborhoods were Gilo in the south, East Talpiot in the southeast. Neve Ya'akov in the north, and Ramot Allon in the northwest.

In the mid-1980s, construction began on the largest neighborhood in the eastern section of the city, Pisgat Ze'ev: in the western section, recent years have seen the establishment of the neighborhoods of Har Nof, Giv'at Masua, Manahat, and Ramat Beit Hakerem (see map, page 23). The extensive establishment of new neighborhoods, which had characterized the 1970s, has given way more recently to an effort to upgrade the city's infrastructure, with the emphasis on traffic arteries and the building of public institutions. Improvement of the transportation infrastructure became a critical necessity because of the high territorial dispersal of the population, the intensifying interrelations with the settlements around the city, and the greater level of motorization of the city's residents.

" Israel Kimhi. "The Struggle for the Future of Jerusalem." The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies (forthcoming).

20 In November 1995 there were 169,149 residential units in Jerusalem - 136,775 in the Jewish areas and 32,374 in the Arab areas, a ratio of 80:20. Of these units, 150,357 were inhabited - 120,594 in the Jewish areas (80 percent) and 29,763 in the Arab areas (20 percent). Of all the new units, 44,587 were built in the Jewish neighborhoods that were annexed to Jerusalem after 1967, constituting a third of the units added in the Jewish sector of Jerusalem over the last 30 years.7

3. Arab Building1'

Planning and construction

Initially, the Arabs requested few building permits and there was little pressure on the Jerusalem Municipality in this regard. However, as the Arab population increased rapidly, pressure mounted. In the first years after the city's unification the municipal planning system was not yet deployed to prepare master plans and detailed programs for the Arab sector at the requisite pace. The Arab population reacted by engaging in illegal building. In order to avoid turning Arab residents without housing solutions into violators of the building regulations, the Municipality applied special clauses in the Planning and Construction Law that make it possible to issue building permits during a plan's preparatory stages provided the construction will not harm overall planning. The idea was to enable residents to build adjacent to existing houses without infringing on the land reserves that would be needed for roads and public services in future development. At the same time, an attempt was made to plan the city in a manner that would allow public services to be provided and infrastructure work to proceed on roads, sewerage systems, and the like. The conditions for providing such services are adequate allocations for public needs and efficient, concentrated building.

State of Israel: Central Bureau of Statistics, Residential Units and Buildings: Summaries from Records of the Census-Takers, publications of the Housing and Population Census 1995. 1997.

8 All the data on Arab building are derived from unpublished studies by Israel Kimhi of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies.

21 The Arab population found this planning decision restrictive because it prevented them from building wherever they wished. In any event, despite the objective difficulties of development and building in the Arab sector, construction there has been - and continues to be - carried out on a massive scale. An analysis of aerial photographs taken over the same sites at different junctures between 1968 and 1995, and of data based on the granting of permits and the collection of residential property tax shows the existence of large-scale building in the Arab sector. Property tax figures, for example, indicate a growth of 122 percent in the number of Arab residential units from 1967 to 1995 (see map, page 23).

4. Housing Density

Overall, the Arab sector has a lower housing density (number of residential units per unit of area) than the Jewish, apart from the Muslim Quarter in the Old City and Shuafat, both areas of extremely high density. The density in the Arab sector is 1.9 residential units per dunam (4 dunams = 1 acre), as compared with 5.9 units per dunam in the Jewish sector. (In the Muslim Quarter the density is 86 residential units per dunam, and in Shuafat 32.)

22 Jewish built-up area pre-1967 Mn|f^(Vy Jerusalem - built-up area, 1W BS Jewish built-up area after 1967 Arab built-up area pre-1967 Arab built-up area after 1967 Open space — Armistice line 1949 — Municipal boundary 1997

Beth Duqu Population Trends in Jerusalem

1. Changes in the Size and Growth of the Population of Jerusalem

1.1 Rate of population growth

Jerusalem has had a Jewish majority since the middle of the nineteenth century. At the beginning of the British Mandate period, Jerusalem was the most important city in Palestine and the most populous. However, during the 1930s Jerusalem was displaced by Tel Aviv on both counts. In 1946, Jerusalem's population stood at 99,300 Jews (60 percent) and 65.100 Arabs (40 percent). In November 1948. Jerusalem had a population of 82,900, as compared with 244,800 in Tel Aviv.

