EARLS COLNe’S EARLY MODeRN LANDScAPeS For my father
Coinneach MhicFhionghuin (1927–1990),
from the Isle of Skye, Scotland &
Mary Valley, Queensland, Australia
&
my Great Aunt
Mary Wall (1904–1992)
from Cumberland, England, and
Red Deer, Alberta, Canada. Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
D OLLY MAcKINNON University of Queensland, Australia First published 2014 by Ashgate Publishing
Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: MacKinnon, Dolly. Earls Colne’s early modern landscapes / by Dolly MacKinnon. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978–0–7546–3964–0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Earls Colne (England) – History. 2. Earls Colne (England) – Historical geography. 3. Material culture – England – Earls Colne – History. 4. Earls Colne (England) – Ar- chival resources. I. Title. DA 690.E1187M33 2014 942.6’715–dc23 2013042218 ISBN 9780754639640 (hbk) ISBN 9781315578361 (ebk) Contents
List of Figures vii List of Tables ix List of Plates xi List of Abbreviations and Symbols xiii Acknowledgements xv
1 Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 1
Part I: Ways of Seeing and Remembering God’s Landscape
2 In the Footsteps of Antiquarians: Earls Colne 23
3 Amyce’s Plot in 1598 37
4 God’s Landscape: St Andrew’s Church and Beyond 61
5 Death’s Posthumous Hand 79
Part II: Inhabiting the Lord’s Landscape
6 Pews: ‘may sit to pray’ 89
7 The ‘concession to erect seats’ 99
8 Populating the Pews: Ship Money 113
9 Voices from the Pews: Petitions 123
10 ‘My body to the earth’: Burial Nominations 139
11 What the Dead have to say for Themselves 149 vi Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
12 Perpetual Memorials 159
13 What the Burial Registers have to say about the Dead 197
14 Inclusions and Exclusions 211
15 Scratched into History 223
Part III: Remembering, Forgetting and Claiming the Landscape
16 Re-membering the Priory 231
17 The Diabolical in Earls Colne 249
18 From Cross Gate Road to Coggeshall Road 263
19 The Quaker’s Landscape 271
20 Epilogue: Signatures in the Landscape 285
Bibliography 293 Index 315 List of Figures
2.1 John Wale’s modifications to the Priory Manor House, c.1740. 31 2.2 Earls Colne Priory, Sketch by Elizabeth Phillips, c.1817. 34
3.1 Amyce’s building symbols, 1598, for houses, mills and barns used in the map of Earls Colne. 53 3.2 Chalkney Mill, c.1780. 54 3.3 A comparison of the symbols used by Amyce in 1598 with the symbols used by Carwardine, c.1810. 58
4.1 Sketch of St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, Essex by Daniel King, 1653. 66 4.2 Evolution of St Andrew’s Church, c.1313–1864. 70
6.1 Robert de Vere, 5th Earl of Oxford. 92
7.1 St Andrew’s Church seating, c.1590–1835. 100 7.2 ICBS Plan of St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, 1835. 105 7.3 ICBS plans of St Andrew’s Church seating, 1838. 106 7.4 ICBS plan of St Andrew’s Church seating, c.1864. 107
11.1 Funeral monuments in St Andrew’s Church, c.1490–1750. 152 11.2 St Andrew’s Churchyard, 1598–1866. 156–7
12.1 Roger Harlakenden monument of 1602/03. 165 12.2 Jane and Mabel Harlakenden monument of 1614. 169 12.3 Mehetabell Elliston monument of 1657. 171 12.4 George Cressener monument of 1722. 179 12.5 Thomas, 8th Earl of Oxford. 185 12.6 Richard, 11th Earl of Oxford. 186 12.7 Alice Sergeaux. 187 12.8 John Eldred monument of 1646. 189
16.1 Avenue to Earls Colne Church, Sketch by Elizabeth Phillips, 1842. 232 16.2 Cross, erected by the Earls Colne Society, 2000. 234 viii Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
16.3 F.H. Fairweather Plan of Colne Priory, 1938. 235
19.1 Quaker Meeting House, 1980. 275
