Writing Semitic with Cuneiform Script. the Interaction of Sumerian and Akkadian Orthography in the Second Half of the Third Millennium Bc*

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Writing Semitic with Cuneiform Script. the Interaction of Sumerian and Akkadian Orthography in the Second Half of the Third Millennium Bc* WRITING SEMITIC WITH CUNEIFORM SCRIPT. THE INTERACTION OF SUMERIAN AND AKKADIAN ORTHOGRAPHY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM BC* Theo J.H. Krispijn Introduction The oldest written examples of cuneiform script were found by Ger- man archaeologists on clay tablets from the Eanna temple complex in the ancient city of Uruk during excavations in the 1930s. These tablets exhibit some development in their use of script but, since the stratigraphy of this area is extremely complicated and confusing, scholars have had serious problems in dating the documents that are known. But Sürenha- gen (1999), after examining the original fijield notes of the excavators, has recently proposed a more balanced relative chronology for them. – Uruk V: numerical tablets ± 3400 BC – Uruk IVc–b: numerical tablets with logograms ± 3300 BC – Uruk IVa: a more developed script, incorporating logograms and pho- netic signs (phonograms), used for administrative and lexical texts ± 3200 BC – Uruk III(c): an even more developed script, following the canonization of lexical series. ± 3000 BC. Texts of this type have also been found at Jamdat Nasr, Tell Uqair, and possibly at Larsa. Versions of the canonized lexical series of Uruk III (see Englund & Nis- sen 1993) continued to be reproduced till the Early Old Babylonian period (± 1800 BC), so it is possible to read the earlier versions with the help of the later versions, where the script is more easily readable. Phonograms clarifying logograms that we are thus able to recognise can determine the language of these documents. Both lexical texts and administrative documents of the Uruk III period for the most part appear to have been * I am much indebted to Mervyn E. Richardson for improving the English of this paper and for some valuable suggestions concerning the paper itself. 182 theo j.h. krispijn composed in Sumerian, and any use of logograms for phonograms can be explained as a Sumerian rebus:1 – Logogram E2 (/hai/) “house” for the phonogram /ha/ – Logogram GI “reed” for the phonogram /gi/ “to return, to hand over” later written (šu) gi4 – Logogram ZU/SU “flesh” for the phonogram /su/ While we can be reasonably certain that cuneiform was used for Sumerian texts from the Uruk III period onwards, as is especially clear from literary texts from the Fara period (± 2600 BC) which have been handed down in later traditions, it is more difffijicult to establish the language of the texts from Uruk IVa. Only a few phonograms were used in this earlier stage of the script, leading some scholars to think that the language of these texts is also Sumerian while others have serious doubts about that idea.2 The question of the presence of Semitic elements in the cuneiform texts of the Uruk IV/III and subsequent Early Dynastic (ED) I/II Period (3000–2600 BC) is intriguing. Fifty words (14 from the Uruk period and 36 from the ED) have been proposed as Semitic loanwords and names in scholarly literature. But Sommerfeld (2006) has critically discussed all these assumed Semitic elements and concluded that the only loanword that can undoubtedly be regarded as a Semitic loanword is mana “half- kilogram”. Such diverging opinions among Assyriologists make it clear that we are in the middle of a lively discussion about the earliest evidence for Semitic writing. The ED III (2600–2400 BC) period gives a clearer picture concerning Semitic elements. Several Semitic loan words and Semitic (Early Akka- dian) names occur in texts from Fara (Šuruppak), Abū Ṣālābīkh (Kre- bernik 1998, 260–270) and Telloh (Ĝirsu) (Bauer 1998, 437).3 The influence 1 The conventions of the main text are: Bold face for Sumerian and italics for Akkadian phonograms, morphemes and lexemes. Capitals indicate a ‘sign name’, i.e., a translitera- tion of a sign without explicit phonemes that are arbitrarily chosen from all possible trans- literations of a sign. 2 Englund (1993, 80–81) assumes that the texts of the Uruk IVa render a language dif- ferent from Sumerian, but Krebernik (1994) thinks that the language of this period was already Sumerian. The sign AMA could support the Sumerian hypothesis. AMA is a picture of house inscribed with a star and can be interpreted as a depiction of a storageroom (ama5). The inscribed star AN must be read am6 as phonetic indicator for the logogram ama5, that served as phonogram for ama “mother”. 3 The important article by W. Sommerfeld (2010) came too late to use it properly for this article..
