Chapter : Major Political Parties in Assam
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Votes, Voters and Voter Lists: the Electoral Rolls in Barak Valley, Assam
SHABNAM SURITA | 83 Votes, Voters and Voter Lists: The Electoral Rolls in Barak Valley, Assam Shabnam Surita Abstract: Electoral rolls, or voter lists, as they are popularly called, are an integral part of the democratic setup of the Indian state. Along with their role in the electoral process, these lists have surfaced in the politics of Assam time and again. Especially since the 1970s, claims of non-citizens becoming enlisted voters, incorrect voter lists and the phenomenon of a ‘clean’ voter list have dominated electoral politics in Assam. The institutional acknowledgement of these issues culminated in the Assam Accord of 1985, establishing the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), a political party founded with the goal of ‘cleaning up’ the electoral rolls ‘polluted with foreign nationals’. Moreo- ver, the Assam Agitation, between 1979 and 1985, changed the public discourse on the validity of electoral rolls and turned the rolls into a major focus of political con- testation; this resulted in new terms of citizenship being set. However, following this shift, a prolonged era of politicisation of these rolls continued which has lasted to this day. Recently, discussions around the electoral rolls have come to popular and academic attention in light of the updating of the National Register of Citizens and the Citizenship Amendment Act. With the updating of the Register, the goal was to achieve a fair register of voters (or citizens) without outsiders. On the other hand, the Act seeks to modify the notion of Indian citizenship with respect to specific reli- gious identities, thereby legitimising exclusion. As of now, both the processes remain on functionally unclear and stagnant grounds, but the process of using electoral rolls as a tool for both electoral gain and the organised exclusion of a section of the pop- ulation continues to haunt popular perceptions. -
The Politics of Perception and the Citizenship Amendment Act 2019
The Politics of Perception and the Citizenship Amendment Act 2019 Malini Bhattacharjee* The contours of politics often get shaped not so much on the basis of the actual impact of certain policies but more by the perceptions about their impact by different stakeholders. The Citizenship Amendment Act of 2019 and the controversy it has created is an important example in this regard. As Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal gear up for State Assembly elections this year, the CAA is back in public discourse and will possibly be a turning point in deciding the electoral outcomes in at least some states, if not more. Some analysts have argued that the CAA is likely to have an important impact in the elections of Assam as the CAA-NRC controversy has its genesis in Assam and because the sentiment against the ‘foreigner’ has been the highest in the region since several decades now owing to historical reasons. As is the case with several contemporary debates in India, the outlines of the CAA-NRC discourse continue to be framed within the binary walls of secularism vis-à-vis communalism. What appears to be missing in this debate is a serious intellectual reflection on how the CAA validates or deflects from the conceptual idea of citizenship in contemporary times. The larger normative rationale behind the objective of protecting the rights of religious minorities fleeing persecution from neighbouring countries has also been side-lined. While several analysts have criticised the CAA for being unjust to the north eastern states and for violating the Assam Accord, the question of refugees fleeing from erstwhile East Pakistan and Bangladesh has not been sufficiently well examined. -
AR-P-1 February 08 (Front Page)
k k y y m m c c Vol. No. VI Issue No. 18 RNI-ASSENG/2014/58385 | GUWAHATI TUESDAY MARCH 02, 2021 | PAGES 8 PRICE RS. 7.00 Why Covid-19 vaccine is Tiger Woods praises Rory McIlroy and not free for public,... 03 fellow golfers who played in red and black 07 PM Modi Gets 1st Dose NEWS Assam determined to save its Of Covaxin, Sports IN BRIEF Palash Changmai diverse culture : Priyanka Gandhi Assamese Gamocha To Contest Polls need to recognise your leaders and the opposite is happening. Prod- Guwahati, March 1: As those politicians who come and ucts like gamosa (traditional scarf- Assam gears for the up- stand before you during elections towel) are coming from outside. coming Assembly elec- and make promises. If you don't Even fish is being imported from tions this month, Asom recognise their truth, you won't be Andhra Pradesh. Why is it happen- Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chatra able to change your future for the ing?" Gandhi asked.She urged Parishad (AJYCP) gen- better," she said while addressing people to ask these questions to eral secretary Palash party workers at Lakhimpur in Up- those in power. Gandhi urged them Changmai is much likely per Assam.Gandhi was launching to also question why Assam's in- to join Assam Jatiya the party's statewide campaign dustries, tea-gardens and oil fields Parishad (AJP) and con- against rising unemployment and are being handed over to New Delhi, March 1 : As was seen taking the vaccine test election from the the alleged failure of the ruling BJP outsiders."The people running the the second phase of in a live video and he was seen Sonari constituency.As government to fulfil its promise Assam government and the gov- nationwide vaccination sporting a gamocha from per reports, the AJYCP made in 2016 of creating jobs on a ernment in Centre are not worried against coronavirus Assam. -
