DOCSLIB.ORG

The Early Chronology of Attic Tragedy Author(S): M

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Early Chronology of Attic Tragedy Author(S): M The Early Chronology of Attic Tragedy Author(s): M. L. West Reviewed work(s): Source: The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 39, No. 1 (1989), pp. 251-254 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/639257 . Accessed: 25/11/2012 07:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and The Classical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Classical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.218 on Sun, 25 Nov 2012 07:44:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHORTER NOTES 251 THE EARLY CHRONOLOGY OF ATTIC TRAGEDY Books give three dates earlier than 500: 535/3 Thespis' first production 523/0 Choerilus' first production 511/08 Phrynichus' first victory. Can we trust them? City archives, mined by Aristotle for his Didaskaliai, preserved a reasonably complete record of dramatic productions in the fifth century. But how far back did these archives go? The so-called Fasti, an inscription set up c. 346 and listing dithyrambic, comic and tragic victors year by year, must have been based on the same archives, but went back, it is thought, only as far as 502/1.1 Its heading pcj]-rov KC/LOL 7TUcaLV7[tL ALovVU]wjL [, however supplemented,implies an 7•tpyWLot'01 intention of going back to the beginning of things, in other words to the beginning of the archival record. This raises serious doubt as to whether that record went back to the alleged date of Thespis' premiere, or indeed to those given for Choerilus' and Phrynichus'. We also note that in the list of victorious tragedians in IG ii2.2325 (TrGF DID A 3a) there is space only for about eight poets before Aeschylus, whose name is the first preserved; that is, for eight who won victories before Aeschylus' first win in 484. If records reached back to c. 533, eight is a remarkably small number. The 112 years after 484, according to the same monument, produced 33 new victors, an average of one every 3.4 years. Extrapolation from this figure would put the beginning of the list c. 511. If it had begun in 533, we should expect fourteen or fifteen pre-Aeschylean victors by the same reckoning. If there were only eight in 49 years, we should have to assume that the literary tradition ignores several pre-Aeschylean tragedians who were on record as having won many victories. Suspicions wax when we inspect the foundations on which those dates for Thespis, Choerilus, and Phrynichus rest. They come from the Suda entries on the respective poets. Each is given in terms of an Olympiad, without specification of the year or mention of an archonship. They are equidistant: Thespis comes three Olympiads before Choerilus, Choerilus three Olympiads before Phrynichus; while Phrynichus comes three Olympiads before Pratinas, who (again according to the Suda) TE ?7Tt17)S (= 499/6). Thislast dclVTryWVE-Tro AIXV'Auw• KaLXotp(Awt o"'OAv~nrtd3o date is perhaps soundly based. It certainly falls within the archival period, and the appearance of the three famous names in the same year in the Didaskaliai might well be seized upon by a chronographer as a starting-point.2 But the three earlier dates look very much like a schematic construction designed to place the three known seniors of Aeschylus and Pratinas in their right order at suitable intervals. ' IG ii2.2318; see E. Capps, Hesperia 12 (1943), 10f.; A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, The Dramatic Festivals of Athens (2nd edn, rev. Gould and Lewis, 1968), pp. 71f., 101ff.; TrGF i2.22-5. If another column is lost at the beginning, and if the dithyrambic victories (both men's and boys' choruses) began in 509 or 508 (Marm. Par. FGrHist 239 A 46), and if a choregic system already existed under the tyrants, there would have been space for tragic victories going back to 522 or 520; or, if the heading rpaywOL8b3was not repeated in each entry in that section, 528 or 526. 2 This epoch is also mentioned in Suda s.v. AiT'XaAos(= Aesch. T 2 Radt): 7y/ovw'LE-ro... v -r7Lo'(0' codd.) 'OAvt1Td& TJ-rbvc'v KE'. The age of twenty-five, in conjunction with the birth- date implied by other ancient reckonings, fixes the year as 01. 