During the period 1946 until 1967, Jerusalem's Jews outpaced the Arabs in rate of increase. The Jewish population increased by 99 percent, to 197.700. while the Arab population grew in the same period by only 75 percent, totaling 68,600.

The relatively slow increase of the Arab population in Jerusalem continued after 1948 as well. The Arab population growth between 1952 and 1961. in east Jerusalem, when it was under Jordanian rule, was only about 2 percent per year, owing to a low negative migration balance. Today the Arab population growth in Jerusalem is almost 4%, and more than 3 percent annually. Jewish growth was about 3 percent per annum in the 1970s, but fell off to 1% in 1996.

Population growth is the result of natural increase and of migration balance. The lower the migration balance, the higher the ratio of the natural increase component of population growth.

24 / \ FIGURE 6: POPULATION IN ISRAEL AND IN JERUSALEM, BY POPULATION GROUP, 1922 - 1996

Israel Population (Thousands)

6,000

5.000

4,000 -

3,000 .

2,000 .

1,000 .

1922 1931 1946 1961 1967 1972 1980 1985 1990 1992 1994 1996Year

Jerusalem Population (Thousands)

700

1922 1931 1946 1961 1967 1972 1980 1985 1990 1992 1994 1996 Year

Jews I Arabs & Others FIGURE 7: POPULATION IN ISRAEL AND IN JERUSALEM, BY POPULATION GROUP, IN SELECTED YEARS

Israel

Population (Percent)

100% /V7\ Z7I f rrrrrrrr 80%

60%

40%

׳׳ 20% Jl 1 0% tM . . . . 1922 1931 1946 1961 1967 1972 1980 1985 1990 1992 1994 1996 Year

Population (Percent)

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

1922 1931 1946 1961 1967 1972 1980 1985 1990 1992 1994 1996 Year

Jews J Arabs & Others In the 30 years between the city's unification and the end of 1996, the population of Jerusalem grew by 126 percent. During this period the Jewish population increased by 113 percent and the Arab population by 164 percent. The result was that the share of Jews in the city's population declined from 74 percent in 1967 to 70 percent today.

Table 3: Population and Population Growth in Jerusalem, 1967-1996

Thousands, unless stated otherwise

Year Total Jews Arabs & Others

1967 266.3 197.7 68.6 1977 376.0 272.3 103.7 1967-1977 Growth % 41.2 37.7 51.2

1977 376.0 272.3 103.7 1987 482.6 346.1 136.5 1977-1987 Growth % 28.4 27.7 31.6

1987 482.6 346.1 136.5 1996 602.1 421.2 180.9 1987-1996 Growth % 24.8 21.7 32.5

1967 266.3 197.7 68.8 1996 602.1 421.2 180.9 1967-1996 Growth % 126.1 113.1 163.7

Tables No. 3 and 4 and the population figure show the rapid growth of the Arab population in Jerusalem as compared to the rate of Jewish increase. As these data show, the reality in the city conflicts with the declared government policy since Jerusalem's unification of maintaining the demographic advantage of the Jewish population vis-a-vis the Arab population.

27 Table 4: Population of Jerusalem by Groups, 1967-1996

Year Total Jews Arabs & Total Jews Arabs & Others Others

Thousands Percent

1967 266.3 197.7 68.6 100.0 74.2 25.8 1970 291.7 215.5 76.2 100.0 73.9 26.1 1972* 313.8 230.3 83.5 100.0 73.4 26.6 1974 346.0 252.8 93.2 100.0 73.1 26.9 1976 366.3 266.0 100.3 100.0 72.6 27.4 1977 376.0 272.3 103.7 100.0 72.4 27.6 1978 386.6 279.4 107.2 100.0 72.3 27.7 1979 398.2 287.4 110.8 100.0 72.2 27.8 1980 407.1 292.3 114.8 100.0 71.8 28.2 1981 415.0 297.6 1 17.4 100.0 71.7 28.3 1982 424.4 304.2 120.2 100.0 71.7 28.3 1983* 428.7 306.3 122.4 100.0 71.4 28.6 1984 447.8 321.1 126.5 100.0 71.7 28.2 1985 457.7 327.7 130.0 100.0 71.6 28.4 1986 468.9 336.1 132.8 100.0 71.7 28.3 1987 482.6 346.1 136.5 100.0 71.7 28.3 1988 493.5 353.9 139.6 100.0 71.7 28.3 1989 504.1 361.5 142.6 100.0 71.7 28.3 1990 524.5 378.2 146.3 100.0 72.1 27.9 1991 544.2 392.8 151.3 100.0 72.2 27.8 1992 556.5 401.0 155.5 100.0 72.1 27.9 1993 567.2 406.4 160.8 100.0 71.7 28.3 1994 578.8 411.9 166.9 100.0 71.2 28.8 1995 591.4 417.0 174.4 100.0 70.5 29.5 1996 602.1 421.2 180.9 100.0 70.0 30.0

* census.

