41St Parliament, First Session the Standing Committee on Procedure
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Mr. Speaker, It's My Pleasure to Introduce to You and Through You to Other Members of the Assembly Ms Title: Thursday, March 22, 1990 2:30 P.M
March 22, 1990 Alberta Hansard 213 Legislative Assembly of Alberta MRS. HEWES: Mr. Speaker, it's my pleasure to introduce to you and through you to other members of the Assembly Ms Title: Thursday, March 22, 1990 2:30 p.m. Molly Anderson, who is a teacher from the state of Florida who is here on a Fulbright exchange. Ms Anderson tells us she is Date: 90/03/22 very impressed with the education system in Alberta. [The House met at 2:30 p.m.] head: Oral Question Period [Mr. Speaker in the Chair] Meech Lake Accord head: Prayers MR. MARTIN: Mr. Speaker, to the Premier. Yesterday we learned that the Premier and his western counterparts have MR. SPEAKER: Let us pray. agreed to set up a task force that will try to develop a common front among western provinces to deal with the constitutional Lord, forgive our excessive busyness as we seek to do our crisis. I'd say to the Premier that we welcome this initiative business. because we've watched with growing alarm the constitutional Grant us an awareness of these moments of life that we might crisis developing and the thought that our country could break take on a renewed sense of commitment as we seek to serve all up from lack of unity. At the same time, we are concerned that Albertans. the formation of this common front does not lead to a hardening Amen. of positions and that the committee will explore all avenues that head: Notices of Motions might lead to a solution to this current constitutional crisis. -
The Parliament
The Parliament is composed of 3 distinct elements,the Queen1 the Senate and the House of Representatives.2 These 3 elements together characterise the nation as being a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary democracy and a federation. The Constitution vests in the Parliament the legislative power of the Common- wealth. The legislature is bicameral, which is the term commoniy used to indicate a Par- liament of 2 Houses. Although the Queen is nominally a constituent part of the Parliament the Consti- tution immediately provides that she appoint a Governor-General to be her representa- tive in the Commonwealth.3 The Queen's role is little more than titular as the legislative and executive powers and functions of the Head of State are vested in the Governor- General by virtue of the Constitution4, and by Letters Patent constituting the Office of Governor-General.5 However, while in Australia, the Sovereign has performed duties of the Governor-General in person6, and in the event of the Queen being present to open Parliament, references to the Governor-General in the relevant standing orders7 are to the extent necessary read as references to the Queen.s The Royal Style and Titles Act provides that the Queen shall be known in Australia and its Territories as: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth.* There have been 19 Governors-General of Australia10 since the establishment of the Commonwealth, 6 of whom (including the last 4) have been Australian born. The Letters Patent, of 29 October 1900, constituting the office of Governor- General, 'constitute, order, and declare that there shall be a Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over' the Commonwealth. -
SUBMISSION to the HOUSE of COMMONS STANDING COMMITTEE on PROC Thursday, April 23, 2020
131.194 SUBMISSION TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS STANDING COMMITTEE ON PROC Thursday, April 23, 2020 Gregory Tardi, DJur. Executive Director, Institute of Parliamentary and Political Law Executive Editor, Journal of Parliamentary and Political Law MANDATE FOR THE PROC STUDY The House of Commons of Canada’s Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs would like to invite you to appear before the Committee in view of its study of Parliamentary Duties and the COVID-19 Pandemic. The House of Commons has instructed the committee to study ways in which members can fulfill their parliamentary duties while the House stands adjourned on account of public health concerns caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, including the temporary modification of certain procedures, sittings in alternate locations and technological solutions including a virtual Parliament Le Comité permanent de la procédure et des affaires de la Chambre des communes du Canada souhaite vous inviter à comparaître dans le cadre de son étude sur les fonctions parlementaires et la pandémie de la COVID-19. La Chambre des communes a donné instruction au comité d’entreprendre une étude sur la façon dont les députés peuvent exercer leurs fonctions parlementaires alors que la Chambre est ajournée pour des raisons de santé publique reliées à la pandémie de la COVID-19, y compris des modifications temporaires à certaines procédures, des séances en différents lieux et des solutions technologiques, dont l’idée d’un parlement virtuel. The following text was prepared by its author alone. No member of the Government of Canada or of the House of Commons of Canada was consulted. -
Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: the Effect of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 14.2 (1976) : 345-405
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Article 5 Volume 14, Number 2 (October 1976) Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: The ffecE t of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege Katherine Swinton Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Article Citation Information Swinton, Katherine. "Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: The Effect of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 14.2 (1976) : 345-405. http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol14/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. CHALLENGING THE VALIDITY OF AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT: THE EFFECT OF ENROLMENT AND PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE By KATHERINE SWINTON* A. INTRODUCTION Parliamentary sovereignty has proved a topic of fascination to scholars of constitutional law for many years, as the volume of literature on the subject well demonstrates. Admittedly, the interest has been greater in Commonwealth countries other than Canada. In this country, students of constitutional law have focussed their attention on the division of powers between federal and provincial governments, since federalism has presented problems requiring immediate solution. Yet even here, the question of parliamentary sovereignty has been given consideration, and it is increasingly attracting discussion as interest increases in the patriation of the constitution and statutory protection for individual and minority rights. Within a study of parliamentary sovereignty, reference is normally made to the enrolled bill principle or rule. This precept, regarded by some as an aspect of sovereignty and by others simply as a rule of evidence, states that the parliamentary roll is conclusive - an Act passed by Parliament and en- rolled must be accepted as valid on its face and cannot be challenged in the courts on grounds of procedural irregularity. -
Parliamentary Privilege? Kinship in Canada's Parliament
Feature Parliamentary Privilege? Kinship in Canada’s Parliament In the Canadian parliamentary context, there are numerous contemporary and historical examples of dynastic politicians, but there has been curiously little academic study of this phenomenon. Many questions pertaining to kinship in parliaments remain unanswered. What is the rate of kinship in the Canadian parliament? What has been the rate of change in political kinship over time and can this change be explained? What advantages may dynastic politicians possess and what constraints do they face? This article measures the prevalence of kinship within the lower house in Canada’s federal parliament and presents data on kinship since Canada’s first parliament. After looking at economic and electoral data, it argues that change to make the electoral system more open and socially inclusive offers an explanation for the observable drop in rates of kinship over time. Finally, the paper will conclude with suggested courses for future research. Matthew Godwin Rates of Kinship since Canada’s First Parliament A further 35 Members of Parliament have had kin in parliament through marriage. Winona Grace The below analysis begins in 1867, when Canada MacInnis was married to CCF MP Angus MacInnis, was granted Dominion status from Great Britain, up who served concurrently with her father. A number to the 2011 federal election, and provides data points of female MPs in the early 20th century were related in Figure 1 of ‘Kinship by Seat Total’; which is to say, to other members through marriage, such as the the percentage of MPs who have had relatives serve Independent Conservative MP Martha Louise Black. -
Interview with Darren Praznik 125
INTERVIEW WITH DARREN PRAZNIK 125 Interview with Darren Praznik 160 A good parliamentary system is about checks and balances. Ultimately, the majority will rule, as it should. But the minority members of the House have huge ability to make the government go through a lot of processes before they ultimately rule. - Darren Praznik Any minister who is not prepared to accept reasonable suggestions or improvements from the opposition or the public does so at their own peril. You look stubborn, you look like you're on an ego trip as opposed to being a good minister, and I think you're always better to be flexible in the process. .1 always respected those groups who 2003 CanLIIDocs 77 came to me and said `we're opposed to your public policy decision, but if you're going to do it, these things make it better'. I mean, why would you just want to make it hard for people for no reason? - Darren Praznik I. INTRODUCTION s a young lawyer, Darren Praznik was first elected to the Manitoba ALegislature in 1988. Under Premier Gary Filmon, Darren served as Minister responsible for a wide variety of portfolios, including Labour, Energy and Mines, Northern and Native Affairs, Health, and Highways and Transportation. Darren continued to serve as a member of the Official Opposition from 1999 until February of 2002. He has since served as Executive Director of Government Relations for Canadian Blood Services. Over eleven years in government, Darren was witness to a number of notable legislative crises, including the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990 and the Manitoba Telephone System privatization debate in 1996. -