70.2 = 498. Eusebius gave yVWpeL'Trounder 497/6 (Armenian) or 496/5 (Jerome), and again underAlXoAo•ros 477/6opaywt807woLoS or 475/4. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.218 on Sun, 25 Nov 2012 07:44:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 252 SHORTER NOTES The immediatesource of the Sudaentries was an epitomeof Hesychiusof Miletus' 'OvotzaroAoytKOVorOHtva TV7 Ev votzarTwV.The questionof Hesychius' sourcesis murky.One of themappears 7ratWELt•atto have been some derivativeof Callimachus' Pinakes.This will be the sourceof the play-titleswhich the Sudacites for Thespisand Phrynichus,and for the numbers given for Choerilus'and Pratinas' plays and victories."Besides these, the entriescontain excerptsfrom a presumablyPeripatetic accountof the earlytragedians' individual innovations, especially in regardto masks and costumes: Thespis 7rpWTrovLzEv XptCaT OttzvO/tVWL 7paywtSt-crEv, ELTadvt3pdXvrl- "r7rrpdoaworov TavTa EtIT7VE7KEKaL T7)Tv XpWI7UtV,EV /LOV7rLtOodvrL EUKEITaacLEV.../•idETa T"rV TpoaoWITELl•oV KaTaaCKEvauas. Choerilus Ka-rdaTLtvaS TOLS 7rpOW7rELotLS Kat 7tL K7)VlVLt(1. UKEV•L) "TcV UTro,•tV EiTEXELP7)Ev. PhrynichusTrpTroS yVvaLKEiOV Trpd rWrTOV EtLU7yayEV lv 7El T UK7'V~VL.Kat EvpETr•7/ 70 rTETpa/E"rpove 7E Tro. Pratinas7rpWTroSg EypaE ZarTvpovS. This is the sort of history that Aristotle alludes to in Poet. 1449a37ff.: the identificationof those responsiblefor each developmentin the art of tragedy,who inventedmasks, prologues, plural actors, etc. The Thespis entry also contains the curious information that Thespis was TO EKKat8EKaTO•r O17r 7TpTOU EVO/OU7PEYvovov TpWL07o0to0rot 'E7rmyE'vov To706 LKVWVL'OV - TLtOE"lEvos gE rvTwE, 'ErylE7TLY`vr-'~AAot 8E a'Vo'v W•s •"erTEpoS/rd 7rp•Trov TpaytLKO• yElvcaOatObaaLv. What kind of sourcewas it thatwas able to namefifteen predecessors of Thespis,beginning with Epigenesof Sicyon? I nominatethe fanciful Heraclides Ponticus, who in his yT S filled out early Zvvaywy(4YV7 v IovUaLKEt OKL~I7)o'aTdvwv literaryhistory with crowdsof legendaryand semi-legendarypoets and singers,'and who cited as one of his authorities EV Ta dvaypacq47 LKVC•VLdrTOKELcZ~/E, 8' Td• E lepELaSTr iv TTOS Kcl TO IVULKOVS This "ApyELK(at 7TOUr7TSa v •o dVO/ca1E.5 Sicyonianinscription was itself a ratherimaginative chronicle, set up by some local dilettantepresumably earlier in the fourthcentury.6 No doubt it promotedSicyonian claimsto have inventedtragedy (for whichthe famousreference in Herodotus5.67.5 provideda handle),naming Epigenes and others in this connection.7 But against Heraclides'account of Thespisas the sixteenthtragedian the Suda's sourceset the contraryview that he was the first.So hereis an opponentof Heraclides who dismissesthe tzLEv-vdyKa"prqva of Sicyonian vanity and concentrateson historical Attic developments.We find a parallelto this in Suda/Phot. s.v. o8E'v 7rp6~rvT Aldvvoov:8a firstexplanation that connectsthe sayingwith Epigenesof Sicyon,and then a preferredalternative (fATrLov Si o0r7ws)that connectsit with the (supposed) evolutionof tragedyfrom TarvptKd.This is an Aristotelianperspective; and in this case the source is named: Ka'L XaLzatAEwy lv rltTWLpt aEpl rrtiSo "rdTrapa7rrA-acta laropEi (fr. 48 Giordano). ' Aristophanes' work rrpo TrobVKaAAthLdxov HLvaKas may come into question. Cf. Vita Sophoclis 18 E'XEL6 SpdaTra, c•bs 77Lw 'ApLraro pA'. Fr. 157 Wehrli (ap. ps.-Plut. De musica 1131f dvr1,ff.); cf. fr. 159. 5 Ps.-Plut. ibid. 6 Jacoby ad FGrHist 550. 7 Cf. Arist. Poet. 1448a30-5 ivTL-rotOvraTL r7j r 7)S OL - 7paywCLa•K Kat KWcIOtILSa /JWPLEiS, T7)S V yap KWKC.LW0CL'aS o MEyQpEiS...Kai T7)Sr TpayWL'aSg EVLOL TWcY El IEAoITovv77rUwL. 8 Cf.Apostol. 13.42. Snell in TrGF1 T 18gives precedence to thefuller form in theproverb- collectionof Paris.Coisl. 177; but see the warningof W. Biihler,Zenobii Athoi proverbia i (1987), 278. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.218 on Sun, 25 Nov 2012 07:44:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SHORTER NOTES 253 Chamaeleon's essay on Thespis was one of several he devoted to drama: 7rEpl TrEpt Alax;Aov, 7rEp'Lpaipaas (this in at least six books) are also Zar-Vpwv,cited. We know of at least one other KoKJl•WtLaSoccasion on which he criticized his fellow- Heracleot Heraclides;9 though he was not the only one to assail the latter's ebullient frauds. 