TERRITORIES of BELONGING Citizenship and Everyday Practices of the State in Bodoland
TERRITORIES OF BELONGING Citizenship and everyday practices of the state in Bodoland Saba Sharma Department of Geography University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Hughes Hall April 2019 Declaration This thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution, except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit of 80,000 words of the Degree Committee for the Faculty of Earth Sciences & Geography. 2 Thesis Summary My thesis looks at the construction of citizenship in the Bodoland Territorial Area Districts (BTAD, or Bodoland for short) in Western Assam, India. The BTAD is an autonomous sub- region within the state of Assam, which in turn is part of a cluster of states in Northeast India. I look primarily at the everyday practices of the state in an ethnically diverse region with a history of separatism, armed militant struggle, and violence between different ethnic groups. Two related strands of difference underlie the notion of citizenship here — the territorialised expression of ethnicity as manifested in the Indian context; and the idea of India’s Northeast as being a space of exception vis-à-vis the rest of the country. -
The Bodoland Agitation and Ethnic Violence in Assam
Volume - 5, Issue- 12, December 2017 IC Value 2016 : 61.33 e-ISSN : 2347 - 9671| p- ISSN : 2349 - 0187 EPRA International Journal of Economic and Business Review SJIF Impact Factor(2017) : 7.144 ISI Impact Factor (2013): 1.259(Dubai) Research Paper THE BODOLAND AGITATION AND ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN ASSAM 1 1 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Jangipur College, Dr. Koyel Basu Jangipur, Murshidabad-742213, West Bengal, India ABSTRACT ssam is a unique case. Its violence has been mostly ethnic, more a function of the complex ties Abetween state interests and demographic patterns. Assamese sub-nationalism started as a linguistic movement where reduced cultural heterogeneity has sharply heightened tensions between the Assamese and other communities. The cultural complexity here demanded a different type of governance. Secessionist movements occurred here and through the 1970s and 1980s massive acts of violence that included massacres/harassment of ‘outsiders’ blockading of oil pipes and damage to state property became part of the movement. The violence of the ULFA and the Bodo militants have also been rampant and violated political and human rights of people with impunity. Assam has witnessed massive sub-national and ethnic violence since the 1980s and it is one of the starkest cases of democracy and human rights violation proceeding hand in hand. However, what needs to be asserted is that the state cannot be wholly blamed or made responsible for the situation of human rights violations in all these regions. Human rights are the bedrock on which a civil and democratic society rests. The Indian Constitution acknowledges this. Federalism and the highly segmented character of Indian society enabled the Centre to function when some states were in political turmoil. -
Faith-Based Citizenship
TIF - Faith-based Citizenship NIRAJA GOPAL JAYAL November 1, 2019 December 11, 1946 meeting of the Constituent Assembly: The Assembly witnessed heated debates on citizenship. | Wikimedia The Citizenship Amendment Bill and the pan-Indian National Register of Citizens mark a foundational shift in the Indian conception of citizenship, providing paths to citizenship for some and driving others on to paths to statelessness. The Indian idea of citizenship – as embodied in the Constitution and the law – is in the throes of a profound and radical metamorphosis. The twin instruments of this transformation are the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB). If the former is carving out paths to statelessness for disfavoured groups, the latter is creating paths to citizenship for preferred groups. While the first is, despite the looming threat of its extension across India, presently limited to the state of Assam, the second is designed to be pan- Indian in its application. Not only do the two need to be read alongside each other, both of these in turn need to be read in the larger context of the Government’s policies towards minorities, whether in the forced ‘amelioration’ of Muslim women by the criminalisation of the triple talaq or the clampdown, since early August, in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir. They need also to be read in the context of the acceleration of violence against minorities over the past few years, especially by vigilante lynch mobs who have been thriving on the promise of legal impunity. An adequate understanding of both the NRC and the CAB depends on an appreciation of the ecosystem for minorities constituted by these twin phenomena, emanating from the state and society respectively. -
“Crisis of Political Leadership in Assam”