20.1 Ralph Josselin, west door St Andrew’s Church, 1993. 287 List of Tables
2.1 De Vere interments, monuments and epitaphs at Colne Priory, c.1110–1526. 26
3.1 Manorial Lords of the manors of Earls Colne and Colne Priory, c.1100–c.1750. 41 3.2 Stewards for the manor of Earls Colne, 1585–1750. 43 3.3 The Stewards of Colne Priory Manor, 1592–1750. 44 3.4 Years manorial courts were not held, 1604–1750. 46 3.5 Months in which manorial courts were held for Colne Priory, 1561–1750, and for Earls Colne, 1577–1750. 46 3.6 Full tenants’ list for Colne Priory compiled by Thomas Cole Esq., steward, 1625. 47 3.7 Total combined demesne, freehold and copyhold acreages for the manors of Earls Colne and Colne Priory, lying in Earls Colne, Colne Engaine and White Colne in 1598. 49 3.8 Demesne, freehold and copyhold acreages in Earls Colne and Colne Priory manors in 1598. 50 3.9 Wooded areas in both manors in 1598. 59
4.1 Measurements of the chancel of St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne. 72
8.1 Distribution of villagers assessed in the Ship Money return of 1636–37. 116 8.2 Title or occupation of villagers and the size of the Ship Money rate they paid in 1636–37. 118
10.1 Earls Colne burial nominations, 1490–1750. 144 This page has been left blank intentionally List of Plates
(Plates between pages 158 and 159)
1 Arms, in stained glass, in the Chamber over Hall, Colne Priory, by D.K., 1653. Source: Reproduction of Add. 27348 fol. 32 by permission of The British Library Board.
2 Glass Windows in the Hall, Earls Colne Priory, by D.K., 1653. Source: Reproduction of Add. 27348 fol. 33 by permission of The British Library Board.
3 Overview of the Amyce map, 1598.
4 Detail of Colne Priory Manor House partially enclosed by brick walls, and part of Holt Street and the River Colne, from Amyce map, 1598.
5 Detail of Lodge Farm, which is a moated site from the Amyce map, 1598.
6 Detail of Prucknutts Farm and Mitchells Copyhold on Cross Gate Road (by the seventeenth century known as Coggeshall Road) from the Amyce map, 1598.
7 Missal, leaf and sheet with music. Source: Reproduction of D/Dpr553 by courtesy of the Essex Record Office.
8 Richard Harlakenden’s initials. Author’s photo. This page has been left blank intentionally List of Abbreviations and Symbols
b. buried bap. baptised BL British Library bn. born c. circa ch. christened d pence d. died ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography ERO Essex Record Office fl. flourished Fr Friday FAS Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries ICBS Incorporated Church Building Society LPL Lambeth Palace Library LRO London Record Office Li £ sterling Mo Monday NSPMD National Society for Preserving the Memorials of the Dead PRO Public Record Office (now The National Archives) RCHME Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England Sa Saturday S shilling SPAB Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings Su Sunday Tu Tuesday TNA The National Archives Th Thursday VCH Victoria County History We Wednesday xiv Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
Land Measurements
All land measurements are listed in acres (a), roods or rod (r) and perches (p). 40 perches = 1 rood (or rod) 40 roods = 1 acre 1 acre = 160 perches
Length Measurements
The following symbols are used in this book: feet (‘), and inches (‘’). 12 inches = 1 foot 3 feet = 1 yard
English Currency
All monetary amounts are listed in pounds (£), shillings (s) and pence (d). 12 pennies = 1 shilling 20 shillings = £1 1 guinea = Usually 21 shillings but also can be 20s. After 1717, fixed at £1 1s.
Dates
Dates used throughout this book adhere to the Julian calendar, with each year beginning on 25 March.