10 The bulk of the Suda's information on Thespis, then, may go back to Chamaeleon - author of the only known work 7eptE OE'E7rtoSL - reflecting his polemic against Heraclides Ponticus. The parallel entries on Choerilus, Phrynichus, and Pratinas perhaps derive from the same original account, if not from other Peripatetic work. The Olympiadic chronology attached to them, however, must be attributed to a later source. It is not only expressed in Olympiads in the Suda but must have been conceived in Olympiads from the beginning, as the twelve-year intervals between poets do not represent natural units by any other reckoning. Timaeus was the first who made use of Olympiads for purposes of universal chronology, and the practice is foreign to the Peripatetics.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Conditions of Dramatic Production to the Death of Aeschylus Hammond, N G L Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1972; 13, 4; Proquest Pg
    The Conditions of Dramatic Production to the Death of Aeschylus Hammond, N G L Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1972; 13, 4; ProQuest pg. 387 The Conditions of Dramatic Production to the Death of Aeschylus N. G. L. Hammond TUDENTS of ancient history sometimes fall into the error of read­ Sing their history backwards. They assume that the features of a fully developed institution were already there in its earliest form. Something similar seems to have happened recently in the study of the early Attic theatre. Thus T. B. L. Webster introduces his excellent list of monuments illustrating tragedy and satyr-play with the following sentences: "Nothing, except the remains of the old Dionysos temple, helps us to envisage the earliest tragic background. The references to the plays of Aeschylus are to the lines of the Loeb edition. I am most grateful to G. S. Kirk, H. D. F. Kitto, D. W. Lucas, F. H. Sandbach, B. A. Sparkes and Homer Thompson for their criticisms, which have contributed greatly to the final form of this article. The students of the Classical Society at Bristol produce a Greek play each year, and on one occasion they combined with the boys of Bristol Grammar School and the Cathedral School to produce Aeschylus' Oresteia; they have made me think about the problems of staging. The following abbreviations are used: AAG: The Athenian Agora, a Guide to the Excavation and Museum! (Athens 1962). ARNon, Conventions: P. D. Arnott, Greek Scenic Conventions in the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford 1962). BIEBER, History: M. Bieber, The History of the Greek and Roman Theatre2 (Princeton 1961).
    [Show full text]
  • The Hyporcheme of Pratinas
    The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here The Hyporcheme of Pratinas H. W. Garrod The Classical Review / Volume 34 / Issue 7-8 / November 1920, pp 129 - 136 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00014013, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00014013 How to cite this article: H. W. Garrod (1920). The Hyporcheme of Pratinas. The Classical Review, 34, pp 129-136 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00014013 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 193.61.135.80 on 07 Apr 2015 The Classical Review NOVEMBER—DECEMBER, 1920 ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS THE HYPORCHEME OF PRATINAS. ATHE.VAEUS 617b, 8 : Upanva<; Se o strangely to our ears—of ' Pindar and <£>\tao-jo5, avXrjTcov Kal yppevrSyv Karexov- Dionysius of Thebes and Lamprus and TCOV ras opxfiaTpas, ayava/CTeiv Tivas eVt Pratinas and the other lyrists who ex- ra> Tou? av\r]Ta$ fir) ffvvavXeiv T019 celled in musical composition (irot,7)T(n Kaddirep r)v Trdrpiov, aK~Ka i j(pp Kpov/jLarav ayaOoi,),' (1146 B). He asso- %vvaheiv rots avK-qrals. ov o?iv elye dvfibv ciates Pratinas always with the theory Kara rwv ravra TTOIOVVTWV o of music and with the hyporcheme ifi<f>avL£ei Bia TOOOV rov v (1133, 1142,1134: cf. Plut. Symp. IX. 2). TIS 6 Obpvfios 85e ; ri rdSe ra ^opei^ara ; Of the Pratinas who has chiefly in- TIS ijflpis 1/ioXev eirl AiovvcriaSa TroXvirdraya Ov/j.4- terested modern scholarship, the \ ; Pratinas who wrote tragic and satyric tfiis ifids 0 Bp6/uos • i/U 5ei KfXadeiv, Se? dramas, the Pratinas who contended for iraTayetv, av' 6pea ai^evov /terd Nal'dSaw, fame with Aeschylus, he knows nothing.