~~The most rapid growth among the different populations in Jerusalem took place among the Muslims' population, with their high rate of natural increase. How does this change break down?~~

~~1.2 Sources of Population Growth~~

~~1.2.1 Introduction~~

Demographic processes reflect the fusion between the characteristics of the population at a given time, and economic, social, and political processes which the state in general and the city or the region under discussion in particular are undergoing. Such changes influence demography while also being attended by it. Demographic trends are comprised of natural movements - natural increase (birth and mortality rates) - and migration movements (international migration and internal migration).

~~7.2.2 Natural Movements~~

Natural increase has been the major source of growth among the Arab population. However, it was also the primary element in the growth of the Jewish population during the entire 1980s, a period in which the city had a negative Jewish internal migration balance and very few new immigrants settled there.

The past 30 years have seen changes in the natural increase rates of both Jews and Arabs. The birth rate among Arabs has been higher than that among Jews, although it has shown a constant decline. In 1967 the birth rate among Jerusalem's Arabs was about 43 per 1,000 , but by 1987 it stood at 29.8 per 1,000 a very dramatic fall of about 30 percent. The period of the Intifada (uprising) saw something of an increase in the birth rate. In the case of Jerusalem, the birth

~~29 rate among Arabs declined to the point where in 1988 the rate for Jews and Arabs was almost equal (28.8 per 1,000 among Jews, 29.8 among Arabs). It increased to 36.1 in 1996.~~

The birth rate among Jews is gradually declining. The current birth rate among Jews in Jerusalem is significantly higher than the countrywide rate for Jews (about 26 per 1,000 in Jerusalem, as compared with a national average of about 18 per 1,000 in 1996). It is extremely high among the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) community, which accounts for almost 30 percent of the city's Jewish population. The average Haredi family has approximately six children, which is higher than the average among the Arab rural population in Jerusalem and about the same as in the rural settlements in the West Bank.

Mortality rates among the Jew and Arab populations have also changed considerably since 1967. Among the city's Arabs the mortality rate has declined by 55 percent (from 9 per 1,000 in 1967 to 4 per 1000 since 1988). It is an indication of better sanitary conditions, improved health services and more widespread use of preventive medicine.

At the beginning of the period the mortality rate among Jews was lower than among Arabs (about 7 per 1,000). However, it has declined at a far slower rate (standing at about 6 per 1,000 in 1996). The infant mortality rate in Jerusalem is higher among the Arab population (11.4 per 1,000 as compared with 7.7 per 1,000 among Jews, and 12.8 per 1,000 among Israeli Arabs).

The steep decline in the birth rate among Arabs of course caused a fall in the rate of natural increase (the difference between the birth rate and the mortality rate). The yearly population addition stemming from natural increase currently stands at about 8,000 Jews and 4,500 Arabs.

The Arabs' rate of natural increase was 34 per 1,000 in 1967; it declined dramatically to 24 per 1,000 in 1987, on the eve of the Intifada, and today is about 33 per 1,000. Among Jews the comparable figures are 20 per 1,000 in 1967, 23 per 1,000 in 1987. and 21 per 1.000 in 1996.

~~30 FIGURE 8: BIRTHS AND DEATHS IN ISRAEL AND IN JERUSALEM, BY POPULATION GROUP, IN SELECTED YEARS (Rates per thousand)~~

~~Jerusalem Israel~~

~~Rates per thousand Rates per thousand 45 45~~

~~1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1993 1994 1995 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1993 1994 1995~~

~~Births Deaths Jews —o— Arabs & Others Jews —Arabs & Others 1.2.3 Migration Movements~~

1.2.3.1 Internal migration We find among the Arab population, as among the Jewish, a trend toward moving out of the city, usually to a nearby space in which there is direct physical continuation of the construction inside the city.

