Implications ofthe Distribution ofNames for Cotton (Gossypium spp.) in the Indo-Pacific
Received 16 December 1980
RUBELLITE K. JOHNSON AND BRYCE G. DECKER
INTRODUCTION UMANS HAVE BEEN ATTRACTED to cotton for a very long time. No less than four species of Gossypium have come under domestication on at least three conti H nents. The Old World diploid (n = 13) cultigens G. herbaceum and G. arboreum were domesticated in association with spinning and weaving in Southwest Asia (San thanam and Hutchinson 1974:89-91), where cloth fragments were found in the remains ofthe Harappan civilization ofthe Indus Valley 2300-1700 B.C. (Vishnu-Mittre 1974). In Tehuacan Valley, Mexico, domesticated cotton, probably G. hirsutum, has been dated to 3500-2300 B.C. (Smith and Stephens 1971:167). From Peru comes the oldest known arti fact of cotton, a twined textile from the Andes dated 4550-3100 B.C. (MacNeish 1977: 780), and cotton remains from coastal Peru, that have been dated about 2500 B.C., may represent an early stage in the domestication of G. barbadense (Stephens and Moseley 1974). The geography of ancient cotton technologies sweeps almost around the world, east ward from East Africa and the Middle East across the Pacific to the New World. The New World cottons G. hirsutum ("upland") and G. barbadense ("Egyptian;' "Sea Island") are tetraploid (n = 26) and have proven vastly superior in modern cultivation to the Old World diploids, which have been displaced to relic or curiosity status by the New World cottons almost everywhere but in India, even in traditional cultivation (Santhanam and Hutchinson 1974:97; Phillips 1976). We shall show evidence ofborrowing ofwords for 'cotton' over time and distance that is
Rubellite K. Johnson is affiliated with the Department orIndo-Pacific Languages, University ofHawaii, Hono lulu. Bryce G. Decker is affiliated with the Department ofGeography, University ofHawaii, Honolulu. Revised manuscript received 4 December 1981. 250 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 even broader in scope. Taken together, ifnot quite hand-in-hand, since 'cotton' can mean many things besides 'Gossypium', the lexical and botanical lines ofevidence seem to bear important clues for an amplified view ofcultural history. We begin to see prehistoric tran sits and transplantings of words and techniques of fiber technology. From an apparent nexus in India, the set of words eventually embraces the whole of Eurasia and the Indo Pacific islands. Finally, there appear faint echoes of the same thing in the New World as well. Our study of words and meanings as they relate to 'cotton' involves very many species and substances besides Gossypium. Gossypium is a very promising focus, however, because it is well known genetically, thanks to the efforts ofcotton breeders during more than half a century. The powerful tools ofgenetics applied to evolutionary studies ofcultivated and wild Gossypium species have enlightened us about the role of cotton and textiles in the archaeology and history of both the New and the Old worlds (Fryxell 1965; Hutchinson 1962,1974; Hutchinson, Silow, and Stephens 1947; Phillips 1963, 1976; Stephens 1973; Santhanam and Hutchinson 1974). Our interest in Gossypium and native names for it first centered on the islands of the Pacific Ocean. That interest had been quickened by papers by Stephens (1963) and Fry xell (1965), both cotton geneticists with scholarly interest in the historical relations between Gossypium and human affairs. They pointed to the presence ofindisputably wild and probably indigenous species scattered across the Pacific from the Galapagos to north ern Australia and Saipan. Stephens concluded from historical evidence that the wild Gossypium species were known to and effectively used by Polynesians before the arrival of Europeans. His evi dence was threefold: (1) the botanist Solander on Cook's first voyage (1768-1771) had recorded Polynesian names for 'cotton' (Gossypium sp.); (2) the Marquesans possessed an ancient tool for cleaning cotton that had no comparable model outside ofPolynesia to sug gest that it had been borrowed; and (3) the local economic value of Gossypium was singu lar, in that it was used in lamp-wick and for tinder in kindling fire. The native Gossypium species of the Pacific Islands, wild and uncultivated, were gathered for nontextile purposes by the Polynesians, who had no looms. The nontextile uses of 'cotton' (not exclusively Gossypium) recur insistently in our lexical studies. We now see that the Polynesian ways ofusing 'cotton' were at one time very extensive in the world. Native names collected by Solander in eastern Polynesia in the eighteenth century were also noted by Stephens in western Polynesia, indicating an early linguistic connection. To Stephens' list of native words (vavae, vavaz) for 'cotton' (Gossypium spp.; Ceiba pentan dra) we may add the forms listed in Table 1, which permit us to evaluate the distribution of vavae 'cotton' (Gossypium spp.) in Polynesia before attempting to locate or to recon struct a proto-Austronesian form. Study of the Polynesian forms vavae "v vavai in relation to other Austronesian forms indicates that they are not uniformly distributed throughout Austronesian. l The closest Austronesian forms seem to occur in eastern Indonesian languages in island groups between New Guinea and Celebes. Unless data are incomplete, Polynesian vavae "v vavai are lacking in Melanesia and Micronesia. The Fijian form vavau 'cotton' in Melanesian, cited by Stephens, is not cognate with vavae "v vavai but rather with Poly nesian fau "v hau 'cordage', as of hibiscus (Hibiscus tiliaceus). Benedict (1975:249) cites Niala wai 'fire' (Pim, Ceram) in eastern Indonesian, which suggests an association between 'cotton fluff' and firemaking that is consistent with Polynesian forms vavae "v JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 251
TABLE 1. ADDITIONAL FORMS OF NATIVE POLYNESIAN WORDS FOR COTTON
LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS
Tongan vavae kana 'milkweed' vavae 'cotton, kapok' (Churchward 1959) tupenu 'cotton' fila 'cotton' (sewing thread) Samoan vavae 'general name for cotton, Gossypium spp.' (Milner 1966) vavae 'large tree (Ceiba spp.), kapok tree'
Marquesan vevai 'cotton' ha'avai 'cotton' haha'avai 'cotton, cotton plant' purupuru 'cotton, cotton plant, Gossypiulll' uruuru 'cotton, cotton plant' (Dordillon 1904)
Tahitian vavai 'Gossypium religiosum' (Andrews 1944) Rarotongan vavai 'cotton, kapok' (Savage 1962) vavaimamau 'kapok' 'ua vavai 'cotton seed' pu vavai 'cotton, tree or plant' mamau 'kapok tree Ceiba caesaria medicus; the silky product ofthe ripe pods ofthe tree' (Savage 1962) (mamaku) 'species oftree fern' Tahitian mama'u, mamau 'tree fern' (cf. Rarotongan vavai mamau 'kapok'; mamau 'kapok tree'; mamaku 'species oftree fern')
Hawaiian ama'u, ma'uma'u Cibocium spp. offern yielding pulu pulu (Elbert and Pukui 1973) (cf. Marquesan purupuru 'cotton') pulu, pulupulu 'fluffor down, as on plants; hairy down on the ama'u tree fern used as stuffing' pulu, pulupulu 'cotton' (post-European usage) huluhulu ma'o plant
ma'o 'Gossypium tomentosum' (Elbert and Pukui 1973); probably from 'green' ('oma'o) dye used to color tapa cloth
vavai 'cotton, fuse' (tinder). Except for the scant evidence from eastern Indonesia, Aus tronesian languages on the whole generally lack the proto-form for Polynesian vavae rv vavai 'cotton, fuse'. Was it then borrowed from languages outside the Austronesian family? Indeed, Aus troasiatic languages farther west in Mainland Southeast Asia do provide proto-forms for 252 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 vavae 'V vavai that are reflected in the languages ofCeram and Polynesia. Thai, Laotian, and Vietnamese forms for 'cotton', 'fire', 'kindling', 'tinder', 'spark', 'light', and in cur rent modern usage, 'electricity' (electric light) are similar to Polynesian vavae 'V vavai. It is linguistically important to note, however, that Austroasiatic forms are monosyllabic and phonemically distinguishable by tone and vowel length, so that 'cotton' (Jaay) in Thai has a longer vowel and falling tone while 'fire' (Jay) has a short vowel and mid-tone. The Polynesian forms vavae 'V vavai, which are comparable to Austroasiatic vay 'V bay 'V pay 'V fay 'cotton', 'kindling', may thus combine two sememes into one disyllabic morph implying either oftwo possible developments: (1) a fusion ofAustroasiatic forms fay 'fire' andfaay 'Gossypium ssp.', or (2) a separation in Austroasiatic between 'cotton' as 'plant' and 'kindling' through tone differentiation, assuming that at one time 'cotton' and 'fire' were semantically associated. If not, then the Polynesian speakers may have treated these Austroasiatic forms as homonyms, the fusion of which produced the reduplicated forms vavae'V vava i. (Table 2 compares Polynesian and Austroasiatic forms, some ofwhich are indicated in Fig. 1. Scholars are divided in opinion about including Thai and Laotian in
TABLE 2. COMPARISON OF POLYNESIAN AND AUSTROASIATIC FORMS
LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS
Polynesian Samoan vavae 'cotton, fuse' (Milner 1966)
Tongan vavae (0 e ma'ama) ~wickJ vavae (e ma'ama kasa) 'mantle, as ofa benzine lantern' filo 'cotton, fuse' (Churchward 1959) Tongan pate 'burner, as ofkerosene lamp' (Churchward 1959) Marquesan pate 'tinderbox' (Stephens 1963) Tahitian pate 'to strike a light' (cf. pata 'to strike') (Andrews 1944) Marquesan pukohe patu ahi 'tinderbox' (Dordillon 1904) (patu 'to strike'; cf. Indonesian batu api 'to strike' as flint in making fire) pukohe 'bamboo cylinder tinderbox'
Marquesan purupuruluruuru 'tinder' (Dordillon 1904) (cf. purupu ruluruuru 'cotton') Hawaiian pulu, pulupulu 'to kindle as fire' (Elbert and Pukui 1973) pulupulu 'kindling, tinder'
A ustroasiatic Thai tonfaj I-fay/* 'source of Itonl 'fire' */j = fl khoom-faj 'lantern, lamp' (Haas 1964: 10 1) pleewfaj 'flame (pleew)' (Haas 1964:330) pidfaj 'to turn offlights; electricity' (Haas 1964:320) Laotian da:ng fay 'kindle' (Marcus 1970: 117) ma:t fay: 'spark' (Marcus 1970:209) JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 253
-ci Q. en .S:! c t).m tV en ·os Q) tVegC 1;) en ««::J ::J
, 254 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980
Austroasiatic. Until the matter is settled, we have decided to leave Thai and Laotian in Austroasiatic.) Aside from the similarity of Polynesian vavae 'cotton, wick, fuse' to Thai/Laotian fay 'lamp, flame, spark, kindle', Table 2 shows that the association between 'cotton' and 'fire' persists in other Polynesian forms for 'cotton', that is, purupuru, uruuru (Marquesan) 'cot ton, tinder'. These forms establish an old association between 'cotton' or 'down, fluff, as of any tinder used to kindle fire, judging by other supportive data from Polynesian, Altaic, and Austroasiatic languages. Evidence from western Austronesian and other adja cent but unrelated languages helps to sort out the Austroasiatic connection between 'fire' and 'down', as of,cotton' in Thai (Table 3 and Fig. 2). Other Austroasiatic forms for 'cotton' vay '" fay 'cotton' are primarily associated with 'cloth, thread' rather than fire. These forms, which register initial consonant /v/ with cor responding reflexes (b, p, j, ~), suggest that Polynesian vavae'" vavai 'cotton, tinder' retain a conservative form that does not carryover the semantic association of 'cotton' with 'cloth' nor undergo the internal sound changes within Austronesian from /v/ to /p/ to /f! and /y/ that one normally expects in Polynesian reflexes ofproto-forms. In fact, similar consonant changes appear in Austroasiatic (vay '" bay'" pay'" fay '" ~ay) 'cotton' (see Table 4 and Fig. 3). The forms shown in Table 4 are perhaps referable to Austroasiatic ko'paih (Bahnar) 'cotton' (Guilleminet 1959), to which the Austronesian variant kiJpaih (Jarai) on the Asian continent is attributable. Etymological study of these forms to find the proto-etymon and parent language is complex and may involve, in Przyluski's view (1924, 1929), a pro longed history ofassociation between 'cotton' and the 'carding bow' (panah).