    [Show full text]
  • Athenaeus' Reading of the Aulos Revolution ( Deipnosophistae 14.616E–617F)
    The Journal of Hellenic Studies http://journals.cambridge.org/JHS Additional services for The Journal of Hellenic Studies: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here New music and its myths: Athenaeus' reading of the Aulos revolution ( Deipnosophistae 14.616e–617f) Pauline A. Leven The Journal of Hellenic Studies / Volume 130 / November 2010, pp 35 - 48 DOI: 10.1017/S0075426910000030, Published online: 19 November 2010 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0075426910000030 How to cite this article: Pauline A. Leven (2010). New music and its myths: Athenaeus' reading of the Aulos revolution ( Deipnosophistae 14.616e– 617f). The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 130, pp 35-48 doi:10.1017/S0075426910000030 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JHS, IP address: 147.91.1.45 on 23 Sep 2013 Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (2010) 35−47 DOI: 10.1017/S0075426910000030 NEW MUSIC AND ITS MYTHS: ATHENAEUS’ READING OF THE AULOS REVOLUTION (DEIPNOSOPHISTAE 14.616E−617F) PAULINE A. LEVEN Yale University* Abstract: Scholarship on the late fifth-century BC New Music Revolution has mostly relied on the evidence provided by Athenaeus, the pseudo-Plutarch De musica and a few other late sources. To this date, however, very little has been done to understand Athenaeus’ own role in shaping our understanding of the musical culture of that period. This article argues that the historical context provided by Athenaeus in the section of the Deipnosophistae that cites passages of Melanippides, Telestes and Pratinas on the mythology of the aulos (14.616e−617f) is not a credible reflection of the contemporary aesthetics and strategies of the authors and their works.
    [Show full text]
  • Music, Ritual, and Self-Referentiality in the Second Stasimon of Euripides’ Helen the Dionysian Necessity
    Greek and Roman Musical Studies 6 (2018) 247-264 brill.com/grms Music, Ritual, and Self-Referentiality in the Second Stasimon of Euripides’ Helen The Dionysian Necessity Barbara Castiglioni Università di Torino [email protected]/[email protected] Abstract The imagery of Dionysiac performance is characteristic of Euripides’ later choral odes and returns particularly in the Helen’s second stasimon, which foregrounds its own connections with the mimetic program of the New Music and its emphasis on the emancipation of feelings. This paper aims to show that Euripides’ deep interest in con- temporary musical innovations is connected to his interest in the irrational, which made him the most tragic of the poets. Focusing on the musical aspect of the Helen’s second stasimon, the paper will examine how Euripides conveys a sense of the irratio- nal through a new type of song, which liberates music’s power to excite and disorient through its colors, ornament and dizzying wildness. Just as the New Musicians pres- ent themselves as the preservers of cultic tradition, Euripides, far from suppressing Dionysus as Nietzsche claimed, deserves to rank as the most Dionysiac and the most religious of the three tragedians. Keywords Euripides – tragedy – New Music – Dionysus – religion – choral self-referentiality Introduction The choral odes of tragedy regularly involve the Chorus reflecting upon an ear- lier moment in the play or its related myths. In Euripides’ Helen, all three sta- sima are distanced from the action by their mood. The first choral ode follows © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/22129758-12341322Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 09:44:20AM via free access 248 Castiglioni the successful persuasion of the prophetess, Theonoe, the working out of a good escape plan and high optimism on the part of Helen and Menelaus, but seems to ignore the progress of the play’s action and takes the audience back to the ruin caused by the Trojan war.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Tragedy Themes and Contexts 1St Edition Ebook, Epub