“Crisis of Political Leadership in Assam” A Dissertation submitted to Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth for the Degree of Master of Philosophy Degree in Political Science Submitted By Ms.Yesminara Hussain Under the guidance of Dr. Manik Sonawane Head, Dept. of Political Science. Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth, Pune. March - 2015 i ACKNOWLEDGMENT I take this opportunity, to express my sincere gratitude and thanks to all those who have helped me in completing my dissertation work for M.Phil. Degree. Words seem to be insufficient to express my deep gratitude to my teacher, supervisor, philosopher, and mentor and guide Dr. Manik Sonawane, Head- Department of Political Science, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth Pune for his patient guidance, co-operation and invaluable suggestions during this work. He was kind to extend all possible help to me. He has been a limitless source of inspiration to me in my endeavor to explore this area of study. I am extremely grateful to him for all the toil and trouble he had taken for me. I record my deep sense of gratitude to Dr. Karlekar, Dean, Moral and Social Sciences, and Dr. Manik Sonawane, Head, Department of Political Science, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth, Pune. I owe deep sense of gratitude to my father Mr.Mobarak Hussain and mother AleyaKhatun and friends for their encouragement right from the commencement to the completion of my work. Date: 16th Feb.2015 YesminaraHussian Place: Pune Researcher ii DECLARATION I, Yesminara Hussain, hereby declare that the references and literature that are used in my dissertation entitled, “Crisis of Political Leadership in Assam”are from original sources and are acknowledged at appropriate places in the dissertation. -
Introduction
Introduction On 4th April, 1980 the National Executive of the Janata Party adopted a resolution prohibiting members of RSS to continue in the Janata Party. This resolution was sequel to the fears entertained by Chandrashekhar’s Group and a few Socialists who had not left the Janata Party when the split caused by Ch. Charan Singh took place and others that the erstwhile Jana Sangh would capture the party on account its mass base and large army of dedicated workers. This development was anticipated by leaders and workers of the Jana Sangh and RSS background in Janata Party. So they had asked Jana Sangh workers from all over the country to assemble at Delhi before the meeting of the National Executive of Janata Party and to be prepared for all eventualities. The resolution adopted by the National Executive of Janata Party was not acceptable to erstwhile Jana Sangh constituent and to several other leaders and persons in Janata Party who had no RSS background. The Jana Sangh constituent had sincerely worked towards the strengthening and smooth working of the Janata Party. Even though it constituted the largest single constituent of the Janata Party and had a larger popular base in the country it did not ask for proportionate share either in Janata Government or in Janata Party and was content with whatever was given to it. The Jana Sangh constituent wanted Janata Party to succeed and emerge as an alternative to Congress which had ruled the country for three decades prior to 1977. In this background, there was a feeling of regret and unhappiness as well as of good riddance and relief in the Jana Sangh 2 • Party Document Vol-10 workers. -
The Journey of Congress in Assam: Post Independence Period
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org ||Volume 8 Issue 09 Ser. III || September 2019 || PP 46-49 The Journey of Congress in Assam: Post Independence Period Dr. Navajyoti Borah Associate Professor Pandu College, Pandu, Assam, India ABSTRACT: The Politics of Assam like the national politics had been dominated by the Indian National Congress for most of the times after independence. But emergence regional politics, the gradual development of minority politics, consolidation of BJP, etc have made the politics of the state more fragmented, polarised and competitive. Due to the growth of these political alternatives, the one-party dominance of congress party started declining in the state. The party has faced several political setbacks till state assembly election held in 2016. In this article, an attempt is being made to analyze the phases of the journey of congress in Assam taking into account the State Assembly election held so far. Key Words: Electoral Politics, Political Setback, Coalition, Political Parties, Congress, Assam ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -- Date of Submission: 11-09-2019 Date of acceptance: 29-09-2019 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- I. INTRODUCTION: Electoral politics of Assam has a great bearing in the policies of Congress. After independence, the people of the state started following the leaders of the freedom fighters who were mainly from congress party. With occasional breaks in 1978, 1985 and 1996 the part ruled over the state up to 2016 in spite of all allegations of misgovernance, corruption, etc. But due to the changing trend of socio-political environment, the hegemony of congress party over the politics of the state has gradually been eroded over the times in terms of its vote share, support base and seats. -
Identity and Violence in India's North East: Towards a New Paradigm