TABLE 3. EVIDENCE FROM WEST AUSTRONESIAN AND ADJACENT, UNRELATED LANGUAGES FOR THE CONNECTION BETWEEN FIRE AND DOWN
LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS
Hawaiian pulu, pulupulu 'down, as offem' pulu, pulupulu 'coconut fiber, sennit' pulu, pulupulu 'to kindle, as fire' pulupulu 'kindling, tinder' Marquesan purupuru, uruuru 'cotton' purupuru, uruuru 'tinder' Formosan 'apulu 'fire' (Tsuchida 1971) Old Japanese bur, aburu 'expose to fire' (Rahder 1953) Korean pul 'fire' (Rahder 1953)
Thai pujpuj (j = y) 'to be downy, fluffy, bushy, shaggy' pujfllaj 'cotton fiber, cotton wool' (Haas 1964:322) sam:bfaaj 'boll ofcotton' fai 'cotton, Gossypium herbaceum' (McFarland 1969:555) Thai pleewfaj 'flame' (pleew-) + faj 'cotton' (Haas 1964:330) vai 'fire, kindling' '--to Austroasiastic =r: Austronesian zen o Z > Z t::I tJ t>j () ~ ~ Z Il:l .-+ EJ vevai v.v.. Z Il:l S vav.. (l) 00 vava. (51 "'1n .-+o .-+o ::s Fig. 2 Distribution ofvai "v fay 'fire, kindling' in Austroasiatic, Thai, and Austronesian. tv U1 U1 256 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 4. CONSONANT CHANGES IN AUSTROASIATIC FORMS FOR COTTON LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Vietnamese Yay, bay, pay, ay 'cotton' (Marcus 1970) Muong Vietnamese Yay, (b)vay·, byay', pay', flay·, 'cloth' (Thompson 1976:1167) *h8pay Vietnamese vai [SV bol 'cloth, material, fabric, cotton cloth' (Dinh-Hoa 1970:526) Old Khmer canhvay 'skein' Modern Khmer c:JlJva:y 'skein' (Jacob 1976:643) Laotian fay 'cotton' (Marcus 1970) say fay 'cord, wire' (Marcus 1970) Thai phaafay 'cotton cloth, cotton fabric' (Haas 1964:322) The Relationship between Austronesian, Austroasiatic, and Indo-European Words for 'Cotton': A Case for Affinity Polynesian forms for coconut 'sennit', as kafa (Tongan) 'V 'aha (Hawaiian), are appar ent reflexes of Proto-Austronesian (PAN) kapas 'V kapat 'cotton', 'thread'. Although botanical referents differ, the semantic relationship between the forms for 'coconut sennit' and 'cotton' is to be found in the common utility ofthe plants as cordage fiber. This por tion of our study will examine the widespread distribution of these fiber terms in Aus tronesian, Austroasiatic, Indo-European, and Altaic languages and will also consider the opinions of linguistic scholars Przyluski (Austroasiatic), Schmidt and Mayrhofer (Indo European), Turner (Indo-Aryan), Burrow and Emeneau (Dravidian), Rahder (Altaic), and Dempwolff(Austronesian) for the etymological origins ofkapas 'cotton'. Przyluski (1924:70) theoretically reconstructed an Austroasiatic root *bas for 'cotton' contra Schmidt (Rahder 1953 (9):214), who argued for a Greek origin in byssus 'V bussos 'cotton' for all comparable Indo-European forms for Gossypium and Ceiba species. So far as is known Austroasiatic forms for 'cotton' are usually regarded as loans from Indo-Aryan (see Table 5). The close relationship between Austroasiatic and Indo-Aryan forms is obvi ous from Figure 4 and Table 6 (Turner 1966: 146). Although linguistic evidence allows Przyluski to postulate an Austroasiatic proto-ety mon, the botanical, historical, and geographical evidence apparently favors India and Indo-Aryan as the parent source ofkapas. The earliest-known archaeological cotton in the Old World has come from Mohenjo-Daro (2300-1750 B.C.; Vishnu-Mittre 1974), where woven cloth was unearthed that demonstrates the existence of a sophisticated textile industry based upon a cotton domesticated prior to that time (Santhanam and Hutchinson 1974:90; Wheeler 1966:67-72). The people who inhabited Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa may have spoken Indo-Aryan. Their Indus Valley cradle of civilization had been occupied formerly by Dravidian speakers, who were largely displaced to the southeastern contiguous parts of peninsular India by Indo-Aryan invaders. vai 'cotton' (thread, cloth) '--Io :::t: Z oen Z ) Z t:1 t:J t%l (') ~ t%l ~ Z ...... ll:l <: n Z ll:l ~ '"~ '"1 on ..... o ::s Fig. 3 Distribution ofvai "v fay 'cotton (thread, cloth)' in Austroasiatic and Thai. ~ V1 -:J 258 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2)~ 1980 ..; !,>. f!! a ?.., I~ .g !; ?.., ~ i~ I~:i .t; os ,p "tl ::: os '::: .~ B y'0 j ... .s~ -q< toil ~ JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 259 TABLE 5. AUSTROASIATIC FORMS FOR 'COTTON' REGARDED AS LOANS FROM INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGE WORD Khmer (Modern Standard) k(r)abah (Jacob 1974:5) kappasa Ikapbaahl TABLE 6. INDO-ARYAN FORMS THAT SHOW A CLOSE RELATIONSHIP TO AUSTROASIATIC FORMS LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit karpasa 'cotton plant' (Gossypium) Pali kappasa 'cotton, silk-cotton tree' (Bombax) KonkanI kappusa 'cotton' Nepali kapasika 'cotton plant' kapasi 'cotton' Bihari, Bhojpurr kapsr 'cotton plant' Sinhalese kapu 'cotton tree, cotton' kapaha 'cotton tree' Sindhi kapaha 'cotton' Lahnda kapah 'cleaned cotton' Assamese kapah 'cotton, cotton plant, cotton wool' Panjabi kapah 'cotton plant' Kati (Katei) karbeso 'cotton' Dumaki gupasa 'cotton' Burushaski gupas 'cotton' Panjabi kupah 'cotton plant' Khowar karvas 'cotton' Persian karvas 'cotton' Shina khayas 'cotton' By the first millennium B.C., cotton cultivation for the purpose ofcloth-weaving may be seen moving out ofIndia in at least three directions: (1) westward into Assyria at the time of Sanherib, 704-681 B.C., (Isaac 1970:72); (2) southwestward into Sudan at Meroe by 500 B.C. to A.D. 200 (Hutchinson, Silow, and Stephens 1947:90); and (3) eastward through Bengal and beyond, to Burma, Southeast Asia, and Malesia by the beginning ofthe Chris tian era (Hutchinson, Silow, and Stephens 1947:87; Crawfurd 1820 (1):439-442). Bearing in mind India as a probable home ofcotton cloth manufacture, examination of Old World forms for 'cotton' and 'cotton cloth' across the continental corridor from Tur- 260 Asian PerspectivesJ XXIII (2), 1980 key and the Fertile Crescent countries into the Mediterranean reveals a consistent set of karpasa forms in Romance and Semitic languages. The association with 'linen' indicates that the form was borrowed into these languages west of India and Persia, probably as a result of the wide trade in silk and cotton fabrics. Old Mediterranean trade produced the famous "Jerusalem cottons," known by the names bazas, payas, baquins. Reminiscent of bazas for Jerusalem cotton is Serbo-Croatian bez 'linen or cotton cloth', ascribed to Turk ish bez, originally from Arabic bez. Modern forms in New Persian, Armenian, and Arabic for 'fine fabriclcloth' appear to be borrowings from Indo-Aryan (Table 7 and Mayrhofer 1956:174). These forms are not to be confused with linear cognates ofSanskrit karpasa but may be referred to as loans within Indo-European. It is interesting to note, however, that in the farthest extension ofbasic forms from India to Europe and from India to Southeast Asia, the lsI phoneme in the root *bas "v pas is consistent. Yet, in Indo-Aryan itselfa distinction is noticeable between lsI and ItI phonemes, the /sl usually in forms for 'cotton' as 'raw cot ton' or 'cotton plant', versus ItI and variables Idl and Irl for 'cotton cloth'. In addition to these phonemic sets, it is equally important that the ItI phonemic set does not limit the fiber set to 'cotton' exclusively and includes 'silk', 'leather', 'linen', as well as 'wool', 'hair' in addition to 'cloth' or any other fabricated article ofcovering for the body as 'gar ment' or 'tent' (Table 8). Austroasiatic forms, ifthey are borrowings from Indo-Aryan, seem not to associate 'cot ton' with 'cloth' (as in the Indo-European) but instead to designate the fiber and the plant. It is also important to note that even among Indo-Aryan forms for 'cloth', only one, the Kashmiri kapur indicates 'cotton cloth' in the karpara set, which upon close examination reveals that the set of fiber referents favor 'wool', 'silk', and 'jute' as well as 'cotton'. It may be appropriate to deduce here, ifonly temporarily, that there is a closer adherence for 'cotton', semantically, between Indo-Aryan and Austroasiatic than between Indo-Aryan and European forms listed; this may indicate an earlier borrowing relationship between Indo-Aryan and Austroasiatic. What, then, may be said about the Austronesian forms that are apparent borrowings from Indo-Aryan? In contrast with Austroasiatic forms, Aus tronesian retains a conservative trisyllabic form that Austroasiatic is lacking, and which is TABLE 7. MODERN FORMS IN NEW PERSIAN, ARMENIAN, AND ARABIC THAT ApPEAR To BE BORROWINGS FROM INDo-ARYAN LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Arabic kerpas 'cotton' Hebrew karpas 'fine cloth oflinen or cotton' (Przyluski 1929:70; Buck 1949: 400-402) New Persian kirpas 'fine fabric' Armenian kerpas 'fine fabric' Arabic kirbas 'fine cloth' Greek Ikarpasosl 'cotton' Latin carbasus 'cotton' (Monier-Williams 1899:258) Spanish carbaso lino 'cloth, linen or cotton' Italian carbaso 'cloth, linen or cotton' (Przyluski 1929:70; Battisti 1951 :755) JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 261 TABLE 8. INDO-ARYAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH', AS OF 'COTTON, WOOL, SILK, FLAX, HEMP, JUTE, SKIN' AS VARIANTS OF para LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit karpata 'patched garment; rag' Pali kappata 'dirty, torn rag' Prakrit kappa<;la 'old garment; garment, cloth' KonkanI kappa<;la 'requiring clothes, adult' Oriya kapara 'cloth' Old Awadhi kapara 'clothes' MaithilI kapara 'cloth, clothes' Panjabi kappar 'cloth' Bengali kapar 'cloth, clothes' kapra N. Bihari kapp 'cloth, clothes' Gujarati kapar 'cloth' Assamese kapar 'cloth, garment' Marathi kapar 'cloth, garment' kapad 'cloth' kap<;lI 'made ofcloth' Sindhi kapru 'coarse cloth' kapiro 'coarse cloth' Kashmiri kapur 'cotton cloth, clothes' West PaharI kapru 'cloth' Assamese kapor 'cloth, garment' KumaunI kapro 'piece, big (rag?)' Mawarwi kapro 'garment' (Turner 1966: 146) Sanskrit pata 'cloth, woven stuff pati 'cloth' palla 'strip ofcloth' pallava 'strip ofcloth' Hindi pat 'cloth' Sinhalese pata 'fine cloth' pala 'cloth' pal, piliya 'cloth' Kashmiri path 'long strip ofcloth from 100m' Shina, Guresi, Kohistani pacu 'cloth' Pali pana 'wool, coarse woolen cloth' Sindhi paW 'kind ofwoolen cloth' Hindi pimil 'coarse woolen cloth' Kashmiri potu 'woolen cloth' West PaharI pettu 'woman's woolen gown' Awankari pattI 'woolen cloth' Sanskrit panra-urna 'bleached silk; cloth or garment of bleached silk' (MacDonell 1929:151) Pali pana 'silk' Lahnda patt 'silk' Old Awadhi pata 'silk cloth, Oriya pata 'silk, red silk cloth' Sinhalese pata 'silk' KumaunI pat 'silk' Assamese, Bengali pat 'silk' Kashmiri potu 'silk, silk cloth' 262 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 8.