Recommended publications
  • Early Uruk Expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan: New Data from Girdi Qala and Logardan Regis Vallet
    Early Uruk Expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan: New Data from Girdi Qala and Logardan Regis Vallet To cite this version: Regis Vallet. Early Uruk Expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan: New Data from Girdi Qala and Logardan. Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 2018, Munich, Germany. hal-03088149 HAL Id: hal-03088149 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03088149 Submitted on 2 Jan 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 445 Early Uruk Expansion in Iraqi Kurdistan: New Data from Girdi Qala and Logardan Régis Vallet 1 Abstract Until very recently, the accepted idea was that the Uruk expansion began during the north- Mesopotamian LC3 period, with a first phase characterized by het presence of BRBs and other sporadic traces in local assemblages. Excavations at Girdi Qala and Logardan in Iraqi Kurdistan, west of the Qara Dagh range in ChamchamalDistrict (Sulaymaniyah Governorate) instead offer clear evidence for a massive and earlyUruk presence with mo- numental buildings, ramps, gates, residential and craft areasfrom the very beginning of the 4th millennium BC. Excavation on the sites of Girdi Qala and Logardan started in15.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on Tell Al-Imsihly: the 2000 and 2001 Seasons Hafiz Hussein Al-Hayyany, Qaiss Hussein Rasheed, Hussein Ali Hamza, and Mark Altaweel
    Report on Tell al-Imsihly: The 2000 and 2001 Seasons Hafiz Hussein Al-Hayyany, Qaiss Hussein Rasheed, Hussein Ali Hamza, and Mark Altaweel Introduction a ,(تل (الامسيحليThis article summarizes two seasons of excavations at Tell al-Imsihly prehistoric site nearly 5 kilometers south of Assur. Archaeological excavations were conducted by Iraq’s State Board of Antiquities and Heritage (SBAH) over a period of two seasons starting in April 2000 and ending in late 2001. Iraqi archaeologists working at Assur were put in charge of investigating the site. Due to damage and incursions on the site from plowing and earthmoving activities, the goals of SBAH’s excavations were to obtain an idea of settlement chronology and activity within and just outside of Tell al-Imsihly. In 2006-2007, Dr. Altaweel collaborated with the Iraqi archaeologists who had excavated the site in order to assist in interpreting some of the archaeological data as well as publication of the excavations to a wide audience. Some original items and records from the excavations are not currently available, and perhaps lost, but the archaeological report compiled by Mr. Hamza and written in Arabic remains. In addition, many of the ceramic drawings and excavation photographs have survived. The data presented by the Arabic report are the basis of the presentation to follow, although some additional details have been provided by Altaweel. Site Background Tell al-Imsihly is located on the west bank of the Tigris along Wadi al-Imsihly, a wadi that flows north to south. Wadi al-Imsihly flows into Wadi al-Shbabit, which is a wadi that flows into the Tigris from west to east.
