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Questions to Consider for 29 June Westminster Hall Debate On Questionstoconsiderfor29June WestminsterHalldebateon“The FutureofSanctions” CampaignAgainstSanctionsonIraq OccasionalBriefing3:25June2000 The Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq (CASI) is a registered society at the University of Cambridge. Its members are all volunteers; its committee members are students. CASI is exclusively concerned with the humanitarian consequences of sanctions on Iraq. It does not support Saddam Hussein’s regime and is not opposed to military sanctions on Iraq. ABSTRACT This document is meant to assist Members interested in participating in Thursday’s debate on the International Develop- ment Select Committee’s report on “The Future of Sanctions” and the government’s response to it. It first provides some context and then presents five basic questions about the sanctions on Iraq which, to CASI’s knowledge, have not been answered by the government. It is hoped that Members might find these questions useful in their own preparations for the debate. The appendices then present a brief chronology of events since the publication of the Committee’s report and some quotations from key figures in this debate and excerpts from some key sources. CONTEXT sanctions. To this end, this document presents and explains five questions that CASI believes must be an- On 10 February the House of Commons Select Com- swered for a coherent Iraq policy to be formulated. To mittee released its report on “The Future of Sanctions” CASI’s knowledge, the government has yet to answer [HC 67]. This recognised that the use of sanctions these questions. had grown substantially over the 1990s and was there- fore concerned with exploring some of the general is- The broader context, the approaching tenth anniver- sues raised by their use. At the same time, as the sanc- sary of the sanctions on Iraq on 6 August, should give tions on Iraq have been the test case and have imposed us pause for thought. Since their imposition, there the greatest human cost on the target population, a has been a stream of clear and consistent reports on considerable portion of the Committee’s report was their effects from various credible sources. given over to discussion of these sanctions. Within four months of sanctions’ imposition, the CIA On 16 May the government response was published. director William Webster testified to the US House The three month interval, longer than usual, is felt to Armed Services Committee that, “the embargo has reflect the complexity of the sanctions issue, cutting increased the economic hardships facing the average across a variety of ministries and departments. Again, Iraqi. … services ranging from medical care to sanita- much of the response addressed the situation in Iraq; tion have been curtailed.” By spring, he predicted, these sections were quite familiar to anyone who has “Iraqis will have made major changes in their diets” received the government’s form letters on Iraq. and that, even if the next harvest was good, “Iraqis will be able to produce less than half the grain they need.” On 29 June the report and response will be debated in [5 December 1990] Westminster Hall. Because of the extraordinary na- ture of the sanctions on Iraq and their continuing hu- Briefing prepared by Eleanor Coghill, Yousef Ghazi- man toll, CASI hopes that the debate will provide an Tabatabai and Colin Rowat. Questions can be directed opportunity to move beyond rhetorical flourishes and to Colin at (07768) 056 984, fax (0870) 063 5022, e- engage more seriously with the issues raised by these mail [email protected] or by post at 393 King’s College, Cambridge CB2 1ST. 1 tragedy unfold in Iraq. Over the last decade, Parlia- The first UN humanitarian mission to Iraq after the ment has debated these matters on numerous occa- Gulf War reported that the “recent conflict has wrought sions. And yet, a decade on, the UK’s own resolution near-apocalyptic results upon the economic infrastruc- makes explicit its continued willingness to bargain with ture” and concluded that “the humanitarian situation in Iraq”. It is unmistakable that the Iraqi people may Will Thursday’s debate recognise that a decade of de- soon face a further imminent catastrophe, bates have failed the people of Iraq and rightfully tar- which could include epidemic and famine, if nished our name? Will it initiate a process of more massive life-supporting needs are not rapidly sober engagement with the issues surrounding the dif- met… Time is short. [Report on humanitar- ficult question of how to conduct a dispute with a ian needs in Iraq in the immediate post-crisis dictator without punishing innocents? environment by a mission to the area led by the Under-Secretary-General for Administra- QUESTIONS tion and Management, 10- 17 March 1991, S/22366, § 37. 