-Continued LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Phalura panara 'bark' Nepali pat 'flax, hemp' Oriya pata 'jute' Bhojpurr pata 'jute' (Turner 1966) Bengali pat 'jute' pata 'coarse, thick (hair)' (Bodding 1935:575) Sanskrit pata 'canvas' (MacDonell 1929: 150-151) pata-bhilksha-mandapa 'tent' pata·bhilksha-maya 'made ofcanvas' (MacDonell 1929: ISO) Pashai pata 'a strip ofskin' (Turner 1966:434) Sanskrit kilrpasah 'jacket' (Mayrhofer 1956:255) karpata 'patched garment, rag' pata 'garment' patika 'garment' Panjabi pana 'bandage, girdle' Hindi pat 'turban' Sinhalese patiya 'turban, ribbon, girdle' Prakrit padr 'a kind ofgarment' Marathi pali 'rag, shred' Sindhi piliya 'clothes' (Gypsy, Rumanian) pato 'clothing' (Gypsy, Greek) patavo 'napkin' (Gypsy, Welsh) patavo 'sock' Kashmiri palav 'skirts, garment' paro 'petticoat' paru 'covering ofcloth for a saint's grave' Wegali pailk 'shawl' closer to the trisyllabic Indo-Aryan form kapasi (Nepali). This is easily seen by looking at Philippine forms, as shown in Table 9. Noteworthy in Table 9 is that final lsi alternates with ItI in kapas rv kapat 'cotton' and 'thread', and kapas does not isolate Gossypium from Ceiba cottons. The association of'cot ton' as a fiber is with 'thread' and 'rope' (-pisiq), that is, with 'cordage fiber', while 'thread' indicates some association with cloth and sewing. The trisyllabic forms are evi dent in other Austronesian languages (Table 10). Gonda's 1952 study ofSanskrit loans in Indonesian ascribes Indonesian forms for 'cot ton' to Hindi kapas, ultimately from Prakrit kappasa and Sanskrit karpasa (Gonda 1973: 323). Gonda mentions that Sanskrit loans came into Indonesian when commercial activity with India flourished in Southeast Asia (Champa, Funan) between the first century B.C. and the third century A.D. Southeast Asian sailors may have been in India, around Madras, by 1000 B.C. The semantic groups in Austronesian that are reflected in Oceanic words for garden and field do not include kapas 'cotton' in Proto-Austronesian (Blust 1976:21). Ifthese facts suggest that forms for cotton were borrowed by Austronesian from JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 263 TABLE 9. TRISYLLABIC AND DISYLLABIC FORMS IN PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sangil (Sarangani Is.) kapesiq 'cotton' (Reid 1971)(q = glottal stop) Sangir kapisiq 'cotton' (Reid 1971) (cf. Manobo) pisiq 'rope' (Elkins 1968) Ilocano kapasanglay 'silk-cotton, kapok' (Ceiba pentandra) (Constantino 1976) Panggasinan kapes 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Kankanay (North), Inibaloi kapis 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Sebu, Hiligaynon, Bikol, Magin- gapas 'cotton' (Reid 1971) danaw, Sulu, Manobo, Kala gan, Mamanwa, Subanun, Subanon, Tagbanwa, Tausug Tagalog, Itneg (Binongan) Kalinga kapas 'cotton, thread' (Reid 1971) Ilocano kapas 'cotton plant, boll' (Gossypium religiosum) (Constantino 1976) Itawis, Gadang kapat 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Apayaw kapat 'thread' (Lopez 1974) Ibanag kapot 'cotton' (Lopez 1974) Ilonggot (Kakidug:en) gapit 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Agta kapAs 'cotton' (Reid 1971) ka:paq 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Sambales (Botolan) kapah 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Balangaw kapok 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Ifugao qa:poh 'cotton' (Reid 1971) Bilaan (Sarangani) kafok 'cotton' Manobo (Ata) kapuk 'cotton' Tagabili kafuk 'cotton' Bilaan kJfuk 'cotton' Indo-Aryan at a time in history between 100 B.C. and A.D. 300, how is Polynesian kafa (Tongan) rv 'aha (Hawaiian) 'coconut sennit' to be reckoned with as a cognate of Proto Austronesian kapas 'cotton', 'thread'? Examination of Philippine forms throws light on this problem. Sangil kapesiq and Sangir kapisiq 'cotton' are probably ancestral forms of pisiq (Manobo) 'rope' (Elkins 1968), suggesting that different parts ofthe word for 'cotton' have become derivatives for 'cord', 'rope' in Austronesian. Let us consider the set for 'rope' given in Table 11, which shows that the Philippine and Micronesian forms for cordage of coconut fiber seem to reflect Proto-Austronesian gapas and kapisiq 'cotton'. While Indo-Aryan has been favored as the etymological source for these forms in Aus troasiatic, Austronesian (AN), and Indo-European, Przyluski (1924:66-71) has opined that Sanskrit karpa[a 'ragged garment' is derived from karpasa, ultimately attributable to Austroasiatic *bas without citing any pertinent comparable forms with Itl. He favored Austroasiatic as the source for Sanskrit karpasa 'cotton plant' (Gossypium spp.) by consid ering P. W. Schmidt's study ofthe Mon-Khmer word for 'cotton carder' phno/:t Ipnaohl as the etymological source ofwords for 'cotton', accordingly: 264 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 10. TRISYLLABIC FORMS EVIDENT IN OTHER AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Proto-Chamic, Sea Dyak kapas 'cotton' Jarai k6paih 'cotton' (Lafont 1968) (cr. Bahnar ko'paih) Rhade kapas 'cotton' (Przyluski 1929) Makassar kapasa Gossypium herbaceum Asilulu, Hila kapase Hamku kapaso Babar kapatie Bantik, Sangi kapese Atjeh gapes Atjeh gapeneh Atjeh bak gapes Bum base Bum bak gapes Bum kaubase Roti, Timor abas Gorom (Banda) avas Buginese ape Java vit kapas Java, Madur, Malay, Sunda kapas (Clercq and Greshoff 1909:249) Tumpakewa kapes aroro Batak hapas Sumba kamba Minahassa kapes Leti kavas Minangkabaw kapeh kapeh batang Lubu kapah kapah Northeast Halmahera, Sika (Flores), Ternate kapa Sermata aafa South Ceram aha kian South Ceram aha kolai Ceram ahaja South Ceram ai aha Wetar ai sale Kisar aohe Proto-Khmer *pos 'to card cotton' Modern Khmer pol). Ibaohl 'to card cotton' phnol). Ipnaohl 'cotton carder' arppol). Iqambaohl 'raw cotton' Przyluski saw that the verb pah "" poh "" boh was identical with the noun form for 'bow' poh and that final I-hi was an alternate in Austroasiatic for an ancient I-sl. He then supposed a root *bas for the verb pah "" poh "" boh with alternate Ip-I or Ib-I initially. He JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 265 TABLE 11. PHILIPPINE AND MICRONESIAN FORMS FOR 'ROPE' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Tagalog, Sebu, Bikol, Leyte, Samar, Sambales pisiq 'thread' (Lopez 1974) (cf. Sangir kapisiq 'cotton') Ilokano pissi 'a rope made ofcoconut husk or other strong fiber' (Lopez 1974) Pampango pisiq 'Chinese thread; cord; twine' Ibanag pisi 'whip' (Lopez 1974) Chamorro (Marianas Is.) ga'pet 'rope' (type ofrope used for climbing trees) (Topping, Ogo, and Dungca 1975) (cf. Ilonggot gapit 'cotton'; Itawis/Gadang kapat 'cotton'; Apayaw kapat 'thread') Kusaiean fuh 'rope made ofcoconut fiber, coconut fiber, coconut husk' (Lee 1976) (cf. Tagabili ka/uk 'cotton') Kusaiean ah 'string, fishing line, rope, thread, cord' (Lee 1976) (cf. Ceram aha 'cotton') proposed that the I-i-I in paih before I-hi was "compensatory" and that a nasal or liquid was inserted frequently between the root and the prefix (presyllable), explaining Khmer *(k)ambas'\... *(k)amboh 'cotton' (cf. AN Sumba kamba 'cotton'). Arguing that the change of I-sl to I-tl in the last syllable of Sanskrit karpasa and karpara was unexpected in Indo Aryan but regular in Vietnamese, he gave Austroasiatic the higher probability ofbeing the source (Przyluski 1929:69-71). Mayrhofer (1956: 174) believes that Indo-European forms related to Sanskrit karpara 'cloth' are possibly from two morphemic roots: (1) kerp 'to cut', as from krpanah 'sword', or (2) kar 'black' + para 'fabric', further ascribing the source of kar- not to Austroasiatic but to Dravidian. There the matter has rested, while Burrow's early study (1946) of loanwords in Sanskrit credits Przyluski's study (1924, 1929), noting that Austroasiatic languages exist in India as well as in Southeast Asia and are spoken by Indians in addition to Dravidian and Indo-Aryan: As might be expected the names of Eastern plants unknown to the Aryans before their arrival figure largely in this list of loanwords. Besides the word for 'banana' just mentioned we have also the words for betel (Skt. tambala-: ... cotton (Skt. karpasa-: ... add also Skt. picu cotton, which can be compared with the unprefixed forms he (Przyluski) quotes; Crau par, ba~, Stieng pahl~' whence also the Dravidian words Ta. paiicl~ paiicu, Ka. paiijl~·. ... (Burrow 1946:5) Despite this firm acceptance of Przyluski's views on loanwords in Sanskrit from Aus troasiatic with respect to cotton, the problem of etymological origin of karpasa has not been resolved. The Dravidian contribution has not yet been assessed in this context, nor even the Munda. Since Burrow's study ofloanwords in Sanskrit (1946) from Dravidian 266 Asian PerspectivesJ XXIII (2), 1980 and Austroasiatic, his later studies suggest an alteration in point ofview. Forms in Dravi dian for 'cloth' and 'clothing' have been ascribed by Burrow and Emeneau (1961) and Burrow (1946) to Indo-Aryan (cf. Dumaki gupasa 'cotton'), Sanskrit karpasa (Prakrit kuppasa, kuppisa) 'quilted jacket as armor' and Sanskrit pata 'cloth' (see Table 12). What, then, in Przyluski's view would normally have been credited to Austroasiatic pat 'V patam has thus been attributed to Indo-Aryan, observing that patam may be a vari ant ofvatam, in which case Przyluski's theories must honor a relationship and ancestry in Indo-European that has a stable history (see American Heritage Dictionary 1969: 1550 wes- 4 'to clothe'; a-grade form *wos in Germanic *wazjan'V Old English werian'V wear). This is illustrated in Table 13. TABLE 12. DRAVIDIAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH' AND 'CLOTHING' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Tamil kuppacam 'coat, bodice, jacket' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961) Malayalam kuppayam 'jacket, gown, robe' Kota kapa:cm (kupa-ct-) 'coat, men's special dancing dress with full skirt' Toda kuposm (kupost-) 'coat' Kannada kuppasa 'jacket' kubbasa 'jacket' kubusa 'jacket' Kodagu kuppia 'Coorg man's coat' Tulu kuppasa 'petticoat, bodice' Telugu kup(p)asamu 'jacket, woman's bodice' kubusamu kllsamu Kolamu kubasam 'bodice' Naiki kubasam Tamil paccavatam 'long piece ofcloth used as a blanket, bedsheet, or screen' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:45) Malayalam paccavatam Kota pacad, pacat Kannada paccavaQa Tamil campatam 'very dirty cloth' (Burrow and Eme- neau 1961) patam 'cloth for wear, painted or printed' Malayalam patam 'fine cloth, sheet, chequered cloth' Tulu paQambu 'rough canvas cloth' Kannada paQa, paQu 'cloth, chequered cloth, picture' pata Kodagu pata 'picture' (also Tamil and Malayalam param) Toda paQ 'picture, photograph' Tamil panu 'silk cloth, sackcloth ofIndian hemp' Tamil pani 'cloth, picture, bandage' Malayalam panu 'silk, sackcloth made ofhemp' Telugu patamu 'cloth, garment, picture JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 267 TABLE 13. FORMS FOR 'BAST' AND CLOTH IN INDO-EuROPEAN AND EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Hindi basan, basna 'covering' (Turner 1966:667) Maithili basan 'cloth' Sindhi vasan, vasna 'garment' (cf. Persian) karvas 'cloth' (cf. Hebrew) karvas 'fine cloth, oflinen or cotton' (cf. Spanish) carbaso \ino 'cloth, oflinen or cotton' Proto-Indo-European *wes 'to be clothed, clothing' (Buck 1949:393-394) Hittite wess, wass 'to be clothed' Persian (Pahlavi) wastar(ag) 'clothing' Avestan yah 'to wear clothing' Sanskrit vas, vaste 'to wear clothing' vasana 'garment, dress, cloth' (cf. Korean) sana 'cotton obtained from hemp' sam 'hemp' (cf. Manchu) sana 'cotton' (cf. Malay) busana 'raiment' [from Malay, ascribed sana 'hemp, hempen cloth' (Winstedt to Sanskrit] 1960) sala 'strip ofcloth' (cf. Khasi) sala 'cotton cloth' (cf. Khasi) sala 'red cotton cloth' (Rabel-Heymann 1976:1021) Sanskrit vasana-vat 'to be clothed; woven cloth' vastra-vat 'having a fine garment, beautifully dressed' vastra-veshtita 'well-clothed' patta-vastra 'cloth garment' Tocharian was 'to be clothed' wsal 'garment' Latin vestis 'clothing' vestire 'to clothe' Finnish vaate 'cloth' (cf. Latvian) vate 'cotton-wool' (Belzeja et a!. 1971) Swedish vad-mal 'coarse wool cloth' Old Norse vail 'clothing' Old High German wat, waten 'clothing' gew Continued 268 Asian Perspectives) XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE l3.