    [Show full text]
  • Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign
    oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION * NO.42 THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Thomas A. Holland * Editor with the assistance of Thomas G. Urban oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu Internet publication of this work was made possible with the generous support of Misty and Lewis Gruber THE ROAD TO KADESH A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE BATTLE RELIEFS OF KING SETY I AT KARNAK SECOND EDITION REVISED WILLIAM J. MURNANE THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION . NO.42 CHICAGO * ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 90-63725 ISBN: 0-918986-67-2 ISSN: 0081-7554 The Oriental Institute, Chicago © 1985, 1990 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 1990. Printed in the United States of America. oi.uchicago.edu TABLE OF CONTENTS List of M aps ................................ ................................. ................................. vi Preface to the Second Edition ................................................................................................. vii Preface to the First Edition ................................................................................................. ix List of Bibliographic Abbreviations ..................................... ....................... xi Chapter 1. Egypt's Relations with Hatti From the Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign ...................................................................... ......................... 1 The Clash of Empires
    [Show full text]
  • An Introduction to Old Persian Prods Oktor Skjærvø
    An Introduction to Old Persian Prods Oktor Skjærvø Copyright © 2016 by Prods Oktor Skjærvø Please do not cite in print without the author’s permission. This Introduction may be distributed freely as a service to teachers and students of Old Iranian. In my experience, it can be taught as a one-term full course at 4 hrs/w. My thanks to all of my students and colleagues, who have actively noted typos, inconsistencies of presentation, etc. TABLE OF CONTENTS Select bibliography ................................................................................................................................... 9 Sigla and Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................... 12 Lesson 1 ..................................................................................................................................................... 13 Old Persian and old Iranian. .................................................................................................................... 13 Script. Origin. .......................................................................................................................................... 14 Script. Writing system. ........................................................................................................................... 14 The syllabary. .......................................................................................................................................... 15 Logograms. ............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Baseandmodifiedcuneiformsigns.Pdf
    12000 CUNEIFORM SIGN A 12001 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES A 12002 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES BAD 12003 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES GAN2 TENU 12004 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES HA 12005 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES IGI 12006 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES LAGAR GUNU 12007 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES MUSH 12008 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES SAG 12009 CUNEIFORM SIGN A2 1200A CUNEIFORM SIGN AB 1200B CUNEIFORM SIGN AB GUNU 1200C CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES ASH2 1200D CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GIN2 1200E CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GAL 1200F CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GAN2 TENU 12010 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES HA 12011 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES IMIN 12012 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES LAGAB 12013 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES SHESH 12014 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES SIG7 12015 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES U PLUS U PLUS U 12016 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 12017 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES ASHGAB 12018 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES BALAG 12019 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES BI 1201A CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES DUG 1201B CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES GAN2 TENU 1201C CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES GUD 1201D CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES KAD3 1201E CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES LA 1201F CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES ME PLUS EN 12020 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES NE 12021 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SHA3 12022 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SIG7 12023 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SILA3 12024 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES TAK4 12025 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES U2 12026 CUNEIFORM SIGN AD 12027 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK 12028 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES ERIN2 12029 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES SAL PLUS GISH 1202A CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES SHITA PLUS GISH 1202B CUNEIFORM SIGN AL 1202C CUNEIFORM SIGN
    [Show full text]
  • Proto-Elamite
    L2/20­192 2020­09­21 Preliminary proposal to encode Proto­Elamite in Unicode Anshuman Pandey [email protected] pandey.github.io/unicode September 21, 2020 Contents 1 Introduction 2 2 Overview of the Sign Repertoire 3 2.1 Sign names . 4 2.2 Numeric signs . 4 2.3 Numeric signs with extended representations . 5 2.4 Complex capacity signs . 6 2.5 Complex graphemes . 7 2.6 Signs in compounds without independent attestation . 10 2.7 Alternate or variant forms . 11 2.8 Scribal designs . 11 3 Proposed Encoding Model 12 4 Proposed Characters 13 4.1 Numeric signs . 13 4.2 General ideographic signs . 17 5 Characters Not Suitable for Encoding 110 6 References 110 7 Acknowledgments 111 1 Preliminary proposal to encode Proto­Elamite in Unicode Anshuman Pandey 1 Introduction The term ‘Proto­Elamite’ refers to a writing system that was used at the beginning of the 3rd millenium BCE in the region to the east and southeast of Mesopotamia, known as Elam, which corresponds to the eastern portion of present­day Iran. The name was assigned by the French epigraphist Jean­Vincent Scheil in the early 20th century, who believed it to be the predecessor of a ‘proper’ Elamite script, which would have been used for recording the Elamite language, simply on account of the location of the tablets at Susa, which was the capital city of Elam. While no ‘proper’ descendent of the script has been identified, scholars continue to use the name ‘Proto­Elamite’ as a matter of convention (Dahl 2012: 2). Proto­Elamite is believed to have been developed from an accounting system used in Mesopotamia, in a manner similar to the development of ‘Proto­Cuneiform’.