~~Jewish migration to and from Jerusalem from 1967 can be broken down into four periods.~~

Period 1 - 1967-1972: Characterized by low positive migration balances of 100-800 people. (The migration balance is the difference between the number of people who move out of the city and the number who move in).

~~Period 2 - 1972-1978: Characterized by high positive migration balances. These were the years of the major building momentum in the new neighborhoods.~~

~~Period 3 - 1979-1987: The migration balances have been negative, marked by increasing migration to the satellite settlements in the Jerusalem region.~~

Period 4 - Since 1988: A significant rise in the negative migration balance and a large increase in migration to satellite settlements around Jerusalem (the destination of about 50 percent of those who have left).

Recent years have seen a sharp rise in the negative migration balances of Jerusalem vis-a-vis its environs. There is an increasing demand for high quality suburban housing and for the development of the satellite towns. A relatively new phenomenon is the exit of the Ultra-Orthodox population from the city.

As of 1990 more people have left Jerusalem than have settled in the city. Jerusalem has lost about 50.000 people in internal Jewish migration. In recent years about 81 percent of the negative migration balance has been to the area around Jerusalem.

~~32 FIGURE 9: IMMIGRANTS TO JERUSALEM, TEL-AVIV - JAFFA AND HAIFA, AS PERCENT OF TOTAL IMMIGRANTS TO ISRAEL, 1979-1996~~

~~Percent of total immigrants~~

~~ך 25 FIGURE 10: SOURCES OF POPULATION GROWTH IN JERUSALEM - IMMIGRANTS, INTERNAL MIGRATION BALANCE (JEWS), AND NATURAL INCREASE (JEWS), 1985-1996~~

~~Thousands 15~~

~~Year~~

~~Natural increase Immigrants Internal migration balance~~

(© Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies"") A study conducted recently by Maya Choshen in the JUS found that those leaving Jerusalem do not represent the entire population. They are in fact mainly young people aged 25-40. Among Jews, the number of Haredis leaving the city has increased recently, but the share of the general (non-Haredi) population among the leavers is higher. Those moving out of the city from the general population are mainly from the immigrants from the former Soviet Union and the middle class and higher. Their primary reasons for leaving are housing and employment. Those seeking better housing generally move to settlements near Jerusalem, which provide solutions of two types: for those who cannot afford the high price of housing in Jerusalem, but also for members of the middle class and up, who are seeking quality of life in the form of separate dwellings with land attached, such as is within reach in the city's satellite settlements. The second main group leaving the city - in search of employment opportunities - moves farther afield, usually to the center of the country. If the strong population that moves to settlements in the Jerusalem area weakens the city by not contributing to municipal taxes, not sending its children to the local educational system, and eventually by reducing their economic, social, and cultural ties with the city. The second group severs its ties with Jerusalem almost completely.

Haredi Jews leaving the city are motivated primarily by cheaper housing that has recently become available in the Haredi towns of Betar 111 it and Kiryat Sefer, both close to Jerusalem, and in Haredi neighborhoods in the town of Beit Shemesh.

1.2.3.2 Immigration Since its unification, Jerusalem had been a magnet for new immigrants. During the 1980s, about 20 percent of all the immigrants to Israel opted to live in Jerusalem (some 3.000 a year). Most of the new arrivals in this period were from affluent countries. However, in the period of the mass immigration from the former Soviet Union during the 1990s, Jerusalem's allure has declined drastically, to the point where it is not a preferred place of residence for this group. Not only are few of these new arrivals choosing to live in Jerusalem, but many of those who had made the city their home are leaving. In 1990, Jerusalem absorbed 9.1 percent of the immigrants from the former Soviet Union. Since 1992, the city has become increasingly less attractive for new immigrants.

35 The nadir was reached in 1996, when only 4,000 new immigrants decided to live in Jerusalem, of whom only 1,634 were from the former Soviet Union, or 5.6 percent of the year's new arrivals. At the end of 1996 only 6.7 percent of the new immigrants then in Israel were living in Jerusalem. At the same time, by comparison, Jerusalem's Jewish population accounted for 9.2 percent of the country's Jewish population.