-Continued LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Egyptian (OK and MK) /wt/ 'cord' (Gardiner 1927) /wwt/ 'cord' /wr/ 'to tie' (Gardiner 1927) /iswt/ 'Scirpus reed' (Gardiner 1927) (cyperaceous sedge, marsh grass) /1)bs/ 'linen, flax' (Gardiner 1927) /wt/ 'mummy cloth, bandage' (Gardiner 1927:507) Related Dravidian forms have been attributed to Sanskrit pana 'cloth', and not to Sanskrit vastra, which is from Prakrit vattha (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:58): Kota bat 'clothes' Kannada bane 'cloth' Kodagu bane 'clothes' Tulu bane 'clothes' Telugu bana 'clothes' The true semantic etymon (in the opinion ofJohnson) for this entire range of deriva tives in Indo-Aryan and European is 'bast fiber' from which cord and cloth are manufac tured and which is fundamental to both items. Thus, as in early Egyptian hieroglyphs /wt/ and /wd/ and /wr/ for a set of fibers, 'cloth, cord, flax', and 'tying', the Indo-Aryan and Dravidian sets are fundamentally connected with 'bast' (see Table 14). The bast definition would suffice in some measure to explain the Indo-Aryan connec tion between 'cotton', 'cloth', 'stuff, and 'willow, cane, rattan, bamboo, pole', from which set come derivatives for the 'beating', that is, striking to soften fibers, or in another sense, 'soaking' to soften fibers, a process called "retting" before beating with a cane. A second relationship to 'cane, reed' and 'weaving' (vey '"'v ve) is the connotation of the use ofreeds in the frames ofearly looms. The definition of 'bast' in Enqlish is not restricted to phloem tissue as used in woven goods but includes 'bark', as used for cordage. In Indo-Aryan the pat forms include 'bark', 'jute', 'flax', and 'hemp' (cf. Sanskrit pata 'canvas', 'rope, cordage from jute or hemp' (Latin cannabaceus 'made ofhemp', Cannabis spp.) (see Table 15). The definitions of bast are (1) 'any of several strong, ligneous fibers, as flax, hemp, ramie, or jute, obtained from phloem tissue and used in the manufacture ofwoven goods and cordage' (Stein 1971:125); (2) 'bark of the linden tree or any material used to make cordage or stuffing' (Murray 1888 (1 ):470; Whitney 1906:470). Thus Sindhi veya '"'v ve 'to weave' and 'cane', akin to Prakrit veasa 'cane, rattan' in Indo-Aryan. These may be com pared to forms for 'wool' and 'flax', which belong to a set otherwise identified as responsi ble for 'cloth, of linen and cotton', that is, karpasos '"'v carbaslls, ultimately from Coptic Greek/Egyptian byssus '"'v bllSSOS (Rahder 1953 (9):214) (Table 16). The relationship between 'bast' as stuffing and 'bast' as cordage is so fundamental that JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 269 TABLE 14. INDO-ARYAN AND DRAVIDIAN SETS FUNDAMENTALLY CONNECTED WITH 'BAST' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit vata 'string, thread, rope' Sanskrit vatara-ka 'cord' Tamil vatam 'string, thread, rope' patam 'cloth' Kannada vatara 'string' vati 'string' (cf. Latvian) tauvas 'cordage' (Be1zeja et a1. 1971) Tamil vanu 'small piece ofcloth' vanutai 'cloth tied round the waist and rea- ching to the knee, garment' (cf. Japanese) *bata 'couon' (cf. Tamil) tubata, tuppata 'wool~ tupparu (cf. Assyrian) supatu, sipatu 'cloth, stuff (Sayee 1877:40-43) 600-400 B.C. lubustu 'cloth' rubtsu 'sheep' (Sayee 1877:41) (cf. Sindhi patii 'woolen cloth' and Hindi) parrii TABLE 15. INDO-ARYAN AND AUSTROASIATIC SETS FUNDAMENTALLY CONNECTED WITH 'BAST', 'REED', AND 'CLOTH' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit pata 'canvas' (MacDonell 1929) pata 'rope, cordage from jute or hemp' Indo-Aryan Phalura panara 'bark' Nepali pat 'flax, hemp' Oriya pata 'jute' (Turner 1966) Bengali pat 'jute' Austroasiatic SantaI (Munda) pat 'sinew, catgut' (Bodding 1935) pat arak 'jute' pat son 'jute, hemp' pat 'Deccan hemp' sura patia 'a mat made ofsedge' patiol 'a kind ofreed' patu lar 'part ofbark used for making cord' (Bodding 1935) patka 'long narrow strip ofcloth' 270 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 16. INDO-ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND EGYPTIAN SETS FUNDAMENTALLY CONNECTED WITH 'BAMBOO', 'CLOTH', AS OF SILK, COTTON, FLAX, WOOL LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Guresi baes 'bamboo' Gujarati vasa 'bamboo' Marathi vasa, vasa 'pole' Avestan vaeti 'pole' Shina bei 'willow' Ashkun wies, wyas 'willow' Newari bais 'willow' Lahnda bIs 'willow' (cf. Egyptian) byssus 'cloth, oflinen + cotton' [Coptic, Greek] bussos byssine 'made ofsilk, cotton, flax' (cf. Egyptian) !).bs 'linen cloth, flax' [Old Kingdom, M.K.] (cf. Hebrew) biltz 'cloth' (cf. Assyrian) lubustu 'cloth, stuff, clothing' (probably of wool) what may appear to be borrowed forms may be true innovations; however, the set in Table 17 is indicative ofwide borrowing. In the sets given in Table 18 Rahder related Altaic forms to Indo-Aryan, Austroasiatic, and Austronesian words for 'cotton' and 'hemp'. Some ofhis deductions are pertinent to the sampling of cordage and cloth fibers mentioned, while his comparisons are fluid across language boundaries. The sets in Table 18 show further how Rahder (1953 (9):214) related Kazan-Tartar basa 'hemp, cotton' with Manchu boso and Proto-Japanese bata 'cot ton', which may explain Russian byas and Old Turkic bez 'cotton'. IfRahder's comparison is believable, then the Kazan-Tartar associations of basa 'hemp' and 'cotton' lead back to the identical Indo-Aryan set ofbast fibers with the exception of 'bark' and 'bark-cloth' as in Old Japanese. The logic of assigning Tamil vatam 'V patam 'cloth' to Indo-Aryan (cf. Sanskrit vata 'string' 'V Tamil vatam 'string') may then be in order. However, in the Indo-European/ Dravidian comparative set of pata 'V karpata forms, Tamil campatam for 'very dirty cloth', is irregular, possessing an /m/ between the root and the prefix. Przyluski (1924:66 71) observed this phenomenon in Austroasiatic /qambaoh/ 'cotton'. In Tamil, however, the semantic associations connote 'dirty', the quality ofwhich suggests poor wearabi1ity, as of Sanskrit karpata 'patched garment, rag'. This suggests that Mayrhofer's (1956: 174) view that the prefix kar- is ultimately from Dravidian for 'black' may be correct. Dravidian words for 'cloth' are compounds with prefix kar'V kilg kilnku 'V kilnki for 'dark color, blue or black' (see Table 19). If Mayrhofer is correct in assigning to Dravidian kar- the origin of the prefix to kar pata, then Przyluski's theory that the Indo-Aryan form is exclusively a borrowing from Austroasiatic can be questioned. The Indo-Aryan/Dravidian comparative set is in agree ment on two features: (1) a meaning to the prefix or to the base, as of rough quality or darker color, and (2) a multiplicity of fiber referents besides 'cotton' or 'cloth' (see Table 20). JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 271 TABLE 17. COMPARISON OF INDO-EuROPEAN, MALAY, AND ALTAIC FORMS FOR 'BAST', 'CLOTH', 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Latvian vate 'cotton-wool' Sanskrit vata 'string, thread, rope' patta-vastra 'cloth garment' Sindhi vasan, vasna 'garment' Malay busana 'raiment' (ascribed to Sanskrit) (Winstedt 1960) Korean sana 'cotton' sam 'hemp' TABLE 18. ALTAIC FORMS RELATED BY RAHDER TO INDO-ARYAN, AUSTROASIATIC, AND AUSTRONESIAN WORDS LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Proto-Japanese *bata 'cotton' (Rahder 1953) Japanese wata 'cotton' (Rahder 1953) hata 'cotton' (Rahder 1953) tanabata 'festival ofthe weaver' (Rahder 1953) Korean hat, has 'colton' Kazan-Tartar basa 'hemp, cotton' Manchu boso 'cotton) Old Turkic b6z 'cotton' (cf. Russian) byaz 'cotton' (Rahder 1953) (cf. Persian) pambezan 'cotton-dresser' (cf. pambe) 'cotton, cotton wool' Old Japanese pusa 'hemp' fusa 'hemp, tree' nusa 'sacrificial tree bark cuttings' Old Japanese so 'hemp' (Rahder 1953) Korean sam 'hemp' sana 'cotton obtained from hemp' Old Japanese pe, peba 'hempcloth' peso, feso 'hempcloth' Old Japanese yu-bu 'hempcloth, tree bark-cloth' yu-fu 'sacrificial bark-cloth' Proto-Japanese bo 'hemp' (not borrowed from Chinese) bo 'cloth' (borrowed from Chinese) (cf. Chinese) puo, pwo 'cloth' pO,pu Proto-Japanese wo 'hemp' Ainu bong 'hemp' Sino-Korean pho 'hemp' (cf. Chinese) kafu 'flower cloth' (Osumi 1957:15) (cf. Japanese) mempu 'cotton cloth' (Rose-Innis 1966) kempu 'silk fabric' sofuku 'coarse clothing' ifuku 'to put on clothing' 272 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 19. DRAVIDIAN COMPOUND WORDS FOR 'CLOTH' AND 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Tamil kanku-pputavai 'a kind ofcoloured cloth' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961) Malayalam kanku 'blue or dark cloth (as offisherwo- men and Irawattis)' Toda ka-g 'black thread' Tulu kangu 'a dark blue cloth worn by lower classes or used for bedding' Tamil karikkan 'unbleached cotton cloth' Telugu karikamu 'unbleached' Kannada kanku 'blue or coloured cloth' Malayalam kara 'coloured border ofa cloth' karayan 'striped cloth' Tamil karai 'border ofa cloth' Kota kar 'coloured woven stripes on end of cloth' Kannada kare 'border ofa cloth' Tulu kare 'coloured border ofa cloth' Toda kar 'coloured woven stripes on end of cloth' (cf. Kurdish [Iranian]) kal 'pale, fade(d), light brown' kal 'cloth, piece goods' (Wahby 1966) (cf. Sanskrit) kala 'black' kala-ka 'dark blue, black' Tamil karu 'black' Kannada kadu 'blackness, black' kar 'blackness, black' kartu, kargu 'black' kagu 'dark blue color or dark black' TABLE 20. INDO-ARYAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit karpata 'patched garment, rag' Pali kappata 'dirty, torn rag' Prakrit kappa<;\a 'old garment' Sindhi kapru 'coarse cloth' Hindi pata 'coarse woolen cloth' Marathi pali 'rag, shred' Tulu (Dravidian) pa<;\ambu 'rough canvas cloth' JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 273 Other Dravidian forms for 'cloth' overlap with Austroasiatic on the one hand and Indo Aryan on the other (see Table 21; also Table 33). The Dravidian set which designates 'hemp' and 'cotton' is an interesting development which Burrow (1946:5) has ascribed to Austroasiatic (see Table 22). Turner (1966:433) linked these Dravidian forms for cotton with Indo-European forms paiiji rv paiija rv puiija rv piiija 'cotton, to card cotton', suggesting relationships with or derivation from the process or instrument ofcarding (see Table 23). TABLE 21. DRAVIDIAN FORMS THAT OVERLAP WITH AUSTROASIATIC AND INDO-ARYAN WORDS FOR 'CLOTH' AND 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Dravidian Tamil kanku-pputavai 'a kind ofcoloured cloth' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961) Tamil par 'to wear, wrap oneselfin, over, enve lope, surround' porvai 'covering, wrapping, upper garment, cloak, rug' Malayalam paruvai 'covering, wrapping, upper garment, cloak, rug' Khasi borkapor 'cotton cloth' (Rabel-Heymann 1976:991) Indo-Aryan Bengali b::lfkapJr 'cotton cloth' Assamese bJrkapur 'cotton cloth' Bengali kapUJ;iya 'cloth-seller' (Turner 1966: 146) Oriya kapuria 'cloth-seller' kapariya 'cloth-seller' Gujarati kapriya 'cloth-seller' (cf. Sinhalese) kapu 'cotton tree, cotton' Kashmiri kapur 'cotton cloth, clothes' TABLE 22. DRAVIDIAN WORDS FOR 'HEMP' AND 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Malayalam pani 'hemp cloth' panu Kannada pani 'cotton' pani 'cotton' Kannada panji 'ball ofcotton from which thread is spun' Tamil panci 'cotton cloth' pancu 'cotton cushion' Malayalam panni 'cotton' Toda poj 'cotton blossom' 274 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 23. DRAVIDIAN FORMS FOR 'COTTON' AND 'COTTON CARDER' LINKED WITH INDO-EuROPEAN FORMS LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Sanskrit paiiji, paiijika 'cotton' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961) Hindi piiijana 'act ofcarding, bow for carding' (Turner 1966) Hindi pijna 'cotton carder, cards cotton' Sindhi piiiani 'cotton-carding bow' Prakrit pimja na 'carding cotton' Lahnda piiijan 'carding cotton' Panjabi piiijun 'carding cotton' Gujarati/Marathi pijiii 'carding cotton' Sanskrit piiijana 'a bow or bow-shaped instrument used for cleaning cotton' Marathi prjiie 'cards cotton' Panjabi piiijna 'cards cotton' pajauna 'cards cotton' Khawar pizonu 'ball ofwo01 or cotton for spinning' Assamese pazi 'wisp ofcotton, roll ofcotton or thread' Bengali paij 'wisp, roll (esp. ofcotton)' Another set of Indo-European forms for the carding of cotton is available (Turner 1966:335) (see Table 24). The prefix ofthe forms in Table 24 means 'to strike' or to 