    [Show full text]
  • Grain Accounting Practices in Archaic Mesopotamia1
    ROBERT K. ENGLUND 1 GRAIN ACCOUNTING PRACTICES IN ARCHAIC MESOPOTAMIA1 ROBERT K. ENGLUND The appearance in 1991 of the first volume of a new scientific series entitled Materialien zu den frühen Schriftzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients marked the beginning of a format of publications chosen by the members of the Berlin research project Archaische Texte aus Uruk 2 to present to a wider public certain aspects of our work on the edition and deci- pherment of the earliest written documents from Mesopotamia. This volume, The Proto- Cuneiform Texts from Jemdet Nasr, I: Copies, Transliterations and Glossary, authored by Jean-Pierre Grégoire and myself, represents the desire on our part and on that of the series editors to publish in a form complementary to the primary project publications— in the series ATU, comprising text copies and catalogues of the archaic texts from Uruk/ Warka 3—not only glossaries and commentaries to the Warka material, but also our work on text groups from sites and periods other than the levels Uruk IV–III in Warka. 1 For abbreviations see the dictionaries: W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. Lieferung 16 (Wies- baden: 1981) ix–xvi; I. J. Gelb et al., eds., Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. A (Chicago: 1964), xxiv–xxxiv; Å. Sjöberg, ed., Philadelphia Sumerian Dictionary, vol. B (Philadelphia: 1984) vii–xxv. My thanks are due to Peter Damerow and Jöran Friberg for their comments on earlier versions of this paper, as well as to J.-P. Grégoire and R. Matthews, co-author and collaborator, respectively, in the recent publication of the proto- cuneiform tablets from Jemdet Nasr, of which a number are dealt with in the following.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of Cultural Identities and Territorial Policies in the Longue Durée: a View from the Zagros Piedmont
    The emergence of cultural identities and territorial policies in the LONGUE DURÉE: A view from the Zagros Piedmont R. Vallet, J.S. Baldi, M. Zingarello, M. Sauvage, H. Naccaro, C. Paladre, F. Bridey, C. Padovani, K. Rasheed, K. Raeuf and Q. Halkawt Abstract. Since 2015, fieldwork in the Western Qara Dagh (Sulaymānīyah governorate, Iraqi Kurdistan) is opening up new perspectives on the dynamics of interaction between late prehistoric Southern and Northern Mesopotamia. Two sites, Girdi Qala and Logardan, are being investigated with a special focus on three main historical phenomena between 6th and 3rd millennia BC. A first major event is represented by the diffusion of the Ubaid horizon, which appears to occur as a very early process of acculturation between Halaf and Ubaid cultural entities. Then, the so-called Uruk “oikumene” is attested in the Qara Dagh, three centuries earlier than previously documented in Northern Mesopotamia, at the very beginning of the 4th millennium BC. Later, around the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, the emergence of the so-called “Early Dynastic states” is documented at Logardan by the rebuilding of a monumental citadel. Architectural and ceramic data allow us to reassess these three major cultural dynamics, each of which implies specific modalities of interaction between the North and the South. This variable range of relationships shows that simplistic dichotomies between Northern and Southern people or “cultures” are misleading and ineffective. Indeed, as of the Late Prehistory, northern and southern communities have never evolved separately. Résumé. Depuis 2015, la mission pluridisciplinaire du Qara Dagh occidental (gouvernorat de Sulaymānīyah, Kurdistan iraquien) ouvre de nouvelles perspectives sur les dynamiques d’interaction entre la Mésopotamie du Nord et du Sud.
    [Show full text]
  • The Epic of Gilgamesh
    Semantikon.com presents An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic On the Basis of Recently Discovered Texts By Morris Jastrow Jr., Ph.D., LL.D. Professor of Semitic Languages, University of Pennsylvania And Albert T. Clay, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D. Professor of Assyriology and Babylonian Literature, Yale University In Memory of William Max Müller (1863-1919) Whose life was devoted to Egyptological research which he greatly enriched by many contributions PREFATORY NOTE The Introduction, the Commentary to the two tablets, and the Appendix, are by Professor Jastrow, and for these he assumes the sole responsibility. The text of the Yale tablet is by Professor Clay. The transliteration and the translation of the two tablets represent the joint work of the two authors. In the transliteration of the two tablets, C. E. Keiser's "System of Accentuation for Sumero-Akkadian signs" (Yale Oriental Researches--VOL. IX, Appendix, New Haven, 1919) has been followed. INTRODUCTION. I. The Gilgamesh Epic is the most notable literary product of Babylonia as yet discovered in the mounds of Mesopotamia. It recounts the exploits and adventures of a favorite hero, and in its final form covers twelve tablets, each tablet consisting of six columns (three on the obverse and three on the reverse) of about 50 lines for each column, or a total of about 3600 lines. Of this total, however, barely more than one-half has been found among the remains of the great collection of cuneiform tablets gathered by King Ashurbanapal (668-626 B.C.) in his palace at Nineveh, and discovered by Layard in 1854 [1] in the course of his excavations of the mound Kouyunjik (opposite Mosul).