~~1.3 Conclusion~~

In the past 30 years the population of Jerusalem has undergone constant growth. In the 1970s growth was rapid, propelled by massive building of outlying neighborhoods and a drive to bolster economic development. The housing supply created by the large-scale building, together with convenient prices, drew internal migrants to Jerusalem and reduced the numbers leaving the city. There was another relatively intensive spurt of growth in the early part of the 1990s, as immigrants who were part of the influx of immigration from the former Soviet Union settled in Jerusalem. Over the years a change is discernible in the causes of growth within and among the city's different population groups. The major cause of growth among the Arab population is rapid natural increase; among the Jews the natural increase rate is significant and relatively stable. Figure No. 10 shows the changes that have taken place in the components of demographic growth since 1985. The negative internal migration balance is seen to have increased. In other words, Jerusalem's attractiveness was tarnished, and the number of residents leaving the city exceeded the number of newcomers. About half of those who left moved to the settlements around the city, contributing to the consolidation of Metropolitan Jerusalem. Simultaneously, the influx of immigrants that characterized the early 1990s dwindled, and beginning in 1993 Jerusalem's negative internal migration balance has exceeded the number of new immigrants who have settled in the city. In other words, since the trend has been clearly toward a falloff in the growth rate of Jerusalem's Jewish population in the city.

~~36 2. Population Distribution Throughout the City~~

~~2.1 Introduction~~

Jerusalem is characterized by a highly diversified population and a mosaic of neighborhoods. Contiguous Jewish and Arab neighborhoods and secular areas abutting Haredi communities create a unique social fabric. The way of life of each of these groups and the reciprocal relations between them affect many spheres of the city's day-to-day life and its functions. The city's demographic, social, and cultural complexity make it essential to preserve the delicate balance among the diverse population groups.

The city's partition in 1949 separated Jews from Arabs, the former residing on the Israeli side, the latter on the Jordanian side. Jerusalem's reunification and expansion in 1967 again made Jews and Arabs urban neighbors. Most of the Arab population resides in the city's eastern section and is distributed along a north-south axis. Since the beginning of the 1970s new Jewish neighborhoods have been established, some on the city's fringes, abutting, in some cases, older Jewish neighborhoods though in some cases on Arab neighborhoods.

At the end of 1996, Jerusalem's population stood at 602,000, of whom 70 percent were Jews and 30 percent Arabs; Haredi Jews constituted about 30 percent of the Jewish population. The continuation of the existing trends, characterized by high birth rates among Haredi Jews and Arabs will further increase the size of these two groups and thus disrupt the delicate balance between Jews and Arabs, and between Jews - Haredi Jews and non-Haredi Jews. Such a change will clearly affect the city's general character, its economic and political status, the structure of municipal services, and the level of extremism in relations among the different population groups.

~~2.2 Dispersal of the Jewish Population~~

~~The city's expansion and the addition of new neighborhoods had a decisive impact on the directions of the Jewish population spread. A deliberate policy of~~

37 maintaining the Jewish-Arab demographic balance combined with a powerful desire to develop Jerusalem brought about the establishment of the new neighborhoods and the consolidation of Israel's hold throughout the entire expanded area of the city. They were inhabited largely by a young population, most of whom came from the veteran neighborhoods, though some arrived from outside the city. The population in these neighborhoods is gradually aging.

At the end of 1996, about 160,000 Jews resided in Jewish neighborhoods in the areas that were annexed to the city in 1967, accounting for 38 percent of the city's total Jewish population. It should also be noted that in the areas that were annexed to the city after 1967 Jews constitute 48 percent of the overall population of the new neighborhoods (see map, pages 41, 42).

~~2.2.1 The Haredi Space~~

"The Haredi space in Jerusalem is undergoing a process of growth and expansion on the one hand, and insularity and segregation on the other. The growth and expansion are in the demographic and territorial realm, while the insularity and segregation exist primarily in the social-cultural sphere. These processes are leading Jerusalem's Haredi population into a state of acute ghettoization ".9

~~The Haredi population has always inclined toward territorial insularity and closure. This indeed was the principal reason for the influx of the Haredis to the old neighborhoods near the city center.~~

Their rapid demographic growth, caused by marriage at a young age and subsequent large families, has created a relentless need for the addition of residential units and the expansion of the Haredis' living space. Until the second half of the 1970s their main thrust was in and proximate to the traditional Haredi areas, a process marked by high-density building and a spread into adjacent

~~Yosef Shilhav. "Changes in the Religious-Haredi Space", in: Joshua Prawer, Ora Ahimeir. Twenty Years In Jerusalem: 1967-1987, pp. 82-94.~~

38 neighborhoods, usually pushing out the secular and the traditionalist population and in some cases also the Orthodox. Gradually, the Haredi space expanded from the city center northward. However, the dynamics of Haredi demography and resulting housing crunch meant that the incremental crawl toward the north was insufficient to meet the needs of this sector. Haredis soon began moving into the new neighborhoods, particularly in the north - Sanhedriya Murhevet, Ramot Allon, Neve Ya'akov - as well as Har Nof in the west. Until the current building of the Ramat Shlomo neighborhood on the Shuafat Ridge, no neighborhood had been especially designed for a religious and Haredi population. Ramat Shlomo is the first neighborhood in Jerusalem to be planned for such a population, with all the special services this entails, such as a larger than usual number of ritual baths and synagogues, apartments with "Sukkot porches," and Sabbath elevators.

~~2.3 The Arab Space~~

The Arab population of Jerusalem extends from north to south in a continuous built-up area, which is broken at the Mount Scopus-Givat Hamivtar line of hills by Jewish neighborhoods. The Arabs tend to have large families and a high rate of natural increase producing rapid population growth. The result is a soaring demand for new residential units and the high-density expansion of built-up areas to meet the demands of young couples for housing. An analysis of developments in the Arab sector of Jerusalem shows the expansion and growth of Arab neighborhoods into empty areas in both the south and the north, together with high-density building in the rural areas that were annexed to the city in 1967. In recent years these trends have also brought about a constant growth of the Arab settlements around Jerusalem. The Arab population is spilling over the municipal boundaries in a search for housing solutions but also for sites on which to establish businesses and institutions. A complex, comprehensive study by Israel Kimhi (to be published by the JUS) shows widespread building for the Arab population. In the first five years after the city's unification, most of the Arab building took place within Jerusalem's area of jurisdiction. Since the mid- 1980s, it has been concentrated in the settlements around the city. The major reason for the new trend is a shortage of available land within the city and a

39 steep increase in the price of land in east Jerusalem. This is a well-known urban phenomenon, which is discussed in the next chapter. The difference between the Jewish and Arab sectors from this aspect is that Arab building abuts on existing urban or rural settlements and expands them, whereas Jewish building is concentrated primarily in urban locales, many of them new (see map, page 41).

40 Legend: Jewish & Arab Population in Jerusalem 1997 Municipal Boundary• Jewish Population «g| Ultra-Orthodox Jewish CommunJiJes Arab Population Planned Jewish :׳•;־; Residential Area Planned Arab ,׳. Residential Area Industrial Zone Cemetry = — Tunnel ) t Bridge

~~Metropolitan Jerusalem~~

~~1. Introduction~~

Jerusalem present and future is closely intertwined with its surroundings. It is impossible to separate developments in the city of Jerusalem proper from developments in the surrounding metropolitan area. The reason is that Jerusalem is part of the broad, functional, geographic space that includes Jewish and Arab settlements linked by manifold mutual relations. Significant ties between Jerusalem and its surroundings take the form of economic activity, population movements (migration, commuting), cultural and religious activity, infrastructure, tourism, and other realms. A continuous built-up area, Jewish and Arab, has emerged in the region around Jerusalem, which, spurred by the interrelations between its various parts, functions as one space for people choosing to reside there and engaged in day-to-day activities such as work, and for firms that are considering the possibility of locating in the Jerusalem area though not necessarily in the city. At the same time, it is important to note that this is not a uniform space: there are disparities between different areas, in population type, ethno-religious affiliation, economic level, and in some cases also in the level of infrastructure and available services.

Since the city's unification a continuous north-south built-up area of Arab villages and neighborhoods has emerged, linking, in territorial continuity, the Arab settlements outside the city's municipal boundaries with the Arab areas of Jerusalem. Jewish territorial dispersal is far more concentrated than that of the Arabs, and particularly notable in this regard is the large mass of Jews in the city of Jerusalem, home to 80 percent of the Jews in Metropolitan Jerusalem.

It is equally important to point out that Jerusalem is no different from other big cities which are experiencing suburbization - an outward slide of population and of economic activity, together with reciprocity involving surrounding settlements. Thus, despite the political and national struggle taking place in the city, it continues to function as the core of the evolving Jewish and Arab metropolitan area around it. However, it is differentiated from most other metropolitan areas in the world by the complexity of the relations and of the rifts

~~43 JERUSALEM AREA Distribution of Jewish & Arab Population 1997~~

Legend: Municipal Border Planned Main Road Area A according to the Oslo Agreement Armistice Line 1949 Jewish Population Area B according to Existing Main Road Arab Population the Oslo Agreement between population groups, settlements, and neighborhoods. The result is a more complex system of interrelations than is characteristic of most of the world's metropolitan areas.

~~2. From City to Metropolitan Jerusalem~~

The city of Jerusalem constitutes the core of the settled area around it, and as such acts as the economic, social, cultural, and also political center for the Arab and Jewish communities in and around the city.

The development of the Jerusalem area of settlement as one space, until its partition in 1948 and since its reunification in 1967, has brought into being a unitary urban system bearing a common infrastructure and strong attachments between the Israeli and Palestinian neighborhoods and settlements, particularly in the city proper and in the inner ring of surrounding settlements. A built-up physical area, the exposure of each side - Israeli and Palestinian - to the society and culture of the other, and each side's familiarity with the other's institutional systems have engendered reciprocal relations and administrative mechanisms bearing the potential to produce cooperation in the future development of the city and its surrounding area of settlement. The origin of much of the population that currently resides in the settlements proximate to Jerusalem is in fact the city of Jerusalem. Migration to the outlying localities is under way by Jews and Arabs, by Haredis and secular Jews. Many of those leaving the city are seeking cheaper or more spacious housing, but they continue to work and to avail themselves of services in the city.

Over the past 30 years, as the area around Jerusalem has been modified, the Arab rural population around Jerusalem has experienced deep social changes. In fact, the major change has been its gradual transformation into an urban population, even while continuing to reside in villages. Since the typical Arab village in this area is a combination of agricultural settlement and urban residential suburb, home to many people who work in the city. Overlaying this social shift is a process in which these Arab rural settlements are spreading out over broad areas, typically along existing roads. Over the years the many roads that have

45 been built in the Jerusalem area have facilitated and accelerated the spread of Arab settlements. As a result, the typical model of the Arab village around Jerusalem is no longer closed-in but spread-out. its sprawl also reducing the possibilities of physical planning and development, such as road building and other aspects of infrastructure. More recently, a similar process has emerged in the Jewish sector. The urbanization of the rural settlements lying west of Jerusalem is seen in the rising demand for homes in these areas, the higher prices of land and housing, a significant decline in the numbers employed in agriculture, and a redesignation of land usage from farming to other purposes such as commerce and storage.

The heightened demand for housing around Jerusalem, parallel to the increase in the price of land and housing in Jerusalem proper, as well as the other processes that have been mentioned, notably infrastructure development, are the factors that are shaping the settlement system of the Metropolitan area of Jerusalem. This process is producing a continuous built-up area in which travelers cannot tell when they cross municipal boundaries, such as the transition from north Jerusalem to a-Ram and Ramallah. This continuous built-up stretch is especially striking in Arab construction but is visible also in Jewish construction, notably between Jerusalem and Mevasseret Tzion.

Today, in the wake of the Israeli-Palestinian interim agreement, two political entities. Israel and the Palestinian Authority, coexist in geographical proximity in the Jerusalem area. The map shows the built-up area that has been created between Jerusalem and the surrounding Jewish and Arab settlements. Also seen on the map is the built-up area that stretches between the city of Jerusalem and Areas A, B, and C as defined in the interim agreement (see map, page 44).

It should be noted, then, that because Jerusalem is umbilically bound to the area around it, any discussion of Jerusalem must take into account the fact that the strengthening of Jerusalem and the strengthening of the metropolitan area are intertwined and will benefit both the Jewish and the Arab populations in the city and around it. Developments in every part of the metropolitan area have implications for the other parts.

~~46 3. Boundaries~~

The boundaries of Metropolitan Jerusalem are not demarcated by a clear line. Moreover, the boundaries of Metropolitan Jerusalem change and expand in accordance with the development of the interrelations between the city and its surroundings. Generally, intensity of interrelations is a function of a settlement's proximity to the city. Hence a distinction can be drawn between the inner ring of settlements, which lie close to the city and maintain the most intensive and diverse interrelations with it, and the outer ring of more distant settlements, with which less intensive interrelations exist.

The ring around Jerusalem, covering a radius of about 20 km. from the city, contains the settlements between Ma'aleh Adumim in the east, Bet Shemesh in the west, Ramallah in the north, and Bethlehem in the south.