'beat' cotton, but there is no reference to the 'bow for carding cotton'. It would be premature to suggest comparability to Austroasiatic Ipnaohl 'carding bow' although the final syllable I-fial bears some resem blance to the I-fial rv I-fief ofthe previous Ipafijil 'cotton', 'cotton-carding bow' set. In this context comparison with Austronesian forms for 'bow' may shed some light on the problem of the carding bow in Austroasiatic and Indo-Aryan. Formosan forms for 'bow', as for shooting arrows, are reminiscent on the one hand of Proto-Munda (Kharia) panic 'bowstring', and on the other ofModern Khmer Ipnaohl rv Ipnohl 'bow for carding cotton'. The Iml in Formosan and Tagalog forms may be a variant of Ipl as in pana (cf. Indonesian anak panah 'reed, arrow'; see Table 25). Shono's (1971) study ofMon words for 'bow, arrow' ascribes Kharia panic 'bowstring' to Hindi panica, both forms ofwhich may be considered with respect to Formosan pa:nzl (Kavalan) 'arrow, bow' in Austronesian and the Indo-Aryan pafiji 'cotton' rv pifijana 'bow for carding cotton' set (Table 26). Ifit is theoretically correct to relate the etymology ofcotton (karpasa, pqfijz) to the card ing bow, bearing in mind that Shorto has ascribed the Munda (Kharia) form to Hindi, which Przyluski's 'carding bow' theory would in turn ascribe to Austroasiatic, is it practi cal to explain such Austroasiatic forms as Bahnar ko'paih 'cotton' in terms of Assamese pazi or Bengali piiij 'cotton' which has affinity with Sanskrit pafiji 'cotton' and pifijana 'carding bow'? Or, is it time to probe a possible relationship between these forms and 'reed, arrow' per Indonesian anak panah, inasmuch as Indo-Aryan words for 'cotton' sug gest the fiber set for 'rattan, reed, cane, bamboo' as well? These associations prove to be semantically dominant and should not be ignored. In Japanese the reed ofa loom is called JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 275 TABLE 24. INDO-EuROPEAN FORMS FOR THE CARDING OF COTTON LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS PaIi tumbJ:.la 'to tease cotton' (Turner 1966:335) [ < /tup/ 'to strike' = /tub/ rv /stup/Turner 1966:334] Pali tumbati 'to tease cotton' tumpati Khowar dumbati 'to tease cotton' Sanglechi /d;Jmb-/ Munji libbati 'to tease cotton' Hindi tubna, tIlmna 'to pull cotton or wool to pieces; to separate with the fingers before combing' Marathi tl1bI)e 'to accumulate through being obstructive (as in combing hair)' Sindhi tumbaI:lU 'to beat' Lahnda tumban 'to re-pick old cotton; be strung repeatedly by warps' Kashmiri tombun 'to card cotton' Waigali tuppa-un 'to tease wool' Panjabi (Ludhiana) tummana 'to clean cotton' Lahnda (Awankari) tumna 'carding' tummuJ:.l 'to card cotton' Bihari, Bhojpuri tarnal 'to card cotton' TABLE 25. FORMOSAN AND TAGALOG FORMS IN WHICH ImlMAY BE A VARIANT OF IplAS IN pana LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Formosan Tsou pnaa 'to shoot' Dhutu pono, pna 'shoot' Maga upna 'shoot' Kavalan pma:ni? 'shoot' (Tung T'ung-ho 1964:603) pa:ni? 'arrow, bow' Tagalog pumana 'to shoot, hit with an arrow' (English mamana 1965:938) makapana mapana 276 Asian Perspectives) XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 26. AUSTROASIATIC FORMS FOR 'BOWSTRING' AND 'Bow' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Kharia panic 'bowstring' (perhaps borrowed from Hindi panica) (Shorto 1971 :220) Sre pany 'to shoot with crossbow' Nicobarese f:Jin 'crossbow' Old Khmer pan 'to shoot with crossbow' Literary Mon pan 'to shoot with crossbow' Mon pan /p:Jp/ 'to shoot with crossbow and (pel pan po(h) lets?)' Modern Khmer bap 'to shoot with crossbow and (pellets)' Biat pap Boloven pm Theng pIp, piI) Spoken Mon p:Jn Stieng peI) Bahnar peI) Riang-Lang pwp Vietnamese b~n Bahnar panah 'to shoot with bow' osa, reminiscent ofother forms for 'grass family': sasa 'bamboo grass', so 'kusa grass', sho 'sugar cane'. It serves the purpose of this study to compare Austroasiatic, Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, and Austronesian forms for 'grass' and 'reed' ('bamboo, rattan, cane'), in Table 27. (Compare with data in Table 13.) In the comparative sets between these unrelated languages, it is noticeable that in Dravidian and Austroasiatic, the consonant changes are similar from Ibl to Iml with a con sistent regularity (see Table 28; refer to Figs. 5, 6, 7). These forms may be traced in Polynesia only if they are related to 'cord', 'thread' for which precedence is to be found in Austroasiatic rather than Austronesian (Table 29). The forms in Table 29 may be compared to forms in Austronesian, Austroasiatic, Dravidian, and Indo-European for 'cane, bamboo, rattan, cloth, cotton, tinder'. The con nection between 'bamboo', 'fire', and 'cotton, as tinder' may be with the so-called Malay fire-piston method in which two cylinders, one smaller than the other, are shoved one inside the other forcefully. The method is not found in Polynesia but has been observed nearby in Melanesia. The Austroasiatic vai sets for 'cotton' and 'tinder' are distinguished phonemically. 'Cotton' Ifaayl in Thai has a longer vowel and falling tone; 'fire' is dis tinguished by a short vowel and mid-tone, indicating distinct semantic units in Thai (Table 30). The regional distribution of buru "v puru for the familiar range of cordage and cloth fibers 'cotton' (cf. Indonesian bulu kapas 'kapok'), 'bamboo, hemp, hair, wool, coconut sennit' is as extensive as kapas, the proper discussion of which (puru) would overextend JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 277 TABLE 27. DRAVIDIAN, INDO-ARYAN, AND AUSTRONESIAN FORMS FOR 'BAMBOO', 'GRASS', 'REED' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Dravidian: 'bamboo, reed, cuscus grass' Tamil vanci 'common rattan ofSouth India (Calamus rotang)' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:355) Malayalam vanci, vanni 'bamboo, reed' (cf. Sanskrit vanjula) Tamil vani 'straw, grass, basket' vati 'cane, stick' bani 'rattan' Te1ugu vani 'cuscus grass) vani-veru 'cuscus grass' Tamil vetir 'bamboo' vayir 'bamboo' Gondi waddur 'bamboo' Kolami vedur 'bamboo' Kota vedyr 'bamboo' Telugu veduru 'bamboo' Tamil vetti-ver 'cuscus grass' Indo-European Sanskrit vanjula 'bamboo, reed' Sindhi vanjhu 'punting pole' (Turner 1966) Lahnda vanjjh 'punting pole' vajh 'user ofbamboo' Panjabi vanjh, banjh 'pole' DravIdian Naiki venj 'to thatch' Kota vej 'to thatch' Kolamu venz, venst 'to thatch' Brahui vey, bei, mey 'grass, as for thatching' Tamil vai 'straw ofpaddy, grass' Tamil, Malayalam vai-kkol 'straw' Tulu bai ~straw' Indo-European Sanskrit vaidava (= vedu) 'consisting ofor made ofreeds' vainava 'consisting ofbamboo' Continued 278 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 27.-Continued LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Pali vetta (cane' vetasa 'rattan, Calamus rotang' Sanskrit vetra 'large reed' (Turner 1966:701) vetasa, veta vetuka Shina bas 'bamboo' Guresi baes 'bamboo' Oriya bausa 'bamboo' Assamese bah 'bamboo' Gujarati vas 'bamboo' KonkanI vaso 'bamboo' Sinhalese vasa 'bamboo' Pali, Prakrit vaf!1sa 'bamboo' Marathi (cf. Dravidian) vasa, vasa 'rafter, pole' Tamil vacam 'rafter' Kannada base 'rafter' Austronesian Proto-Austronesian *uvay 'reed, cane, rattan' kubay 'vegetables, greens' labay (-bar) 'yarn, thread' (Dempwolff 1938) Tagalog uway 'species ofrattan Calamus mollis' (Lopez 1974) Kavalan (Formosan) su:way 'grass' (Tsuchida 1971) Indonesian kumpai 'bulrush' (Wojowasito 1959) rumbai 'fringe' Pampangan awe 'species ofrattan' (Lopez 1974) Hanunoo bayi 'hunting bow, ofbamboo' (Conklin 1953) the limits ofthis study. In one context, however, with regard to 'cloth' and 'clothing', it is pertinent to our study, as Table 31 shows. In addition, the form purupuru (Polynesian) is applied to fiber used in caulking and stuffing, although denoting coconut sennit rather than cotton (see Table 32). In "Notes on Hainan and Its Aborigines;' Calder (1883:44-45) makes the following commentary on the Malay use ofcoconut for caulking: The fishing boats in the vicinity ofTy-chow and Manchow are ofa very primitive con struction, being sewn together with rattan and then caulked with cocoa-nut fibre . .. At Nga-long or Gaalong, we first met with the Li or the Aborigines ofHainan ... The Li have but few firearms, but those that do possess guns are said to be very expert in their use. They will readily barter scented woods or cattle for firearms or knives. Their own weapons are the bow and arrow, and the spear ... what I here state has been derived from the Shuk-Li ... Sweet potatoes, betel and cocoa nut palms are also largely culti vated ... The Li seem to be more closely related to the Malays than to the Chinese JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 279 TABLE 28. CONSONANT CHANGES IN DRAVIDIAN AND AUSTROASIATIC FORMS LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Dravidian Brahui vei, bei, mey 'grass, as for thatching' Austroasiatic Laotian bay, may 'bamboo' (Marcus 1970) Mon pai 'hemp' AhomShan may 'bamboo' (Benedict 1975) Thai phaabaj 'canvas, sailcloth' bajjaa 'blade ofgrass' OngBe moi 'sugar cane' (cf. Li may) (Benedict 1975) Thai phaj 'bamboo' (j = y) tonphaj 'bamboo stalk, stem' ton?;);} 'giant reed' (Haas 1964:182) ton?;)j 'sugar cane' (Haas 1964: 184) may 'tree, wood' (Benedict 1975:364) p;};} 'hemp' ... They will readily barter for Chinese clothing ... Their dress consists of a sort of petticoat or kilt coming down nearly to the knee. They weave the cloth of which this is made from grass, and it is usually of a blue ground with a few horizonta~ bright-coloured stripes running through it. A bride's clothing is called serang; a jacket is vaing; a 'bow' is vat, and an 'arrow' is a teak (Calder 1883:45, 60) (cp. Polynesian teka [Tuamotuan] 'arrow' rv ke'a [Hawaiian] 'cross', 'bow and arrow', 'to shoot with bow and arrow'). In Dravidian and Austroasiatic the 'cotton', 'bamboo', and 'bow and arrow' sets have in previous analytical and theoretical discussions by several linguists indicated no connec tion with 'fire', but ifthe notion offire can be shown to be related to 'reed', 'bow' in Indo Aryan and Dravidian culture, the comparison between these sets as shown in this paper may then be pertinent. Consider the forms given in Table 33, which in this context are random. Przyluski's study of the carding bow provides a description of the Indian implement that was observed by Sonnerat in India (ViJyages aux Indes et ala Chine, Paris, 1782:1: 108, p1.26) (Przyluski 1929:20): "The machine for carding the cotton ... is extremely simple. It is made of a piece of long wood ofsix to seven feet. To each ofits ends is attached a strong string ofentrails which, when touched, makes [a] a sound like that of a violin (our hatters also have a machine almost similar to it called the archet or fiddle-stick). The violin is suspended by the middle to that ofa bow attached to a plank. The worker holds the violin by the mid dle in one hand and in the other, with a piece of wood with a pad at the end, stretches quickly the catgut which slips out, strikes the cotton, throws it out, fills it with wind, 280 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 -ci. ft E j "5. ~ o -C) JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 281 tv 00 tv ~ '"$::i' ~ ;;p '-t 'tia ~ . ..'" ~ ..... vev•• ...... -.. 'cotton, kindling'. 