COVID's Collateral Contagion
June 2020 COVID’s Collateral Contagion: Why Faking Parliament is No Way to Govern in a Crisis Christian Leuprecht The COVID-19 epidemic is the greatest test for the maintenance of Canada’s democratic constitutional order in at least 50 years, certainly since the October crisis of 1970. It is also a bellwether for the way the Canadian state manages risk. Risks that stem from globalization have a common denominator: by definition, no state can manage them alone. However, citizens still expect their state to act. Confronted with dire predictions of immi- nent Armageddon, politicians invoke largely performative measures to signal to citizens that they are acting – to manage a risk that is largely beyond their control. Managing risk has become to individual citizens the essence of the modern welfare state: unemployment insur- ance, health care insurance, mortgage insurance, etc. Such is the essence of “risk society”: the expectations by citizens that the state will manage risks, many of which the state cannot control, such as a global pandemic. Paradoxically, the less control and certainty the state has over a risk that is perceived as existential, the more heavy-handed is its approach. Precisely because of the threatening environment in which it exists and because it is shut out of many international organizations, Taiwan was well prepared for the pandemic and its reaction was measured. By contrast, much of the rest of the democratic world was ill-prepared, which explains the heavy-handed measures taken by many of these countries, including Canada. The author of this document has worked independently and is solely responsible for the views presented here. -
Test Your Knowledge of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario! Discover What a Typical Day Is Like at Ontario's Parliament
Test your knowledge of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario! Discover what a typical day is like at Ontario's Parliament. Fill in the blanks using words from the word bank below. 8:55 a.m. It is 8:55 a.m. and everyone is rushing around in the Legislative Building to get ready for the meeting of the , also called the House, which is about to begin promptly at 9:00 a.m. The sessional bells are ringing throughout the Legislative Building to summon all the Members of Provincial Parliament, or , to the Legislative Chamber. The young Legislative look dapper in their traditional as they scurry about getting the ready for the business day. They take their posts on either side of the Speaker and by the Chamber doors. The Pages serve in the House for approximately two to four weeks during each session. They are grade students from across Ontario, who are here to learn about the legislative process and how works. When in the Chamber, they bring glasses of water and deliver . 9:00 a.m. Each meeting begins with the entry of the Speaker into the Chamber. The is approaching the entrance to the Legislative Assembly. The Sergeant-at-Arms, carrying the mace on her right shoulder, leads the Speaker, the of the House, the Clerks-at-the-Table and two Legislative Pages into the . " !" says the Senior Attendant as the enters the Chamber. Everyone is standing as the takes his place on the dais. The Clerk and the take their places at the big table in front of the Speaker, and he Pages proceed to their assigned posts. -
Parliamentary Privilege
Patterns of change – parliamentary privilege How do the privilege provisions applying to Australia’s national parliament compare internationally? Has the curtailment of traditional provisions weakened the Parliament’s position? Bernard Wright Deputy Clerk, House of Representatives December 2007 PATTERNS OF CHANGE – PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE 2 1. Summary 1.1 The law of parliamentary privilege applying to Australia’s national parliament has undergone significant change, as has the way matters of privilege and contempt are dealt with. This paper examines the law in Australia in comparison to the provisions in other parliaments. It does so by summarising three key provisions and commenting on the law of privilege in the wider legal context. It refers to two models for the privileges and immunities which apply in contemporary parliaments, and notes the way key provisions are dealt with in each model. The paper refers to adaptations in this area of law in other parliaments and to assessments that have been made of the needs of modern legislatures. It suggests that, paradoxically, the processes that involved significant reductions in traditional provisions applying to Australia’s national parliament have strengthened the parliament. The paper ends by speculating about some of the issues that may arise in this area in the future1. 1 I am most grateful to Professor Geoff Lindell, who read through a draft of this paper and made very helpful suggestions for improvement - BW PATTERNS OF CHANGE – PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE 3 2. Privilege in the national Parliament – three key features Freedom of speech 2.1 Members of the national Parliament enjoy the privilege of freedom of speech2. -
Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected]
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers January 2014 Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard Albert. "Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States." Supreme Court Law Review (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert* I. INTRODUCTION The Canadian and United States Constitutions are unique among the constitutions of the world. Partly written and partly unwritten,1 the Constitution of Canada traces its beginnings to a British colonial statute.2 Still today, the patriated Constitution of Canada remains a creation of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.3 The first principle of Canadian government is therefore the continuing though nonetheless largely ceremonial ubiquity of the Crown.4 The Constitution of Canada is also something of a structural hybrid: it authorizes judicial review yet entrenches a limited mechanism for the legislative branch to effectively overrule the Supreme Court.5 The United States Constitution is exceptional in its own right. For Alexis de Tocqueville, the Constitution was “the most perfect federal constitution that ever existed”.6 It is a rare “example of constitutional * Assistant Professor, Boston College Law School; Yale University (J.D., B.A.); Oxford University (B.C.L.); Harvard University (LL.M.). -
Parliamentary Privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and Admissibility: What Use Can Be Made of Parliamentary Materials in Litigation?
Parliamentary privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and admissibility: What use can be made of Parliamentary materials in litigation? I. INTRODUCTION 1. As the Court of Appeal observed recently, “…it has become relatively commonplace in public law proceedings for every last word spoken or written in Parliament to be placed before the court. In particular, debates are relied upon extensively when they should not be and, furthermore, the conclusions of select committees are prayed in aid with the court being asked to “approve” them. For the reasons summarised by Stanley Burnton J in his judgment in Office of Government Commerce v Information Comr (Attorney General intervening) [2010] QB 98, paras 46–48, that should not happen”: R (Reilly) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions [2017] QB 657 at ¶109. 2. The reason that Parliamentary materials should not be used in this way is, of course, Parliamentary privilege. There are two distinct aspects to this: Article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1689; and a wider principle known as the “exclusive cognisance” privilege. The former is statutory, whereas the latter is a feature of the common law. Article 9 cannot be waived even by Parliamentary resolution, but the exclusive cognisance principle can be: R v Chaytor [2011] 1 AC 684 at ¶¶61, 63, 68 per Lord Phillips and ¶130-131 per Lord Clarke. 3. This paper summarises the law in relation to both aspects of Parliamentary privilege (Sections II and III), and then discusses the resulting practical constraints in relying upon Parliamentary material in judicial review and other public law proceedings (Section IV). -
Legislative Priorities and Public Opinion: Representation of Partisan Agendas in the Canadian House of Commons* Erin Penner
Legislative Priorities and Public Opinion: Representation of Partisan Agendas in the Canadian House of Commons* Erin Penner, Kelly Blidook and Stuart Soroka McGill University 5390 Words, + 2 tables, 3 figures Prepared for submission to the Journal of European Public Policy Abstract: Oral questions are a central feature of the Canadian parliamentary system, and a valuable indication of legislators’ issue attentiveness. Here, we consider parties’ behavior in Question Period, with a particular interest in Opposition parties’ representation of the public’s (and publics’) issue priorities. We do so using a content analytic database of oral questions covering three Parliaments from 1988-1999. We begin with some descriptive analyses of the distribution of oral questions across issues and parties, and then explore what drives parties’ attention to issues. Combining the oral questions database with public opinion data, we examine the relationship between the issue priorities of both parties and partisans. In doing so, we examine two different foci of representation: a generalized national constituency, and each party’s partisan constituency. * This research was supported by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and the Fonds québécois de la recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC). The authors are grateful to the Canadian Opinion Research Archive (CORA) at Queen’s University and the Library of Parliament for providing some of the necessary data. Previous versions of this paper were presented at Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, London, Ontario, June 2-4 2005, and at “New Directions in Comparative Public Policy: Policies and Institutions,” a conference held at the University of Aarhus, Denmark, July 1-2 2005.