20 March 1991] This section sets out a number of questions, followed by the context behind them. These early warnings were insufficient to mobilise the resources necessary to restore Iraq’s civilian infrastruc- 1. ture and to otherwise meet civilian needs. In 1999, Unicef published the extraordinary estimate that an The government often points to Security Council additional half million Iraqi children under five died Resolution 1284 as an example of its “commitment between 1991 and 1998. [Iraq surveys show ‘humani- to helping the Iraqi people”. 1284’s humanitarian tarian emergency’. 12 August 1999] Over these eight measures fall into two categories: improvements un- years an average three hour period, the length of Thurs- der sanctions and the suspension of sanctions. The day’s debate, would therefore see 21 additional under- first set are a subset of the recommendations of the five deaths in a country one third the UK’s size. Security Council’s 1999 Humanitarian Panel report, Unicef’s most recent child malnutrition survey in which estimated that adoption of its recommenda- South/Centre Iraq finds “little if any change” since tions “may lead to incremental improvements”. The 1997. [Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to second requires a lengthy period of co-operation on paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution 1281 weapons inspections. Given the modest claims for (1999), S/2000/520, § 53. 1 June 2000] the first set of measures, and the current deadlock over weapons inspections, can the government tell us what It is certainly true that the Iraqi government has not steps it has taken to assess the probable quantitative made the insulation of its population against the sanc- humanitarian impact of Security Council Resolution tions its paramount priority. It is also true that the 1284? If it has taken such steps, what does its assess- UK has supported increased humanitarian exemptions ment find? If it has not, how can it explain its confi- to the sanctions (the “oil for food” programme). It is dence in 1284? equally true, though, that sanctions are a coercive in- strument that coerce by inflicting hardship. UN docu- 2. ments consistently report that the “oil for food” pro- gramme “was never intended as a substitute for the What are the government’s performance goals for SCR resumption of normal economic activity, and cannot 1284? When will the government decide whether be expected to address the whole range of needs of the 1284 has achieved those goals and what contingency Iraqi population.” [S/2000/520, § 115] plans is it developing in the event that those goals are not achieved? The motion that Britain successfully steered through the Security Council in December, SCR 1284, recog- Additional context of questions 1 and 2 nises this as well. It offers “to suspend [non-military sanctions] with the fundamental objective of improv- The first quotation above is from the government’s ing the humanitarian situation in Iraq”. [S/RES/1284, response to the Committee’s report. The second, from § 33. 17 December 1999] the Humanitarian Panel report, is taken from § 51. The full reference for this report is: Report of the sec- CASI hopes that Thursday’s debate will be sensitive to ond panel established pursuant to the note by the presi- this context. We have, over the last decade, watched a dent of the Security Council of 30 January 1999 (S/ CAMPAIGN AGAINST SANCTIONS ON IRAQ 2 1999/100), concerning the current humanitarian situ- Post, 6 January 1999]. ation in Iraq, S/1999/356 Annex II. 30 March 1999. 4. The potentially most generous recommendation of the Humanitarian Panel report, that Iraq’s compensation The conditions for lifting the non-military sanctions payments be temporarily reduced, was not included on Iraq are famously ambiguous. Attempts to inter- in SCR 1284. This reduces further what can be ex- pret SCR 687, which extended the sanctions in 1991, pected of it. divided the Security Council. US politicians from Bush to Clinton and Albright have publicly linked 3. the sanctions to the persistence of the Iraqi regime above any avowed UN objectives. British diplomats According to UN resolutions, one of sanctions’ cen- during the SCR 1284 negotiations described their tac- tral aims is to place pressure on Iraq to encourage its tic as one of “creative ambiguity”. The European Par- government to abandon its non-conventional weap- liament has therefore called for the Security Council ons. It is, of course, objectionable to harm a civilian to clarify “the terms of Resolution 1284 by specifying population in order to place pressure on a government precisely what is required of the Iraqi government”. over which it has little influence. These objections Does the government support the European Parlia- might be overcome if the human costs imposed by ment’s call? If so, what is it doing to implement it? If the sanctions was outweighed by their benefits. not, why not? However, senior UN weapons inspectors not only 5.
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