'fluff, as tinder;' 'cloth' tv ~ Austroasiastic Austronesian -,i/o \0 Dravidian 00 o Indo-Arvan (Hindi) Fig. 7 Distribution ofpafiji (Dravidian, Indo-Aryan); vai (Austroasiatic, Thai); and vai "v vae (Austronesian) for 'cotton, kindling, cloth'. JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 283 TABLE 29. COMPARISON OF AUSTROASIATIC AND POLYNESIAN FORMS Uzy rv Vai FOR 'CORD', 'CLOTH' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Austroasiatic Old Khmer canhvay 'skein' Modern Khmer c::>IJva:y 'skein' (Jacob 1976:643) Muong Vietnamese yay, (b)yay, *h:lpay, pay, ay 'cloth' (Thompson 1976: 1167) Vietnamese vai [SVbo] 'cloth, material, fabric, cotton cloth' (Dinh-Hoa 1970:526) Laotian say fay 'cord, wire' (Marcus 1970) fay 'cotton' (Marcus 1970) Polynesian Samoan vailaumea 'herbs' Tahitian to ha'avai 'cane, banana' (i.e., 'plantain fiber') Tuamotuan vavai, kavai 'a variety ofrunning vine, Triumfetta procumbens' (cf. Tamil) kovai 'common creeper, Bryonia epigaea, cucurbitaceous vine' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:148,280) Tuamotuan kaye 'tendril' ( = 'ave') ave 'long hairs, as on dog's tail' 'strip ofpandanus used in making the papa ball for the pei (juggling) game' Hawaiian 'awe'awe 'tentacles' (as ofbanana plant, octo pus) 'runners, as on a vine' Hawaiian ma'awe 'fiber, strand, thread, as ofa spider's web' 'awe 'strand, thread' Samoan 'avei 'strap, cord' Tuamotuan kavei 'to lash with fine cords' kaye 'the thread ofa fringe' kavekave 'ends, strands, threads, fibres, as ofa cord, belt, or mat' makave 'a fibre, strand; composed ofseveral fibres' Tahitian tavai 'twined weaving' mave 'to weave' separates the dust from it and makes it fit for spinning. The elasticity ofthe bow, which sustains the violin, affords the worker the facility of carrying it from one place to another on the heap of cotton which they come to thrash." The instrument, on the whole, is formed oftwo bows superposed [italics mine], because the lower part ofthe vio lin which Sonnerat compares with the archet is essentially a vibrating string attached to the ends of a piece of wood. Sir G. Grierson has described a similar but more simple machine in Bihar Peasant Life, pp 64-65. 284 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 30. AUSTROASIATIC AND THAI FORMS FOR 'COTTON' AND 'FIRE' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Austroasiatic: 'cotton' Laotian fay 'cotton' (Marcus 1970) Vietnamese vay, (b)yay, 'cotton' (as cloth) pay (Thai) phaafay 'cotton clorh, cotton fabric' (Haas 1964:322) pugpuj 'ro be downy, fluffy, bushy, shaggy' pujraaj 'cotton fiber, cotton wool' fai 'cotton, Gossypium herbaceum' (McFarland 1969:555) sam5J raaj 'boll ofcotton' Austroasiatic: 'fire, kindling; electricity (modern)' Laotian da:ng fay 'kindle' (Marcus 1970) mat fay 'spark' (Thai) t6nfaj I-fayl 'source of/toil/fire' khoomfaj 'lantern, lamp' (Haas 1964: 101) pleewfaj 'flame (pleew 'flame')' (Haas 1964) pidfaj 'to turn offlights; electricity' (Haas 1964:320) As such the description is too ambitious a design to be applied to anything the Mar quesans may have had, except that it also fits the jew's harp, the Marquesan and Hawaiian 'utete. The Hawaiian and Marquesan bow and arrow are called pana, but the Hawaiians have another form for 'arrow' /ke'a/ from cane tassel. The significance here is that it also means 'cross' (cf. Li of Hainan teak 'arrow'). A note in Przyluski mentions: "The lan guages ofthe Malaya Peninsula have forms ig, eg, tig, and the equivalent ek which is pre served in Khmer where it means the bow fixed against the stag-fly (ek khleng); cf. also San tali ak 'bow' " (Przyluski 1929:20). The ak bow in Mon Khmer is a cross-bow, also called /panan/ 'V /panen/ 'V /monen/. In the same discussion, Przyluski mentions that the carding and archer's bow was of bamboo: The Aryans, however, certainly knew the use of[the] bow before their entrance into India. Why have they then borrowed from the Austro-Asiatics a word for the arrow? Probably the arrow made of bamboo [italics mine] was unknown to them and this is why they borrowed the name as well as the instrument itselffrom the aborigines ofIndia. In fact, in the Malaya Archipelago, the arrow called panah is made of bamboo ... In the same way bti1;la (Sanskrit) designates precisely an arrow of bamboo or cane in India.... (Przyluski 1929:23) On the other hand amongst the Makassar of Celebes, the word pana designates the bow for shooting the arrows and a kind ofbow which is also used for washing the cot ton. (Przyluski 1929:20) JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 285 TABLE 31. AUSTRONESIAN AND AUSTROASIATIC FORMS FOR 'CORDAGE' AND 'To WEAR' AS CLOTH LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Austronesian PAN *I-butllsabutl 'cordage, coconut fiber' (Wojowasito 1959) Tagalog, Sebu bunot 'coconut husk and coconut fiber' Pampangan, Palawan bunut 'coconut husk and coconut fiber' Ivatan vunut 'coconut husk and coconut fiber' PAN *bulut 'fiber, filament, thread' (Dempwolff 1938) PAN *I-put/ltaputl 'to wrap up, cover up; winding, as of sheet or shroud' (Dempwolff 1938) Nggela (Solomon Is.) pulu, pupulu 'to put on, dress' (Fox 1955) Samoan pulupulu 'to wrap, as a sheet, wrap, shawl' (Milner 1966) Samoan sulu 'to put on, wrap around' sului 'to put on, wear' Tongan hulu 'to tuck one's loincloth' (Church ward 1959) Hawaiian hulu 'cloth' (Elbert and Pukui 1973) Malay simpul 'to wrap up' (Shorto 1971) A ustroasiatic Sakai sempul, sapur 'to wrap up' (Shorto 1971) Munda biur 'to turn around, surround' Theng par 'to wrap) Mon pur 'to surround.with, to bind' pu 'around' Proto-Khmer I-buut/, l-b:Jtl 'to wrap, cover' (Jenner and Pou 1982) Middle-Khmer sarpba'ta 'to wrap, cover' (Jenner and Pou 1982) Isamputl Dravidian Tamil putai 'to be covered, to clothe' Malayalam puta 'outer garment' putappu 'warm clothing, blanket' Kannada pode 'to put on, wrap around' Tulu podepuni 'covering, wrapping, upper garment, cloak, rug' It is therefore interesting to find that the Santal ofIndia made mats ofsedge called sura paria, which belongs in the set ofcordage and hemp cloth fibers. While Polynesians are famous for bark-cloth manufacture, they also produced clothing and mats from twined weaving offlax-like plants. The woven cordage garment on the small image ofa Hawaiian priest in the Bishop Museum is an example. The name ofa special kind ofwaist girdle or 286 Asian Perspectives, XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 32. POLYNESIAN Puru AS 'FIBER' AND 'STUFFING' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS Tuamotuan puru 'to plug with fibrous material; to thrust, stuff, cram in' 'the husk ofthe coconut' ka-purupuru 'caulking material (Vahitahi) made of ngeongeo root' puriia 'plugged, crammed' purupuru 'a caulking material ofsmall coconut husk fibres twisted together' (Stimson 1964) Maori puru 'plug, cork, bung' (Williams 1971) 'plug up, stuffup' 'confine by means ofa plug' 'thrust in, stuffin, cram in' purupuru 'caulking ofa canoe' mara called patia in Rarotonga is made from interwoven sinnet (Savage 1962:241). In Hawaii, the Hawaiians used bulrushes and sedge called nanaku or makalaa (Cyperus laevi gatus) in the fine mats ofNi'ihau. Ngatu in Tongan means 'bark cloth', but Tongans wrap the ta 'avala mat around their persons as a garment. Maori ngatu refers to the lower part of the raupo, defined as 'reed, bulrush' (Reed 1971; Williams 1971:231). The implication is that Polynesian ancestors wore clothing made of reeds, bulrushes, or flax, and were not totally dependent upon tapa cloth. The process of "retting" is known to them and was practiced by the Hawaiians to soften wauke bark before beating it into tapa. The Tuamo tuans used it on vavai (Triumfetta pracumbens), a vine, to fashion an ornamental girdle for dancing: "Its fibres were used in making cordage and the clothing formerly worn by the people; the vine soaked overnight in salt water, and the fibres then stripped out ..." (Stimson with Marshall 1964:603). The very ancient use of cotton for purposes other than cloth manufacture has been shared by a large portion ofthe world's people despite the separation ofice ages, regional isolation ofcontinents and islands, and restrictive boundaries of linguistic families. Cot ton words, in particular karpasa (Sanskrit), karvas (Hebrew, Persian), karpasas (Greek), carbasus (Latin), kabah (Austroasiatic), and kapas (Indo-Aryan, Austroasiatic, Austrone sian), basa (Altaic), representing a distribution over vast ground for a single etymon, have behaved in a time span between 3000 B.C. and the present in the way "ice-cream" has cir cled the globe. This paper has demonstrated, however, that the more ancient reference of these forms pertained to all fibers used for cordage, cloth, and stuffing such as 'silk, flax, hemp, and wool'. Thus, Polynesian kafa as a reflex ofProto-Austronesian kapas 'cotton', ofGassypium or Ceiba species, pertains to 'coconut' or any other fiber used in the making ofsennit. The Polynesians, however, had another word for cotton, vavae, for the same botanical referents in connection with 'fire', as used in lamp-wicks, and another word, pulupulu, for any kind offluff used in stuffing, caulking, and also for tinder. They may have acquired words for 'cotton', after Hindu influence reached Indonesia, but the historical context of JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 287 TABLE 33. RANDOM ASSORTMENT OF FORMS SHOWING ASSOCIATION OF 'ARROW SHAFT' OR 'Bow' WITH 'FIRE' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS A ustroasiaric Mon pnan 'lamp, candle' (Shono 1971) /pnaiI)/ /pnen/ Cum panan 'bow' (Przyluski 1924:68) Kon-lU panen/paneI)/ 'cross-bow' Sedang ponen, monen 'cross-bow' Halang menen 'cross-bow' Indo-Aryan Sanskrit 'reed shaft, made ofreed, as an arrow' (Monier-Williams 1899) Dravidian Tamil val)am 'arrow, rocket, fireworks, fire' Kannada pafiju 'torch' (Burrow and Emeneau 1961) pafiji, pafiju 'torch' (ascribed to Hindi) pafiju 'torch' paiijaya 'torch' Indo-Aryan Hindi pafiji 'sort oftorch with five branches for lights' (ultimately from Persian) (Burrow and Emeneau 1961 :45) Kurdish (Iraq) kewan 'bow (archer's), carder's bow, seg ment ofa circle' (Wahby and Edmonds 1966) Lahnda awan 'carder's bow' (Turner 1966:461) Eskimo Ifiupiat palliksrak 'cotton, used for tinder, from cotton grass, pussywillow buds, cotton wood buds' (Webster and Zibell 1970:98) the forms in Austronesian argues for earlier borrowing from Austroasiatic. The form vai for 'fire' is well distributed in Austroasiatic and is sparse in Austronesian. Benedict (1975:249) relates Niala (Piru, Ceram) wai 'fire' to Thai vai 'fire'. The area ofits distribu tion in eastern Indonesia pinpoints a region around Ceram and Buru which nineteenth century scholars Abraham Fornander and Percy Smith favored as the ancestral homeland ofthe Polynesians. Soft cotton and coarse coconut husk, which at first glance display such different properties, seem to be associated by a view ofboth as excellent spark-holding tin ders, and as raw fiber for very strong cordage. If we give credence to Przyluski's theory that the etymon for these forms was Aus troasiatic, rather than Indo-Aryan, then their spread into Austronesian antedates the time 288 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 when Hindu culture was an influence upon Indonesia between 100 B.C. and A.D. 300, at which time it is likely that they were again borrowed from Indo-Aryan. India, where Indo Aryan, Austroasiatic, and Dravidian languages are spoken, would be most favored for the spread ofthese forms eastward and westward at a time preceding the manufacture ofcot ton cloth in Mohenjo-Daro around 2400 B.C. The wide distribution ofa lexical item such as kapas over an immense portion of the earth suggests that diffusion ofculture is not an untenable theory, implying that societies were not so separated as we might think. Amerindian Words For Cotton Although our study seeks to be thorough about the Indo-Pacific cottons, the situation of cotton origins in South America and the spread of Gossypium hirsutum into the Pacific and westward into the Indian Ocean demands that we venture into the associated problem of native names, ifonly to settle the issue ofinfluence on native names for cotton, cloth, weaving, and cordage fiber in Oceanic languages. The names for 'cotton' as a fiber or plant seem, at first glance, to differ widely. Perhaps an experienced Amerindian linguist, however, may be able to locate cognates in the Amerindian forms for 'cotton' given in Table 34. In another context, that of the semantic set for 'cotton' in 'cloth' or 'weaving', as of 'cotton' and 'hemp' (maguey), the forms appear to be very similar to the South Indian bat rv pat and Austroasiatic baf rv paf (Crau; see Table 5) forms for 'cloth' that were particu larly connected with 'cotton' (Table 35). We note here that the forms given in Table 35 are all in agreement on the semantic asso- TABLE 34. RANDOM AMERINDIAN FORMS FOR 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Goajiro (Arawak) mawi-kal (Holmer 1949:111) Jicaques (Honduras) tunim (Conzemius 1923:167) Arawak kumaka 'silk-cotton' Ceiba (Fanshawe 1949:67, 73) occidentalis Tlappanecan (Mexico) mugu, mugu (Radin 1933:57) Inca (Peru) ?ushku (Rowe 1950: 145) ?utku utcu Kayuvava (Bolivia) yuxuru (Creqi-Montfort and Rivet 1920:256) Pochutla (Oaxaca, Mexico), oxquet 'cotton, kapok' (Boas 1917:14, 40) Mexican pochut pochot! pocho ichcatl Timote (Paez) caco, caM (Rivet 1927:155) Makfi (Brazil) s5w5gi (Rivet, Kok, and Tastevin k5wadn 1925: 152) Arawak yaho, yaho-balli 'wild cotton' Pavonia (Fanshawe 1949:67, 73) spicata JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 289 TABLE 35. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Xinca (from Mayan) pati 'cloth' (Campbell 1972: 189) Aymara (Lake Titicaca, patikala 'vari-colored textile' (La Barre 1948: 107) Bolivia) (cf. Goaziro) mawikahi 'cotton' (Table 34) (cf. Miskito, Nicaragua and aibakaia kwa-la 'bark or cotton cloth (Heath 1950:2) Honduras) wrapped around loins' Otomian (Mexico) pahni 'shirt' (Newman and Weitlaner pe 'to weave' 1950:18) Xinca (from Mayan) pafiuelo 'cloth' (Campbell 1972: 189) Quechuan (Bolivia) paCa 'clothes' (Bills, Vallejo, and Troike 1969:7) Yana (Cuzco, Proto- *bae "v baCi 'maguey-, hemp- (Matteson et a1. 1972:51, Amerindian, Fox) p?a"v p?aea cloth' 68) Quechuan *bats beCi TABLE 36. AMERICAN INDIAN PROTO-FoRMS CONNECTED WITH THE SPINNING OF THREAD LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Mayan-Chipaya (Bolivia) spaht 'to spin thread' (Olson 1965:35) Uru-Chipaya spahts 'to spin thread' (Olson 1965:35; Stark (s - object referent) 1972:134) (s - noun classifier) Chipaya ba¢? Chol bee Yunga pas 'to spin thread' (Pre-Conquest Peru; Chimu culture) Proto-Maya-Chipaya xxpahe Proto-Mayan *bae ciation with 'cloth', and that the fibers represented in the woven articles are primarily of 'hemp' (maguey), allowing 'cotton' or 'bark'. In citing the proto-forms, Amerindian lin guists connect these 'hemp-cloth' forms with the spinning ofthread as shown in Table 36. The sets in Table 36 may serve to demonstrate the lal "v leI vowel changes in the forms for 'cotton cloth' and 'cotton clothing' and also to illuminate the evolution ofother, possi bly related, forms, as Table 37 shows for 'cotton'. Inasmuch as we have previously argued a possible connection between 'grass' (i.e., as 'cane', 'reed', 'bamboo') in the fiber set for 'cordage' and also in tools for weaving, we encounter a remarkable similarity between the forms for 'cotton' in connection with 'hay', 'grass', and 'down' and those for 'fire' particularly found in North American Indian lan guages (see Table 38). In terms of the data in Table 38, the following forms from Mexico are for woven arti- 290 Asian Perspectives> XXIII (2), 1980 TABLE 37. ADDITIONAL AMERICAN INDIAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH' AND 'COTTON' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Tzeltal (Mayan) spak'ul 'its cloth' (from pak) 'cloth' (Slocum 1948:77-86) Paez (Colombia) ats-pets 'light cotton skirt' (pittier 1907:316) spats 'piece ofbroad cloth' Proto-Amerindian *ampehi 'conon' (Matteson et a!. 1972: 52, (Ashaninka) 175,196-201) Proto-Arawak Proto Piro-Apurina *wa-ma-pe-hi 'conon' wa-ma-pe-se 'cotton' Culina wepe 'cotton' waphi 'cotton' mapoa 'conon' (from *mapet) 'cotton' Proto-Tacanan wapese Amahuaca copa 'clothes' (Osborn 1948: 189) TABLE 38. AMERICAN INDIAN FORMS FOR 'FIRE' AND 'GRASS' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Dakota-Teton *p'a-za 'porous, or soft, as (Boas and Deloria cotton, hay, down' 1932:109,112) p'ezi 'grass' Dakota p'e-ta 'fire' (Holmer 1947:3) Ponca pe-de (Holmer 1947:3) Osage pe-dse (Holmer 1947:3) Pilox pe-ti (Holmer 1947:3) Ofo aphe-ti, aphiti- (Holmer 1947:3) Siouan apeti "v pe' C 'fire' (Wolff 1950a:65, 1950b: 113) Osage, Winnebago pece, pee Kansa pyeze Ciwere peje Omaha Ponca pede Teton, Dakota pe-ta Arawakan (Caribbean) eoeda 'kindle' (Taylor and Rouse 1955:108) cles, especially mats made ofgrass or straw. They may be compared with forms for 'cane' and the '100m comb' in Meso- and South America given in Table 39. The forms in Table 39 serve to remind us ofthe comparable bata '" hata forms in Japa nese and vata forms in Indo-European (Sanskrit, Russian) for 'cotton'· and 'hemp' 'cloth', for which there are comparable forms in Eskimo and Natchez for 'cotton' and 'weaving': JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 291 TABLE 39. FORMS FOR 'CANE' AND 'LOOM COMB' IN SOUTH AMERICA LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Proto-Aztecan (Mexico) *p;nla 'woven mat' (Campbell and Langacker petlatl 1978:269) Zoque-Mixe (Mexico) *pata 'straw mat' (Wonderly 1949:4) pada para Cayua (Brazil-Paraguay), bat 'loom comb' (Watson 1952:31) Guarani Honduras wat? 'cane' (Campbell 1976:75) TABLE 40. AMERICAN INDIAN FORMS FOR 'CLOTH', 'THREAD', 'KINDLE' LANGUAGE WORD GLOSS SOURCE Quechua (Bolivia) waska 'rope' (Bills, Vallejo, and Troike wata 'tie up' 1969: 15) Inca (Peru) awasqa 'cloth' (maguey) (Murra 1962:711) wara 'loincloth' warachikay 'loincloth' away 'cloth' (Murra 1962:723) Atakapa-Chitimacha wayi 'to weave' (Swadesh 1946: 130) wari way 'spider web' Mexico khwa 'maguey cloth' (Newman and Weitlaner 1950: 13) (cf. Fox) apahkwaya 'flag reed' (Bloomfield 1927:181) Miskito (Nicaragua aibakaia kwala 'bark cloth or cotton Honduras) cloth' 'wrapped around (Heath 1950:21) loins spin thread' Coeur d'Alene gwasi (Reichard 1945:56) qwayi 'kindle' (Reichard 1945:49) (cf. Shoshone) we: ha 'to flame' (Shimkin 1949:212) waya U naaliq/Proto vaataq 'cotton' (Swadesh 1952:256) Eskimo Natchez hata 'to weave' (Swanton 1924:66) (Muskhogean) The other forms, which are noticeably familiar in assOCiatiOn with the fiber set for 'cordage', 'cloth', 'weaving', 'hemp-cloth', 'reed', 'kindling', and 'fire' as way-, was-, and war- forms, are also present. Whether they are related to vas "v vat or to vae "v vai in 292 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 Indo-European and in Austroasiatic and Oceanic cannot be considered here as part ofthe study ofkarpas 'V karvas and of vavae 'V vavai for 'cotton' and also 'fire'. Nevertheless, the semantic sets that are normally associated with these forms in the Indo-Pacific study are present here in Amerindian to the same extent as they are present in Proto-Amerin dian reflexes of *bac and *p'azd for 'cotton', 'thread' (spinning of), 'clothing', 'fire' and 'cloth', as ofcotton or hemp (see Table 40). FURTHER REMARKS ON Gossypium Cotton fibers manifest several distinct qualities to people in subsistence economies with neither matches nor loom-weaving. In accordance with evidence from our lexical studies, we emphasize three. The first two are self-evident properties of various cottons and not peculiar to Gassy pium. The absorbent softness ofvarious cottons recommends them to stuffing, batting, and medical dressings. The flammability of the fine, dry fibers makes excellent tinder. The third property, which which was eventually to become the most important to humans, is more peculiar to Gossypium. That is the remarkable strength of the delicate Gossypium fibers when twisted together into cordage ofany caliber. Once acquired, knowledge of the latter freed people to bend Gossypium to the most pressing needs ofsubsistence life as thread, string, rope, nets, mats, and hand-twined tex tiles, all quite independent ofthe special requirements ofweaving on a loom, which came late in prehistory. The remarkably preserved archaeological materials from coastal Peru (Stephens and Mosely 1974) demonstrate the uses for cordage between 2500 and 1750 B.C., and suggest that Gossypium domestication is a process that required no loom to initiate it. The selec tion of superior fibers by people and the appearance near habitation of cotton thickets from discarded seeds must have begun with the earliest gathering oflocks ofcotton from wild plants. THE CULTIVATED COTTONS OF THE OLD WORLD: Gossypium arboreum AND G. herbaceum The acclimation of the Old World Gossypium spp. to the short growing seasons of the Mediterranean, central Asia, and China is only a few centuries old at most, and is the result of selection for early-flowering and maturation. It has occurred in all four of the true cultivated cotton species and accounts for the enormous expansion of the acreage planted to them in the industrial era. To find the progenitors of the Old World diploids, G. arboreum and G. herbaceum, we must look no farther north than modern Pakistan and Baluchistan, because the early domesticated cottons and their wild relatives are all perennial shrubs ofthe dryer tropics and subtropics. The cotton of Mohenjo-Daro is presumed to be G. arboreum, the distinctive species of India, and the plant on which that country's traditional textile industry was based. Hutch inson's (1971 :279) authoritative guess is that G. arboreum was domesticated in Gujerat and Sind, but there is no direct evidence. G. arboreum apparently was carried out ofIndia early. An acclimated African type is thought to have been the basis ofthe Sudanese textile industry at Meroe (Hutchinson, Silow, and Stephens 1947:90). JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 293 An obscure early history also surrounds the other important Old World diploid cotton, G. herbaceum, the "cotton ofAfrica and western and central Asia" (Hutchinson 1959:4). Associated with the cotton textile industries of Arabs and East Africans, its cultivation apparently did not spread to India until about the eighteenth century (Hutchinson 1959: 15-16), and was not significantly cultivated east ofIndia. Otherwise, G. herbaceum is par ticularly associated in the Mediterranean world with the expansion ofIslam. Hutchinson (1971 :279) suggests southern Arabia and Baluchistan as likely sites for its early domestica tion because wild relatives ofthe domesticates grow there. It was G. arboreum, however, that became the cultivated cotton of East and Southeast Asia. It was transmitted to Malesia by the beginning of the Christian era along with a Sanskrit name, karpasa. It eventually became acclimated to Chinese latitudes by A.D. 900 1300 and ultimately reached Korea and the Ryukyus (Crawfurd 1820(1):439-442; Fryxell 1979: 170). In the Malesian island world, the distributions ofthe Old and New World cot tons overlap. WILD COTTONS (Gossypium spp.) IN THE PACIFIC AND INDIAN OCEANS Because they derive from the New World, the wild cottons of the Pacific and Indian oceans are very intriguing to students of cultural diffusion, especially when it is realized that there is every reason to suspect that wild varieties of G. hirsutum may have been indigenous to the shores of Malesian islands, hence available to the aboriginal peoples there as we know they were in Polynesia. The three wild Gossypium species in the Pacific and Indian oceans are all of ultimate American origin. They are amphidiploid, the tetraploid (n = 26) progeny of a single hybridization that may have occurred in tropical America before humans arrived there in the Pleistocene or earlier (Fryxell 1965; Phillips 1963; Stephens 1963). Figure 8 shows their distribution. The beautiful G. tomentosum is endemic to the Hawaiian Islands and may have been evolving there since the Pleistocene (Stephens 1964). The names ofthe other two species are familiar as the cottons of world commerce, a circumstance that, along with free interbreeding with their introduced cultivated relatives, has confused the status of island populations of G. barbadense and G. hirsutum. There are, in fact, distinctly wild varieties of each. G. barbadense var. darwinii is restricted to the Galapagos Islands (Archipel de Colon). Quite spectacular by contrast is the wide western distribution ofwild varieties of G. hirsutum. Wild hirsutum varieties that resemble their Central American and Caribbean relatives are known from the South Pacific part of Polynesia, Melanesia, Micronesia, the Sulu Islands, south coastal New Guinea, northern Australia, and in the Indian Ocean as far west as Madagascar (Table 41). The lexical evidence we have summarized suggests that knowledge of'cotton' predates European influence in the Pacific Islands cultures that did not spin or weave, and farther west, knowledge of'cotton' predates introduction ofcotton-weaving over 2000 years ago. Without insisting that 'cotton' must mean Gossypium, we would like to pose this ques tion about the geography ofthe plant: How long have the wild species ofGossypium been thus widely dispersed and are they in fact a part of the indigenous coastal flora of the Moluccas and Lesser Sundas? Ifthe plants are indigenous to eastern Malesia, there should be evidence of it in the folklore and language of the people. Here and there, too, should persist relict populations ofthe wild plants. tv \0 *'" PACIFIC OCEAN ATLANTIC OCEAN ~ ,-If---W '"~. / ) (®) ;:s • GOSSYPIUM TOMENTQSUM (Wild) , ~ l / ..., / ~ INDIAN OCEAN \. ",/ ....