Identity and Violence In India’s North East Towards a New Paradigm Sanjib Goswami Institute for Social Research Swinburne University of Technology Australia Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2016 Ethics Clearance for this SUHREC Project 2013/111 is enclosed Abstract This thesis focuses on contemporary ethnic and social conflict in India’s North East. It concentrates on the consequences of indirect rule colonialism and emphasises the ways in which colonial constructions of ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ identity still inform social and ethnic strife. This thesis’ first part focuses on history and historiography and outlines the ways in which indirect rule colonialism was implemented in colonial Assam after a shift away from an emphasis on Britain’s ‘civilizing mission’ targeting indigenous elites. A homogenising project was then replaced by one focusing on the management of colonial populations that were perceived as inherently distinct from each other. Indirect rule drew the boundaries separating different colonised constituencies. These boundaries proved resilient and this thesis outlines the ways in which indirect rule was later incorporated into the constitution and political practice of postcolonial India. Eventually, the governmental paradigm associated with indirect rule gave rise to a differentiated citizenship, a dual administration, and a triangular system of social relations comprising ‘indigenous’ groups, non-indigenous Assamese, and ‘migrants’. Using settler colonial studies as an interpretative paradigm, and a number of semi-structured interviews with community spokespersons, this thesis’ second part focuses on the ways in which different constituencies in India’s North East perceive ethnic identity, ongoing violence, ‘homeland’, and construct different narratives pertaining to social and ethnic conflict. -
Assam Postpoll 2021-Survey Findings Jun 2
Assam Post Poll 2021-Survey Findings About the Survey : The Post Poll survey was conducted between March 28 and April 21, 2021 among 3473 voters at 140 polling stations spread across 35 constituencies of the State. The sampling design adopted was multi-stage systematic random sampling. The Assembly Constituencies were randomly selected using the probability proportional to size method. Thereafter, four polling stations within each of the sampled constituencies were selected using the systematic random sampling method. Within each polling station, 40 voters were randomly sampled from the electoral roll using the systematic random sampling method. Of these 40, 25 interviews were targeted. The interviews of electors were conducted face-to-face at their homes after voting had taken place in their area. The findings shown here have been weighted by gender, religion, locality, and caste group based on Census 2011 data and by the eventual vote shares secured by the main alliances - BJP-AGP+ alliance, the Mahajot (Congress-AIUDF-Left+ alliance), and the Asom Jatiya Parishad-Raijor Dal+ alliance - in the election. Q1: Some people here told us that they could not vote in the just held Vidhan Sabha elections. How about you - were you able to vote or not? N (%) 1: Yes, Voted 3258 93.8 2: No, Could not vote 194 5.6 8: No response 21 .6 Total 3473 100.0 a: (If answer is ‘1. Voted’ in Q1 ) So which party or candidate did you vote for from this assembly constituency? N (%) Valid (%) Valid 01: Indian National Congress (INC) 894 25.7 27.4 02: Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) 1136 32.7 34.9 03: Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) 184 5.3 5.6 04: All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) 405 11.7 12.4 05: Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) 44 1.3 1.3 06. -
Factional Politics in Assam: a Study on the Asom Gana Parishad
Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati Doctoral Thesis Factional Politics in Assam: A Study on the Asom Gana Parishad Dipak Kumar Sarma Registration No. 09614110 Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the discipline of Political Science Supervisors: Prof. Abu Nasar Saied Ahmed & Prof. Archana Barua Department of Humanities and Social Sciences Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati Guwahati-781039, Assam, India August, 2017 Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati Department of Humanities and Social Sciences Guwahati - 781039 Assam, India Declaration I hereby declare that the thesis entitled “Factional Politics in Assam: A study on the Asom Gana Parishad” , is the outcome of my research duly carried out in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences (HSS), Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, under the joint supervision of Prof. Abu Nasar Saied Ahmed and Prof. Archana Barua. The academic investigations and reporting of the scientific observations are in conformity with the general norms and standard of research. This thesis or any part of it has not been submitted to any other University/Institute or elsewhere for the award of any other degree or diploma. IIT Guwahati (Dipak Kumar Sarma) Date: August, 2017 Research Scholar TH-1788_09614110 Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati Department of Humanities and Social Sciences Guwahati - 781039 Assam, India Certificate This is to certify that Mr. Dipak Kumar Sarma has prepared the thesis entitled “Factional Politics in Assam: A study on the Asom Gana Parishad” for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences of Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati.