Parliamentary Privilege
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The Parliament
The Parliament is composed of 3 distinct elements,the Queen1 the Senate and the House of Representatives.2 These 3 elements together characterise the nation as being a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary democracy and a federation. The Constitution vests in the Parliament the legislative power of the Common- wealth. The legislature is bicameral, which is the term commoniy used to indicate a Par- liament of 2 Houses. Although the Queen is nominally a constituent part of the Parliament the Consti- tution immediately provides that she appoint a Governor-General to be her representa- tive in the Commonwealth.3 The Queen's role is little more than titular as the legislative and executive powers and functions of the Head of State are vested in the Governor- General by virtue of the Constitution4, and by Letters Patent constituting the Office of Governor-General.5 However, while in Australia, the Sovereign has performed duties of the Governor-General in person6, and in the event of the Queen being present to open Parliament, references to the Governor-General in the relevant standing orders7 are to the extent necessary read as references to the Queen.s The Royal Style and Titles Act provides that the Queen shall be known in Australia and its Territories as: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth.* There have been 19 Governors-General of Australia10 since the establishment of the Commonwealth, 6 of whom (including the last 4) have been Australian born. The Letters Patent, of 29 October 1900, constituting the office of Governor- General, 'constitute, order, and declare that there shall be a Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over' the Commonwealth. -
SUBMISSION to the HOUSE of COMMONS STANDING COMMITTEE on PROC Thursday, April 23, 2020
131.194 SUBMISSION TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS STANDING COMMITTEE ON PROC Thursday, April 23, 2020 Gregory Tardi, DJur. Executive Director, Institute of Parliamentary and Political Law Executive Editor, Journal of Parliamentary and Political Law MANDATE FOR THE PROC STUDY The House of Commons of Canada’s Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs would like to invite you to appear before the Committee in view of its study of Parliamentary Duties and the COVID-19 Pandemic. The House of Commons has instructed the committee to study ways in which members can fulfill their parliamentary duties while the House stands adjourned on account of public health concerns caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, including the temporary modification of certain procedures, sittings in alternate locations and technological solutions including a virtual Parliament Le Comité permanent de la procédure et des affaires de la Chambre des communes du Canada souhaite vous inviter à comparaître dans le cadre de son étude sur les fonctions parlementaires et la pandémie de la COVID-19. La Chambre des communes a donné instruction au comité d’entreprendre une étude sur la façon dont les députés peuvent exercer leurs fonctions parlementaires alors que la Chambre est ajournée pour des raisons de santé publique reliées à la pandémie de la COVID-19, y compris des modifications temporaires à certaines procédures, des séances en différents lieux et des solutions technologiques, dont l’idée d’un parlement virtuel. The following text was prepared by its author alone. No member of the Government of Canada or of the House of Commons of Canada was consulted. -
Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: the Effect of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 14.2 (1976) : 345-405
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Article 5 Volume 14, Number 2 (October 1976) Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: The ffecE t of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege Katherine Swinton Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Article Citation Information Swinton, Katherine. "Challenging the Validity of an Act of Parliament: The Effect of Enrolment and Parliamentary Privilege." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 14.2 (1976) : 345-405. http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol14/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. CHALLENGING THE VALIDITY OF AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT: THE EFFECT OF ENROLMENT AND PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE By KATHERINE SWINTON* A. INTRODUCTION Parliamentary sovereignty has proved a topic of fascination to scholars of constitutional law for many years, as the volume of literature on the subject well demonstrates. Admittedly, the interest has been greater in Commonwealth countries other than Canada. In this country, students of constitutional law have focussed their attention on the division of powers between federal and provincial governments, since federalism has presented problems requiring immediate solution. Yet even here, the question of parliamentary sovereignty has been given consideration, and it is increasingly attracting discussion as interest increases in the patriation of the constitution and statutory protection for individual and minority rights. Within a study of parliamentary sovereignty, reference is normally made to the enrolled bill principle or rule. This precept, regarded by some as an aspect of sovereignty and by others simply as a rule of evidence, states that the parliamentary roll is conclusive - an Act passed by Parliament and en- rolled must be accepted as valid on its face and cannot be challenged in the courts on grounds of procedural irregularity. -
Parliamentary Privilege? Kinship in Canada's Parliament
Feature Parliamentary Privilege? Kinship in Canada’s Parliament In the Canadian parliamentary context, there are numerous contemporary and historical examples of dynastic politicians, but there has been curiously little academic study of this phenomenon. Many questions pertaining to kinship in parliaments remain unanswered. What is the rate of kinship in the Canadian parliament? What has been the rate of change in political kinship over time and can this change be explained? What advantages may dynastic politicians possess and what constraints do they face? This article measures the prevalence of kinship within the lower house in Canada’s federal parliament and presents data on kinship since Canada’s first parliament. After looking at economic and electoral data, it argues that change to make the electoral system more open and socially inclusive offers an explanation for the observable drop in rates of kinship over time. Finally, the paper will conclude with suggested courses for future research. Matthew Godwin Rates of Kinship since Canada’s First Parliament A further 35 Members of Parliament have had kin in parliament through marriage. Winona Grace The below analysis begins in 1867, when Canada MacInnis was married to CCF MP Angus MacInnis, was granted Dominion status from Great Britain, up who served concurrently with her father. A number to the 2011 federal election, and provides data points of female MPs in the early 20th century were related in Figure 1 of ‘Kinship by Seat Total’; which is to say, to other members through marriage, such as the the percentage of MPs who have had relatives serve Independent Conservative MP Martha Louise Black. -
Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected]
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers January 2014 Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard Albert. "Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States." Supreme Court Law Review (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constructive Unamendability in Canada and the United States Richard Albert* I. INTRODUCTION The Canadian and United States Constitutions are unique among the constitutions of the world. Partly written and partly unwritten,1 the Constitution of Canada traces its beginnings to a British colonial statute.2 Still today, the patriated Constitution of Canada remains a creation of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.3 The first principle of Canadian government is therefore the continuing though nonetheless largely ceremonial ubiquity of the Crown.4 The Constitution of Canada is also something of a structural hybrid: it authorizes judicial review yet entrenches a limited mechanism for the legislative branch to effectively overrule the Supreme Court.5 The United States Constitution is exceptional in its own right. For Alexis de Tocqueville, the Constitution was “the most perfect federal constitution that ever existed”.6 It is a rare “example of constitutional * Assistant Professor, Boston College Law School; Yale University (J.D., B.A.); Oxford University (B.C.L.); Harvard University (LL.M.). -
Parliamentary Privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and Admissibility: What Use Can Be Made of Parliamentary Materials in Litigation?
Parliamentary privilege, Article 9 of the Bill of Rights and admissibility: What use can be made of Parliamentary materials in litigation? I. INTRODUCTION 1. As the Court of Appeal observed recently, “…it has become relatively commonplace in public law proceedings for every last word spoken or written in Parliament to be placed before the court. In particular, debates are relied upon extensively when they should not be and, furthermore, the conclusions of select committees are prayed in aid with the court being asked to “approve” them. For the reasons summarised by Stanley Burnton J in his judgment in Office of Government Commerce v Information Comr (Attorney General intervening) [2010] QB 98, paras 46–48, that should not happen”: R (Reilly) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions [2017] QB 657 at ¶109. 2. The reason that Parliamentary materials should not be used in this way is, of course, Parliamentary privilege. There are two distinct aspects to this: Article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1689; and a wider principle known as the “exclusive cognisance” privilege. The former is statutory, whereas the latter is a feature of the common law. Article 9 cannot be waived even by Parliamentary resolution, but the exclusive cognisance principle can be: R v Chaytor [2011] 1 AC 684 at ¶¶61, 63, 68 per Lord Phillips and ¶130-131 per Lord Clarke. 3. This paper summarises the law in relation to both aspects of Parliamentary privilege (Sections II and III), and then discusses the resulting practical constraints in relying upon Parliamentary material in judicial review and other public law proceedings (Section IV). -
19 03 BR Tomkins.Pdf
THE REPUBLICAN MONARCHY REVISITED THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. By Walter Bagehot.1 Edited by Paul Smith.2 Cambridge University Press. 2001. Pp. xxxii, 253. $21.00 Adam Tomkins3 Of all the works of nineteenth-century British constitutional scholarship that have come down to us, two stand out. Among lawyers it is Dicel that continues to be revered above all others. But among communities of political scientists and journalists it is Bagehot who has that honor. The centenary of Bagehot's English Constitution was marked in 1967 with the publication of a new edition, edited by Richard Crossman. Crossman was a leading minister in the gov ernment of Harold Wilson, who was Prime Minister from 1964- 1970 and again from 1974-1976. Crossman's famous introduction to his edition of Bagehot was a masterpiece of reading the politi cal concerns and preoccupations of 1960s government into the work that Bagehot had written a century earlier, and as a result his introduction now looks very dated-indeed, it has withstood the test of time rather less impressively than have the far older words it introduced.5 Now the brilliant Cambridge University Press series of Texts in the History of Political Thought6 has added a new edition of Bagehot to its formidable list, this new edition edited and introduced by historian Paul Smith.7 To have the new scholarly edition alongside Crossman's more familiar one is welcome. A professional and historical (as opposed to popular and political) appraisal of Bagehot has been long com ing. It has been worth the wait. I. 1826-1877; English essayist, economist and journalist; editor of The Economist, 1860-1877. -
The Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers and Judicial Independence in Canada
Chapter 48 The Rule of Law, the Separation of Powers and Judicial Independence in Canada Warren J. Newman* The Constitution of Canada was modelled on the British tradition of unwritten principles and conventions governing the exercise of legal power to produce a constitutional mon- archy, parliamentary democracy, and responsible government, as well as the American paradigm of constitutional supremacy embodied in written provisions, required in turn by the federal rather than unitary structure of the state. This hybrid model is reflected in the Canadian understanding of the rule of law, which is embodied implicitly in the preamble to the Constitution Act, 1867— Canada was to enjoy ‘a Constitution simi- lar in Principle to that of the United Kingdom’—and explicitly in the preamble to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (itself a part of the Constitution Act, 1982)— ‘Whereas Canada is founded upon principles which recognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law’. The idea of the rule of law is also intrinsic to provisions such as section 7 of the Charter, guaranteeing the right to life, liberty, and security of the per- son and the right not to be deprived thereof ‘except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice’; section 15, protecting and expanding upon Dicey’s1 understanding * BA, BCL, LL.B (McGill), LL.M (Osgoode), Ad E; of the Bars of Quebec and Ontario; Senior General Counsel, Constitutional, Administrative and International Law Section, Department of Justice of Canada. The views expressed in this chapter do not bind the Department. 1 Albert Venn Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, 10th ed. -
Standing Committee on Procedure and Privileges
40TH PARLIAMENT Report 56 STANDING COMMITTEE ON PROCEDURE AND PRIVILEGES Parliamentary Privilege and Intrusive Powers - Interim Report Judicial Proceedings for Declaration Challenging the Validity of the Order made by Legislative Council on 15 August 2019 Presented by Hon Kate Doust MLC (Chair) September 2019 Standing Committee on Procedure and Privileges Members as at the time of this inquiry: Hon Kate Doust MLC (Chair) Hon Simon O'Brien MLC (Deputy Chairman) Hon Martin Aldridge MLC Hon Adele Farina MLC Hon Rick Mazza MLC Staff as at the time of this inquiry: Mr Nigel Pratt, BA, BJuris, LLB (Clerk of the Legislative Council) Mr Paul Grant, BA (Hons), LLB (Deputy Clerk) Mr John Seal-Pollard, BA (Hons) (Usher of the Black Rod) Address: Parliament House 4 Harvest Terrace, West Perth WA 6005 Telephone: 08 9222 7300 Email: [email protected] Website: www.parliament.wa.gov.au ISBN 978-1-925578-76-8 CONTENTS Executive summary .................................................................................................................................. i 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 1 2 The Order made by the Legislative Council ................................................................................ 2 DPC as the Parliament’s Agent ..............................................................................................................................2 Rationale for the Order .............................................................................................................................................3 -
Magna Carta and the Development of the British Constitution
Magna Carta and the development of the British constitution Robert Blackburn explains why, 800 years on, Magna Carta still has relevance and meaning to us in Britain today. agna Carta established the crucial idea that our rulers may not do whatever they like, but are subject to the law as agreed with the society over which Mthey govern. In establishing this point, the Charter laid the foundations for modern constitutionalism and provided the core principles on which all forms of governments should be based, whether monarchies, republics or democracies. Above all, the Charter affirmed some of the most important fundamental freedoms which were later to be embodied in written constitutions and international treaties all over the world. In a sense the Charter may be seen as ‘the first great act’ of the nation, by its guarantee of liberties ‘to all free men of the realm’ pointing the direction of travel towards the development of our representative institutions today. The content and intention of the Charter were naturally the product of time and circumstance. Included in the 63 clauses of the original 1215 version were a number that dealt with immediate political grievances, among them the release of hostages (clause 49) and the removal of King John’s foreign- born officials (clause 50). A primary concern of the Charter’s draftsmen was to remedy the king’s abuse of his feudal rights, by regulating, for example, payments in lieu of military service and control over the property of widows, minorities and intestate estates. At the same time, however, the Charter asserted some fundamental liberties, for example the freedom of the Church (clause 1: the English church shall be free ..) and freedom of movement abroad (clause 42: it shall be lawful for An illustration from the Wriothesley Garter Book of any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and the Parliament of England assembled at Blackfriars in without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, the year 1523. -
Canadian Federalism and the Principle of Subsidiarity: Should We Open Pandora's Box? Eugénie Brouillet
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 54 (2011) Article 21 Canadian Federalism and the Principle of Subsidiarity: Should We Open Pandora's Box? Eugénie Brouillet Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Brouillet, Eugénie. "Canadian Federalism and the Principle of Subsidiarity: Should We Open Pandora's Box?." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 54. (2011). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol54/iss1/21 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Canadian Federalism and the Principle of Subsidiarity: Should We Open Pandora’s Box? Eugénie Brouillet∗ Local assemblies of citizens constitute the strength of free nations. — Tocqueville I. INTRODUCTION Since the 1990s, a renewed interest in federalism as a principle for state organization has become apparent around the world, while integra- tion, at the international level, has boosted national cultural identities and caused them to be more strongly affirmed. The federative principle creates a political and legal structure that can provide ways to express the identities of infra-state nations, by allowing their collective aspirations to be reflected in the political system. New federations have been created (Belgium, South Africa), and new federative systems of government have been devised (Spain, Italy, United Kingdom). -
Judiciary Rising: Constitutional Change in the United Kingdom
Copyright 2014 by Erin F. Delaney Printed in U.S.A. Vol. 108, No. 2 JUDICIARY RISING: CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM Erin F. Delaney ABSTRACT—Britain is experiencing a period of dramatic change that challenges centuries-old understandings of British constitutionalism. In the past fifteen years, the British Parliament enacted a quasi-constitutional bill of rights; devolved legislative power to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland; and created a new Supreme Court. British academics debate how each element of this transformation can be best understood: is it consistent with political constitutionalism and historic notions of parliamentary sovereignty, or does it usher in a new regime that places external, rule-of- law-based limits on Parliament? Much of this commentary examines these changes in a piecemeal fashion, failing to account for the systemic factors at play in the British system. This Article assesses the cumulative force of the many recent constitutional changes, shedding new light on the changing nature of the British constitution. Drawing on the U.S. literature on federalism and judicial power, the Article illuminates the role of human rights and devolution in the growing influence of the U.K. Supreme Court. Whether a rising judiciary will truly challenge British notions of parliamentary sovereignty is as yet unknown, but scholars and politicians should pay close attention to the groundwork being laid. AUTHOR—Assistant Professor, Northwestern University School of Law. For helpful conversations during a transatlantic visit at a very early stage of this project, I am grateful to Trevor Allan, Lord Hope, Charlie Jeffery, Lord Collins, and Stephen Tierney.