~ ~. ",'" t;1~~~~~~~-:-_- ~ .~-:----.-...... ~ .. III~III~···~··A ..... WILD TETRAPLOID COTTONS ...... :.:.:.:<::;:::;;. -----tv IN THE PACIFIC " ->-' o 1000 2000 3000 \0 & 00 MILES o INDIAN OCEANS Fig. 8 Three ofthe four known wild tetraploid (n = 26) species of Gossypium have dispersed westward to Pacific Islands (Table 41), although the relative antiq uity and vehicles ofdispersal must remain conjectural. In Polynesia, wild cottons were gathered for minor uses as tinder and stuffing at the time ofCaptain James Cook's voyages (1768-1780). A probable indigenous status ofthe far-ranging wild varieties of G. hirsutum may have been obscured by free interbreeding with the domestic varieties ofG. hirsutum, almost universally introduced in warm countries by the end ofthe nineteenth century. JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 295 TABLE 41. WILD TETRAPLOID Gossypium SPECIES OF AMERICAN ORIGIN IN THE PACIFIC AND INDIAN OCEANS G. tomentosum Nutt. ex Seem. Hawaiian Islands G. barbadense L. var. darwinii (Watt) Hutch, Galapagos Islands, or Archipel de COIOII G. hirsutum L. var. taitense "Polynesian Cotton" Fiji Makatea, Tuamotu Archipelago Marquesas New Caledonia New Guinea, southern coast (Borssum Waalkes 1966) Marianas: Saipan (F. R. Fosberg, personal communication) Samoa Tonga Tahiti G. hirsutum L. other varieties Arnhem Land, Northern Australia: wild riverine forms Madagascar (Watt 1907) Marianas: Maug 1. (c. Lamoureux, University ofHawaii, personal communication) Revillagigedos: Soccoro 1. Mascarene Islands: Rodriguez I. (Watt 1907) Philippines: Sulu Islands (Watt 1907) Wake 1. (Fosberg 1959, & Stephens 1963) SOURCES: Except as noted, the taxa are as listed by Stephens (1963) and Fryxell (1965). Serious attention to the possibility that the island hirsutum varieties were truly wild, rather than weedy escapes from cultivation, has begun to appear in the literature on cot ton genetics and evolution (Fryxell1965; 1979:171-173; Stephens 1963; 1971). Except ing the Polynesian G. hirsutum var. taitense and a Wake Island population, the wild hirsu turns are poorly known from a few dried specimens. The status ofthe Mascarene and Sulu Island ones has not apparently been reviewed since 1907 (Stephens 1963; 1966; Watt 1907). The wild tetraploids are everywhere almost entirely coastal in their distribution, and often occur on small uninhabited islands, as emphasized by both Fryxell (1965:40-41) and Stephens (1958b:83-84). They are plants of the drier tropics and subtropics and are not usually found in places lacking a dry season, hence our emphasis on the drier eastern parts ofMalesia. The plants do not require a coastal site to grow well. Wild and feral cot ton populations are also occasionally found inland on open rocky sites and along river banks. However, a natural occurrence of wild Gossypium shrubs in the open scrub behind tropical marine shores favors the plants doubly for possible dispersal either by ocean cur rents or by seafaring peoples, as Stephens has noted for the Caribbean (1958b:90-91). While not all of these attributes are shared by every population, we may summarize some ofthe characteristics ofwild Pacific Island cotton shrubs: (1) Fibers on the seeds are short, often sparse, and colored. (2) Capsules or bolls are small-less than 3 cm in diame ter. (3) The ripe seeds with attached fibers usually fall freely from the opened dry capsule when it is shaken. (4) The hard, small seeds have impermeable seed coats, resulting in 296 Asian Perspectives~ XXIII (2), 1980 delayed germination and a capability oflong immersion in sea water without losing viabil ity. (5) Plants tolerate conditions near marine shores, including salt-laden winds and saline soils (Fryxell 1965, 1979:142-147; Stephens 1963, 1964, 1965). How did the plants travel out of America? Natural dispersal of G. hirsutum westward from America across the open Pacific involves substantial difficulties and enigmas thor oughly reviewed by Stephens, who also conducted flotation experiments in salt water with seeds of several hirsutum varieties, with results that leave us without definite answers (Stephens 1958a, 1958b, 1963, 1966). Prehistoric human transport ofsuch seeds is always a possibility, for which there is no evidence. Birds might also be invoked. In the end, one is left with the facts that certain wild varieties of G. hirsutum are well adapted to marine littoral habitats; that their seeds withstand immersion in sea water for several months at least; and that they are widely dispersed in the Pacific Islands and far ther west. A natural dispersal out ofAmerica may at least be conceived, ifnot quite dem onstrated. Once arrived in the western Pacific Islands, successful founder populations might have provided a center for further dispersal within the region. In Malesia, the modest distances between islands make dispersal from island to island easily credible on currents that shift direction with each turning ofthe monsoon. Are there wild G. hirsutum varieties in Malesia? It is clear from the taxonomic review of Malesian Malvaceae by Borssum Waalkes (1966) that forms of G. hirsutum that "run wild easily" are widespread in those parts ofeastern Indonesia that have a marked dry season, especially islands in and near the Lesser Sundas, Sulawesi, and the Moluccas. Do the wild and cultivated forms recorded by Borssum Waalkes reflect historical intro ductions in colonial times, or do the wild cottons represent a separate archaic arrival of G. hirsutum from America? One might envision a chronology ofcotton introduction into the Malesian region: 1. Before about 3000 years ago: Introduction and spread ofwild tetraploid G. hirsutum from America by whatever means; utilization for nontextile purposes. 2. Between 3000 and 2000 years ago: Introduction ofthe Indian diploid G. aboreum (and its name kapas) along with the expansion ofIndian culture into Malesia; utilization ofthe new cotton in spinning and weaving; genetic barriers prevent hybridization. The two spe cies remain distinct. 3. About 450 years ago: In the era of European expansion, introduction of American cultivated tetraploid Gossypium species, including cultivated varieties of G. hirsutum. The long-established wild hirsutum varieties freely cross with the cultivated varieties and obscure the status ofthe wild populations in the eyes ofbotanical explorers. If there is any truth in that historical scenario, the distinctly wild strains are probably still present on islands where cotton has not been cultivated. In the vicinity ofcultivation, the wild forms are likely to have interbred with, and come to resemble, cultivated forms, persisting as weedy races on the fringes of old and recent plantings (Hutchinson 1970). Such weedy and wild races would quite naturally have been confused with "escapes from cultivation," and despised as weeds unworthy of the thoughtful attention of either schol arly botanists ofpractical cotton growers. Such "wild" and "weedy" hirsutum varieties should be sampled and studied for the possibility that they may have been in Malesia for a very long time. When examined in light oftheir role in traditional culture, they, along with the little-known cultivated strains ofthe region, promise to help us better understand the courses ofhuman culture history. JOHNSON AND DECKER: Native Names for Cotton 297 CONCLUSIONS Gossypium species entered the Indo-Pacific islands from two directions in pre-Colum bian times. In the first millennium B.C., the excellent textile cotton, diploid G. arboreum, entered Malesia. Out ofthe Americas several tetraploid species have dispersed from time immemorial. Noteworthy are the varieties G. hirsutum, which occur as far west as Mada gascar. Their occurrence west ofPolynesia before 1770 is suspected but not confirmed by existing evidence. Linguistic evidence supports two loci for the spread of words for 'cotton' into Polyne sia: (1) the Southeast Asian mainland, possibly from Thai or Laotian (Austroasiatic); and (2) eastern Indonesia, in the region of Ceram (Austronesian). Etymological history of Proto-Polynesian vavae'V vavai 'cotton, tinder' suggests a proto-form in Austroasiatic vay 'V fay 'cotton, flame'. Eastern Indonesian forms kapa, abas, avas, afa, aha, ai aha 'cotton, Gossypium' reflect Proto-Austronesian *kapas 'cotton, cord' (see Table 9). However, as this study has shown, the ancestral antecedents ofthese forms in Austrone sian are present in Austroasiatic and Indo-Aryan (i.e. karpasa, karvas). From this point of view, two inferences are possible: 1. Proto-Polynesian forms for cotton have antecedents in Proto-Austronesian, Aus troasiatic, and Indo-Aryan. 2. Proto-Polynesian forms for cotton, especially kafa as 'cord' (from Proto-Austrone sian *kapas 'cotton, cord'), may not be the immediate predecessors ofEastern Polynesian forms afa 'V aha (Tahitian, Hawaiian). Eastern Indonesian forms show the greatest num ber of morphemic variations, suggesting that the phased evolution from Proto-Eastern Oceanic into Proto-Tongic (Western Polynesian) and then into Proto-Eastern Polynesian may be true for some, but not all, Polynesian lexemes. Our assumption that Eastern Indo nesia was the funnel through which Indo-Aryan and/or Austroasiatic forms effected the determination ofthese forms in Polynesia is strongly supported by the data we have pre sented. Within the constraints ofcomparative linguistic theory, no proof of direct relationship between forms for 'cloth' and 'bast' (as cotton or other fiber) on opposite sides of the Pacific is claimed. A formulated conclusion seems premature at this time. Nevertheless, as we have shown, language boundaries based on strict morphological distinctions ofclas sification do not necessarily limit the diffusion of key technology words vital to human survival in prehistoric times. Resolution of the problem ofcomparability between Amer indian forms and the fiber set for Indo-Aryan, Ural-Altaic, Austroasiatic, and Austrone sian (see Fig. 4) may not be determined except on the basis ofadditional cognate sets that will dramatize the equivalent world sweep. 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