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The Department of Anthropology at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition: Motives, Methods, and Messages

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The Department of Anthropology at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition: Motives, Methods, and Messages W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1994 The Department of Anthropology at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition: Motives, Methods, and Messages Jeffrey Daryl Gauss College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Other Education Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Gauss, Jeffrey Daryl, "The Department of Anthropology at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition: Motives, Methods, and Messages" (1994). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625869. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-2df8-5f29 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION Motives, Methods, and Messages A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Anthropology The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Jeff Gauss 1994 ProQuest Number: 10629245 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10629245 Published by ProQuest LLC (2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts ef frey D. Gauss Approved, November 1994 IfVtM/A Norman F. Barka Theodore R. Reinhart Brad L. Weiss Table of Contents Page ABSTRACT ......... iv INTRODUCTION ........................................ 2 CHAPTER I. BACKGROUND OF THE FAIR ................ 10 CHAPTER II. DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY .......... 16 CHAPTER III. THE ETHNOLOGICAL EXHIBITS .......... 25 CHAPTER IV. QUEEN *S JUBILEE & VATICAN EXHIBITS... 45 CHAPTER V. THE INDIAN SCHOOL ...................... 50 CONCLUSION ........................................... 56 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 60 iii ABSTRACT The Louisiana Purchase Exposition of 1904 was held in St. Louis, Missouri to commemorate the centenary of the Louisiana Purchase. The fair covered more than 1200 acres and was attended by over nineteen million people most of whom were eager to absorb the new experiences and insights offered about the past, present and future. In an effort to boost the economic development of their areas and even guide the material growth of the country, the promoters of the exposition used the fairs as a vehicle to form and sway public attitude in the direction of their particular class perspective. The Department of Anthropology, as a puppet of these exposition directors, played a pivotal role in this manipulation and formation of public perspective. The scientific method practised by the Department of Anthropology in the design of exhibits and the interpretation of data gathered from experiments conducted in these exhibits was heavily influenced by the underlying social, political and economic agenda of the fair directors and promoters. Headed by WJ McGee, the exhibits of the Department consisted of displays of cultural artifacts along with ethnological groups living under simulated natural conditions. Displayed as curiosities, trophies, and scientific objects these exhibits illustrate how, rather than serving the cause of science, the Department of Anthropology reinforced and quantified the racial, political, religious and economic agenda of Fair promoters. iv THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY AT THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION Introduction Between 1876 and 1915 the United States was host to five world*s fairs. Known as international or universal expositions, the fairs reflected the singular optimism and simplistic world vision of the time. As an expression of Western cultural development of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the fairs were the result of a special combination of historical forces, conditions, and beliefs that helped shape the world view of millions of Americans. Buttressed by a long history of European fairs, the forces of industrialism, nationalism, urbanization, and the rise of science were the primary factors responsible for the American fairs. Beginning as large, international, industrial displays and showcases for the new inventions and discoveries of science and technology, the fairs quickly acquired a symbolic nature as a means of focusing on cultural self- examination and self-expression. In static societies where the fundamental relations are embedded in the patterns of life, and are therefore assumed and unchallenged, cultural identity seldom exists as a problem. However, in the dynamic society of post-Victorian America where industrial and technological revolution was underway and increasing 2 3 knowledge of other cultures challenged the ideas of cultural isolationism, the concept of cultural definition is more problematic. The great world’s fairs, in the broadest sense, represented the Victorian era’s attempt to both acknowledge the reality of rapid change and to understand and control its direction (Badger 1979). Two of the major factors which influenced both each other and the essential nature of the dominant American culture at the turn of the century were urbanization and industrialization. Underlying all the varied developments that made up American life was the momentous shift of the center of national equilibrium from the countryside to the city; that city being the primary product of the consummation of industrialism (Burg 1976). The general character of America was changing from a static, individualistic, agricultural nature to a dynamic, collectivist and urban culture. Extraordinary increases in the size and population of American cities resulted not only from the shift of population from rural to urban centers but also from the enormous influx of immigrants that occurred in the eighteen eighties and nineties. While growth in the American economy can be attributed to this flow of immigrants, so to can periods of intense nativism and hostility, although such changes produced a more pluralistic and cosmopolitan American society. Hand in hand with urban growth came the development of a 4 major rail system and a national market for standardized goods both of which helped spawn America’s rise to industrial supremacy among the nations of the world. By 1893 America had surpassed all others in the production of timber and steel, the refinement of crude oil, the packing of meat, the extraction of gold, silver, coal and iron, as well as the manufacture of arms and ammunition (Burg 1976). The effects of this industrial might would be translated not only into imperial muscle-flexing but would also make secure the power and position of the businessman in commerce and finance as well as in politics and society. The self-made millionaire had power, status and mobility and by means of his money dominated industries as well as politicians. Thus the American fairs became upper-class creations initiated and controlled by locally or nationally prominent elites (Rydell 1984). The underlying agendas that drove individuals to engage in the arduous production of an exposition were many and complex. While the obvious initial motive of fair promoters was immediate profit, long-term gain for regional, national, and international economic interests provided additional impetus. The fairs were also utilized as a vehicle for maintaining or raising promoter status as regional leaders, and perhaps most importantly, as a means of winning broad acceptance across class lines for their social, cultural, and religious beliefs or priorities. Federal sponsorship was an earmark of the American fairs 5 as expositions were logical arenas for serving commerative purposes and asserting the moral authority of the United States Government. The establishment of exhibits that would "illustrate the function and administrative faculty of the Government in time of peace, and its resources for war, demonstrates the nature of our institutions and their adaptation to the wants of the people” (Rydell 1984). With an increase in industrialization and the resulting economic depressions, exposition directors offered millions of fairgoers an opportunity to reaffirm their collective national identity through lavish displays of government sponsored progress and technology. Along with advanced technology, American culture at the turn of the century was exposed to increasingly authoritative scientific theories about evolution, race and culture. The world’s fair quickly provided a vehicle for the popularization of these new ideas as exposition planners enhanced and drew upon the prestige of the scientific community to make the presentation of America’s progress more convincing (Rydell 1984). As a medium for endorsing popular social attitudes with apparent scientific credibility, the fairs
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