    GREEK TRAGEDY THEMES AND CONTEXTS 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Laura Swift | 9781474236836 | | | | | Greek Tragedy Themes and Contexts 1st edition PDF Book For help and support relating to the University's computing resources:. After dialogue based interactions were eventually brought into development, the percentage of scripts read by the chorus tended to decrease in regards to their involvement in the play. Get A Copy. Refresh and try again. For a small book it packs a hefty punch, with a clear and engaging style that should be accessible to a wide audience. The philosopher also asserted that the action of epic poetry and tragedy differ in length, "because in tragedy every effort is made for it to take place in one revolution of the sun, while the epic is unlimited in time. Another novelty of Euripidean drama is represented by the realism with which the playwright portrays his characters' psychological dynamics. The Greek chorus of up to 50 men and boys danced and sang in a circle, probably accompanied by an aulos , relating to some event in the life of Dionysus. As elsewhere in the book, the chapter kicks off with contextual information, this time on the prevalence of choruses in ancient Greek life, and proceeds to a discussion of their tragic manifestation. After a brief analysis of the genre and main figures, it focuses on the broader questions of what defines tragedy, what its particular preoccupations are, and what makes these texts so widely studied and performed more than 2, years after they were written. Visit the Australia site. The theatre voiced ideas and problems from the democratic, political and cultural life of Athens.
    [Show full text]
  • A Complete List of Terms to Know
    Classical Drama and Theatre: A Complete List of Terms to Know Terms to Know From Section 1: Chapter 1 Theatre History Theatron Historiography Institution Historia Theatrical Herodotus Language Ionian Revolution Impersonation Primary Evidence Audience Secondary Evidence Positivism Inference Progress Cogent Primitive Tripartition E.K. Chambers Battle of Thermopylae Chorus Ibn Kahldun Chapter 2 Transitional Forms Herodotus Bronislaw Malinowski The Histories Aetiological Relics Claude Levi-Strauss Fossils Structuralism Aristotle Lumpers James Frazer, The Golden Bough Splitters Anthropology Mimetic Positivism Chapter 3 Age of Tyrants Pelasgians Tyrannos Indo-Europeans Pisistratus of Athens Proto-Indo-European Attic Ionians Age of Lawgivers Athens Solon Asia Minor Sicily Dorians Black Sea Peloponnese Age of Colonization Trojan War Magna Graecia Epic Phoenicians Homer Lyric Age The Iliad Lyre Heinrich Schliemann Lyric Poetry Troy Sappho Polis Classical Age 1 Chapter 4.1 City Dionysia Thespis Ecstasy Tragoidia "Nothing To Do With Dionysus" Aristotle Year-Spirit The Poetics William Ridgeway Dithyramb Tomb-Theory Bacchylides Hero-Cult Theory Trialogue Gerald Else Dionysus Chapter 4.2 Niches Paleontologists Fitness Charles Darwin Nautilus/Nautiloids Transitional Forms Cultural Darwinism Gradualism Pisistratus Steven Jay Gould City Dionysia Punctuated Equilibrium Annual Trading Season Terms to Know From Section 2: Chapter 5 Sparta Pisistratus Peloponnesian War Athens Post-Classical Age Classical Age Macedon(ia) Persian Wars Barbarian Pericles Philip
    [Show full text]
  • Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 118 (1997) 174–178
    PETER J. WILSON AMYMON OF SIKYON: A FIRST VICTORY IN ATHENS AND A FIRST TRAGIC KHOREGIC DEDICATION IN THE CITY? (SEG 23, 103B) aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 118 (1997) 174–178 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 174 AMYMON OF SIKYON: A FIRST VICTORY IN ATHENS AND A FIRST TRAGIC KHOREGIC DEDICATION IN THE CITY? (SEG 23, 103B)* In the third decade of the fourth century, a man from the Attic deme of Pallene (his name lost) was a victorious khoregos at the Great Panathenaia (probably that of 375/4 or 370/69). His khoros was one of boys dancing the pyrrhikhe for Athene. He commemorated the occasion with a monument which carried an account of the victory in formulaic terms familiar from comparable inscriptions; and which had a delicate relief of part at least of the victorious khoros carved on the same surface, underneath and divid- ing the letters of the inscription.1 Although the find-spot of this monument is not known, a Panathenaic dedication such as this seems certain to derive from an urban setting, very probably – like a number of similar cases – from the Akropolis.2 To this monument a second victory-inscription was added, probably soon after the first was cut (since the letter-forms are the same), but certainly after the design of the monument had been conceived. It was put on the right-hand side of the stone, not on its principal front face. The right-hand edge of this side of the stone is roughly broken, and allows for no certain calculation of its original width.