    [Show full text]
  • Households and the Emergence of Cities in Ancient Mesopotamia
    Households and the Emergence of Cities in Ancient Mesopotamia The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Ur, Jason. 2014. “Households and the Emergence of Cities in Ancient Mesopotamia.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 24 (02) (June): 249–268. doi:10.1017/s095977431400047x. http:// dx.doi.org/10.1017/S095977431400047X. Published Version doi:10.1017/S095977431400047X Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12490321 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Post-print of Households and the Emergence of Cities in Ancient Mesopotamia Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26:2 (2014) CAJ-AR-2013-0011 Jason Ur Professor of Anthropology Department of Anthropology Harvard University [email protected] http://scholar.harvard.edu/jasonur Abstract The world’s first cities emerged on the plains of Mesopotamia (modern Iraq and Syria) in the fourth millennium BC. Attempts to understand this settlement process have assumed revolutionary social change, the disappearance of kinship as a structuring principle, and the appearance of a rational bureaucracy. Most assume cities and state-level social organization were deliberate functional adaptations to meet the goals of elite members of society, or society as a whole. This study proposes an alternative model. By reviewing indigenous terminology from later historical periods, it proposes that urbanism evolved in the context of a metaphorical extension of the household that represented a creative transformation of a familiar structure.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparison of the Polychrome Geometric Patterns Painted on Egyptian “Palace Façades” / False Doors with Potential Counterparts in Mesopotamia
    A comparison of the polychrome geometric patterns painted on Egyptian “palace façades” / false doors with potential counterparts in Mesopotamia Lloyd D. Graham Abstract: In 1st Dynasty Egypt (ca. 3000 BCE), mudbrick architecture may have been influenced by existing Mesopotamian practices such as the complex niching of monumental façades. From the 1st to 3rd Dynasties, the niches of some mudbrick mastabas at Saqqara were painted with brightly-coloured geometric designs in a clear imitation of woven reed matting. The possibility that this too might have drawn inspiration from Mesopotamian precedents is raised by the observation of similar geometric frescoes at the Painted Temple in Tell Uqair near Baghdad, a Late Uruk structure (ca. 3400-3100 BCE) that predates the proposed timing of Mesopotamian influence on Egyptian architecture (Jemdet Nasr, ca. 3100-2900 BCE). However, detailed scrutiny favours the idea that the Egyptian polychrome panels were an indigenous development. Panels mimicking reed mats, animal skins and wooden lattices probably proved popular on royal and religious mudbrick façades in Early Dynastic Egypt because they emulated archaic indigenous “woven” shelters such as the per-nu and per-wer shrines. As with Mesopotamian cone mosaics – another labour-intensive technique that seems to have mimicked textile patterns – the scope of such panels became limited over time to focal points in the architecture. In Egyptian tombs, the adornment of key walls and funerary equipment with colourful and complex geometric false door / palace façade composites (Prunkscheintüren) continued at least into the Middle Kingdom, and the template persisted in memorial temple decoration until at least the late New Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Hieroglyphic Luwian. an Introduction with Original Texts
    Annick Payne Hieroglyphic Luwian An Introduction with Original Texts 2nd Revised Edition 2010 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden ISSN 1867-8165 ISBN 978-3-447-06109-4 Contents Contents................................................................................................................v Preface.................................................................................................................ix Abbreviations.......................................................................................................xi 1 Introduction................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Language and Inscriptions ........................................................................ 1 1.1.1 Luwian ....................................................................................................... 1 1.1.2 Hieroglyphic Inscriptions.......................................................................... 2 1.2 The Script................................................................................................... 5 1.2.1 Writing Materials and Appearance ........................................................... 5 1.2.2 The Signs ................................................................................................... 6 1.2.2.1 Logograms ............................................................................................. 6 1.2.2.2 Determinatives ....................................................................................... 6 1.2.2.3 Syllabograms.........................................................................................
    [Show full text]