It is important to emphasize that whereas the area of jurisdiction of the city of Jerusalem possesses statutory status like any other local government in Israel, the boundaries of Metropolitan Jerusalem have no such status. Municipal boundaries, moreover, are absolute in character, contrary to the boundaries of Metropolitan Jerusalem, which reflect one common though not uniform functional space that changes with time. An attempt to demarcate the current functional boundaries of Metropolitan Jerusalem, taking into account reciprocal relations such as commuting, migration - choice of place of residence - development of the built-up areas, and economic ties.

~~4. Population~~

The Metropolitan Jerusalem area contains a highly diverse population - Jews and Arabs, Israelis and Palestinians, villagers and city dwellers, Orthodox, ultra- Orthodox, traditionalist and secular. The majority of the Arab population in the area is Muslim and residing in Jerusalem and in areas that have been designated, in the interim agreement, as Area A, B, or C. The Christian population is concentrated primarily in urban settlements, especially in Bethlehem and its

~~47 satellites (Beit Jalla and Beit Sahour), as well as in Ramallah and El Bireh. Jerusalem itself has a small Christian population of about 15,000.~~

The distribution of the Jewish population in the metropolitan area differs from that of the Arab population. Most of the Jewish population is concentrated in areas where the spatial orientation runs from east to west, whereas the Arab population stretches along the ridge line from north to south. Whereas the great majority of the Jewish population (80 percent) in Metropolitan Jerusalem is concentrated in the city of Jerusalem, the Arab population is more broadly dispersed, only about 30 percent residing within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries.

The rate of population growth in the settlements around Jerusalem is more rapid than the rate within the city. The positive population growth in the city of Jerusalem is due mainly to natural increase, whereas in the areas around Jerusalem its principal cause at present is migration among the Jewish localities against migration and natural growth among the Arab localities, a trend which will almost certainly continue into the future. Like their counterparts in other metropolitan areas around the world, residents of Jerusalem's core city are increasingly inclined to move elsewhere in the metropolitan area, thus increasing the relative proportion of the population in the outer rings of the conurbation as compared to the central city. Land is cheaper on the fringes of the metropolitan area than it is in the center, and, typically, better housing conditions are available in the periphery.

As the outlying sections of the metropolitan area become more attractive, the demand for housing there rises and building is accelerated. The functional ties between Jerusalem and its suburbia have become stronger and more diversified over the years. A functional urban zone has sprung up, large parts of which are marked by a continuous built-up Jewish and Arab area. Commuting (a daily trip from one locale to another) on a large scale takes place to Jerusalem from the Jewish and Arab settlements in the metropolitan area. Today it is impossible to understand Jerusalem's urban and economic functional acvtivity without taking into account that it is the core of a metropolitan area that has grown up around it. As is the case elsewhere, negative migration rates are increasing in Jerusalem - a trend that encompasses all population groups. There is a growing demand in

~~48 the Jerusalem area for high-quality suburban building and for the development of satellite towns.~~

A heightened process of migration from Jerusalem can be expected among secular Jews, Haredi (Ultra Orthodox) Jews, and Arabs. As in similar situations, in Israel and elsewhere, growth in the metropolitan area will result primarily from migration from the center to the periphery. Many city dwellers who move to the surrounding area continue to interact with the central city - in the present case with Jerusalem. Such interaction generally bears an economic (especially business), social, or cultural character, though in Jerusalem it is sharper and more intense because of the city's unique religious dimension. The importance attaching to Jerusalem as a religious center and its large number of Jewish, Muslim, and Christian holy places heighten the interrelations between Jerusalem and the population in the surrounding settlements.

~~THE JERUSALEM INSTITUTE FOR ISRAEL STUDIES~~

The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies is an independent, nonprofit academic institution, established in 1978. The Institute engages in policy studies relating to the economy and society in general, and to contemporary Jerusalem in particular, as well as conducting studies on the peace process. The emphasis in the projects is on their applied aspects and on recommendations geared to policy formulation. The Institute devotes considerable efforts to elucidating problems which decision makers and policy implementers are currently addressing or will address in the future. Existing policy and action is examined, and alternative modes are suggested. The Institute's main research clusters are: (a) The peace proces (b) Jerusalem (c) National, urban, and regional planning (d) Social policy

~~The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Research Series No. 78~~

~~The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies~~

~~Hay Elyachar House~~

~~20a Radak Street, 92186 Jerusalem,~~

~~Tel. 02-5630175. Fax. 02-5639814~~