    [Show full text]
  • Problems of Early Greek Tragedy: Pratinas, Phrynichus, the Gyges Fragment
    PROBLEMS OF EARLY GREEK TRAGEDY: PRATINAS, PHRYNICHUS, THE GYGES FRAGMENT by Hugh Lloyd-Jones No chapter in the history of Greek Uterature is more obs- cure than the origins of tragedy, and indeed its whole history before the second quarter of the fifth century. The beginnings are veiled in darkness; even the statement of Aristotle that tragedy originated from the dithyramb is not universally accep- ted; and those who do accept it disagree about the nature of the early dithyramb and its influence on tragedy. Recent ac• cessions to our knowledge have only made this darkness dar• ker. Till 1952 it was widely believed that we possessed a play written by Aeschylus early in his career, perhaps as early as about 500 B. C, when he was some twenty-five years old. In that year the publication of a scrap of papyrus ^ put paid to that delusion. We must now recognise that the Suppliants of Aeschylus was in all probability produced in 464 or 463, and is therefore later than the Persians, produced in 472, and the Seven Against Thebes, produced in 467. For the century and a half between the date given for the first performance of Thespis at the Dionysia and that of the production of the Per^ sians, we have no specimen of a tragedy. » P. Oxy. 2256, fr. 3. published as £r. 288 in SMYTH-LLOYD-JO- NES, Aeschylus, II, London, 1957 (Loeb CI. Libr.), 595-598, with dis• cussion and bibliography; see also LLOYD-JONES, The "Supplices" of Aeschylus: The New Date and Old Problems (Ant.
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Music
    THE POWER OF MUSIC A comparative study of literature and vase paintings from Classical Athens University of Uppsala Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Master’s Thesis 45 points Louisa Sakka Spring 2009 Supervisor: Gullög Nordquist ii ABSTRACT Louisa Sakka, 2009, The power of music. A comparative study of literature and vase paintings from Classical Athens . Master’s thesis. Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Uppsala. This paper deals with ancient Greek music, and in particular the relation of people to music during the fifth century BC in Athens. Music is believed to exercise great power over the human character and behavior, and at the same time is a means of emotional communication. For the first time during the fifth century, the power of music leaves the realm of the myths and becomes a subject of philosophical investigation. Two different types of sources are examined in order to study the relation of people to music: on the one hand the literary sources of this period, and on the other the vase paintings. This method reveals various attitudes towards music by using two different perspectives. Possible explanations are given for the differing information, the purpose of each source being a decisive factor. The paper suggests that although the information from the two types of sources varies and can even be contradictive, the recognition of the power music exercises is obvious in both cases. Keywords: music, ethos, power, Plato, vase paintings, art, Athens, Classical, literature, New Music. Louisa Sakka, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of Uppsala. Sweden. iii iv In memory of my father v vi TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Metatheatricality in the Greek Satyr-Play 35
    ARCTOS ACTA PHILOLOGICA FENNICA VOL. XXXV HELSINKI 2001 INDEX NEIL ADKIN "I Am Tedious Aeneas": Virgil, Aen. 1,372 ff. 9 JEAN-PIERRE GUILHEMBET Quelques domus ou résidences romaines négligées 15 RIIKKA HÄLIKKÄ Sparsis comis, solutis capillis: 'Loose' Hair in Ovid's 23 Elegiac Poetry MAARIT KAIMIO ET ALII Metatheatricality in the Greek Satyr-Play 35 MIKA KAJAVA Hanging Around Downtown 79 KALLE KORHONEN Osservazioni sul collezionismo epigrafico siciliano 85 PETER KRUSCHWITZ Zwei sprachliche Beobachtungen zu republikanischen 103 Rechtstexten UTA-MARIA LIERTZ Die Dendrophoren aus Nida und Kaiserverehrung von 115 Kultvereinen im Nordwesten des Imperium Romanum LUIGI PEDRONI Il significato dei segni di valore sui denarii repubbli- 129 cani: contributi per la riapertura di una problematica OLLI SALOMIES Roman Nomina in the Greek East: Observations on 139 Some Recently Published Inscriptions WERNER J. SCHNEIDER Ein der Heimat verwiesener Autor: Anaximenes von 175 Lampsakos bei Lukian, Herod. 3 HEIKKI SOLIN Analecta epigraphica CXCII–CXCVIII 189 De novis libris iudicia 243 Index librorum in hoc volumine recensorum 298 Libri nobis missi 300 Index scriptorum 303 METATHEATRICALITY IN THE GREEK SATYR-PLAY MAARIT KAIMIO ET ALII* In a famous fragment of Pratinas, described as a hyporchema by Athenaeus (4 F 3, Athen. 14,617b), a chorus of satyrs pours a torrent of indignation on the increasing role of the music of aulos in a choral performance. The exact target of their hostility, the literary genre of the poem and the identity of the Pratinas in question are under scholarly debate.1 One argument for the view that the fragment cannot be from a satyr-play, let alone from an early one, has been the metatheatrical theme of the song: open discussion among the performers of the suitability of their music to the context of performance.
    [Show full text]
  • Should There Have Been a Polis in Aristotle's Poetics? Classical Quarterly, 59 (2)
    promoting access to White Rose research papers Universities of Leeds, Sheffield and York http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/43155/ Published paper: Heath, MF (2009) Should there have been a polis in Aristotle's Poetics? Classical Quarterly, 59 (2). 468 - 485. White Rose Research Online [email protected] Classical Quarterly 59.2 468–485 (2009) Printed in Great Britain 468 doi:10.1017/S0009838809990115 SHOULD THERE HAVE BEEN APOLIS IN ARISTOTLE’SMALCOLMPOETICS HEATH? SHOULD THERE HAVE BEEN A POLIS IN ARISTOTLE’S POETICS? In her contribution to the collection Tragedy and the Tragic, Edith Hall asks ‘is there a polis in Aristotle’s Poetics?’1 She concludes that there is not, and sees the absence as in need of explanation. It is certainly strikingly at variance with a prominent emphasis in much recent scholarship on tragedy;2 but Hall also notes that awareness of a relationship between tragedy and its social context is in evidence in other fifth- and fourth-century sources, including other works by Aristotle. Hall’s explanation of Aristotle’s approach in the Poetics looks to his personal status, as an outsider in Athens, and historical moment, at a time when tragedy was ‘about’ to be internation- alized; Aristotle’s deliberate divorce of poetry and the polis, she suggests, caught an emergent tendency (304–5). Hall’s question is prompted by Aristotle’s apparent failure to attend to a topic of dominant interest to classicists with an orientation to cultural and social history. The terms of her answer reflect the same dominant interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Choruses for Dionysus: Studies in the History of Dithyramb and Tragedy by Matthew C. Wellenbach B.A., Williams College, 2009
    Choruses for Dionysus: Studies in the History of Dithyramb and Tragedy By Matthew C. Wellenbach B.A., Williams College, 2009 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics at Brown University PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND MAY 2015 © Copyright 2015 by Matthew C. Wellenbach This dissertation by Matthew C. Wellenbach is accepted in its present form by the Department of Classics as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date________________ _______________________________________ Johanna Hanink, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date________________ _______________________________________ Deborah Boedeker, Reader Date_______________ _______________________________________ Pura Nieto Hernández, Reader Date_______________ _______________________________________ Andrew Ford, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date_______________ _______________________________________ Peter M. Weber, Dean of the Graduate School iii Curriculum Vitae Matthew C. Wellenbach was born on June 4, 1987, in Philadelphia, PA. He first began studying Latin during his primary and second education, and in 2009 he earned a B.A. in Classics, magna cum laude, and with highest honors, from Williams College, located in Williamstown, MA. In the fall of 2008, he was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa. He matriculated at Brown University in Providence, RI, in the fall of 2009 as a graduate student in the Department of Classics. During his time at Brown, he presented a paper on similes in the Odyssey at the 2012 meeting of the Classical Association of the Middle West and South and published a review of a monograph on Aeschylus’ Suppliant Women in Bryn Mawr Classical Review as well as an article on depictions of choral performance in Attic vase-paintings in Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies.
    [Show full text]