Earls Colne Printed and Electronic Archives
Both the printed and electronic versions of this archive are used throughout this book: A. Macfarlane (ed.), Records of an English Village, Earls Colne 1400–1750 [Microfiche] (Cambridge, 1980) andEarls Colne, Essex: Records of an English Village, 1375–1854, http://linux02.lib.cam.ac.uk/earlscolne/. When quoting from either source I have given the details of the holding archive, the individual document number for each item in square brackets, followed by the record series name, and the date. My citations distinguish between the microfiche and website documents: microfiche numbers use a decimal point system, whereas the website documents do not. Acknowledgements
Anyone moderately familiar with the rigours of composition will not need to be told the story in detail; how he wrote and it seemed good; read and it seemed vile; corrected and tore up; cut out; put in; was in ecstasy; in despair; had his good nights and bad mornings; snatched at ideas and lost them; saw his book plain before him and it vanished; acted his people’s parts as he ate; mouthed them as he walked; now cried; now laughed; vacillated between this style and that; now preferred the heroic and pompous; next the plain and simple; now the vales of Tempe; then the fields of Kent or Cornwall; and could not decide whether he was the divinest genius or the greatest fool in the world.1
I would like to offer my thanks to the following people: Professor Alan Macfarlane and Sarah Harrison for permission to quote from Earls Colne Essex Records of an English Village 1375–1854
1 Virginia Woolf, Orlando (London, 1993), pp. 57–8. Reproduced by permission of the Society of Authors as the Literary Representative of the Estate of Virginia Woolf. xvi Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
D’Alton, Deb Hull, Peter Sherlock, and to my colleagues, and students (past and present) at The University of Queensland, Queensland University of Technology and the University of Melbourne. To Associate Professor Richard Pennell, and the late Associate Professor David Philips and late Professor Trish Crawford, my thanks at a crucial stage in the commissioning process. My great thanks to Kelli Green, Liz Ely, Pam Sharpe, Sarah Ferber, Alex Walsham, Sharyn Pearce, Barbara Pertzel, Di Hall, Amanda Whiting, Jenny Kloester and Jenny Spinks who know the arduous and yet rewarding journeys travelled in the name of research. Material from my article ‘The files of the nineteenth-century Incorporated Church Building Society as a means of reconstructing the past: the example St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne’, first published in The Local Historian 27.2 (May 1997): 91–105, is reproduced by kind permission of the British Association for Local History. Parts of my article ‘The arrangements of monuments and seating at St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, during the 17th and early 18th century’, first published in Essex Archaeology and History 28 (1997): 165–80, are reproduced with the courtesy and kind permission of the Essex Society for Archaeology and History. Thanks to the Australia Research Council Network of Early European Research for funding my access to Early English Books Online (EEBO). The Kate Bush song lyrics from ‘Love and Anger’ and ‘The Sensual World’, words and music by Kate Bush 1989, are reproduced by permission of EMI Music Publishing Ltd, London WCH 0QY. The extract reproduced here from Ronald Blythe’s Akenfield (1969; Middlesex: Penguin, 1985), p. 77, © Ronald Blythe 1969; c/o Rogers, Coleridge and White Ltd, 20 Powis Mews, London W11 1JN. The Incorporated Church Building Society plans from ICBS 1918, ICBS 2335, and ICBS 6048 appear by permission of Lambeth Palace Library, London. The State Library of Victoria granted permission to reproduced the Daniel King drawing of the 8th Earl of Oxford, from Richard Gough, Sepulchral Monuments in Great Britain: Applied to Illustrate the History of Families, Manners, Habits and Arts, at the Different Periods from the Norman Conquest to the Seventeenth Century, London: J. Nichols, 1786–96), Volume I, Part II, p. 130, Plate LII. Two drawings of the stained-glass windows from Colne Priory, Add. 27348 fol. 32, and Add. 27348 fol. 33, and the 1653 Sketch of St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, Essex, by Daniel King, Add. MS 27350, are reproduced by permission of the British Library Board. Plate LXXXV ‘Colne Priory, Essex: Ground Plan’ by F.H. Fairweather is reproduced from F.H. Fairweather, ‘Colne Priory, Essex, and the Burials of the Earls of Oxford’, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity Published by the Society of Antiquaries of London, 87 (Second Series, vol. 37), (1938): 275–95, courtesy of the Society of Antiquaries of London, © reserved. The ‘Two engravings of House at Earls Colne’ from MS Gough Maps 8, fol. 1v from Richard Gough’s extra-illustrated copy of British Topography (1780), are reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. The following three images are Acknowledgements xvii reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office: D/Dpr553 missal, leaf and sheet with music; I/Mp 103/1/6 Earls Colne Priory by Elizabeth Phillips, c.1817; and I/Mp 103/1/1 Avenue to Earls Colne Church in Essex by Elizabeth Phillips, 1842. My thanks to the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, for permission to reproduce the image of ‘Chalkney Mill, Earls Colne, Essex British School (c.1780)’, WA 2002.214 (the Hope Collection). My greatest thanks are offered here to Don Kennedy, my former supervisor, who continues to inspire me, and to whom I shall always be eternally grateful that he asked ‘what about Earls Colne?’ Don and Bev are friends who have travelled this journey with me. To my editor, Tom Grey, who graciously understood a publication deadline was a movable feast, thank you. To the anonymous reviewer, and especially Celia Barlow, Jeanne Brady, and Dr Lee-Ann Monk, I offer my thanks. This book could never have been completed without my family: a very special thank you to my mother, Gay and my brother Rory, to Derek, Pat and Miriam Osborne, and to my old feline friend Clarence (1988–2007). Ray Osborne’s unqualified love, support and enthusiasm for Essex past and present, even in the darkest hour, made this book possible. Ray produced the architectural drawings, and the photographic image of Ralph Josselin for the book’s cover. Finally, to our beautiful daughter, Alexandra, who puts life firmly into perspective, makes us laugh, and makes life a joy. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 1 Prologue: A Well-trodden Field
Certaine remarkable things that fell out in my remembrance.1 Ralph Josselin
I am not the first historian to write about Earls Colne nor will I be the last. Historians write about this parish from different perspectives, using their findings for their own purposes. Some visit the village. Others do not. For those that do come to this place, evidence is to be found in the village landscape, in its material surroundings, and in the ancient documents they can consult which are held in private hands, libraries, archives and online. Most historians focus on written records. Some explore the material culture and landscape, while others speak to those who live here. What links Earls Colne to the rest of England in a historical sense is its place in continually growing networks of knowledge about the past. These networks of knowledge represent a dynamic process that is especially well documented for the last five centuries and that reveals the changing character of both the people and the landscape they occupied. Like their subjects, historians are ‘living in the gap between past and future’.2 While the motivations of individual writers differ, each, in their own way, writes about the mental and physical landscapes of the past from the position of their present, and their own personal perspective and predilections. In the spirit of Alan Macfarlane’s online Earls Colne database, that enables ready access to an abundant archive, accessible 24 hours a day, to academics, undergraduates, local and family historians alike, this book also adds new materials into the public domain. In reconstructing aspects of early modern Earls Colne that are no longer extant, I include my plans of the evolution of the church building, as well as seating spaces and monument locations from the twelfth to the early nineteenth centuries. In addition, I include the recoverable and changing medieval and early modern monumental inscriptions that, during the early modern period and beyond, were erected, defaced, reworked and removed. The book is also illustrated with contemporary images of Earls Colne from the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, not published elsewhere, and which reveal different perspectives of that landscape that move beyond the written record.
1 Alan Macfarlane (ed.), e Diary of Ralph Josselin 1616–1683 (Oxford, 1976), p. 648. 2 ‘Love and Anger’, words and music by Kate Bush, 1989; reproduced by permission of EMI Music Publishing Ltd, London WCH 0QY. 2 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
This book also uncovers and utilises new antiquarian records and archives, including the invaluable resources of the nineteenth-century Incorporated Church Building Society (ICBS) files (1818–1982) held at Lambeth Palace Library. The surviving ICBS plans (although not the complete files) for churches across England (including Earls Colne) are available online.3 As I have written elsewhere, this Society was established to provide funds to parish churches in England and Wales that wished to increase parish church seating in an attempt to stem the rise in Nonconformity.4 Therefore to paraphrase Peter Howard, rather than offering the reader a ‘desk-bound’ study, this is an illustrated cultural history based on fieldwork centring on the key physical structures in the Earls Colne landscape that have not been the feature of any other previous study. Analysing the changing physical features and material culture of specific aspects of the Earls Colne landscape, this book focuses largely but not exclusively on the parish church, the priory and the Quaker Meeting House as heterotopic spaces – that is, spaces holding simultaneous meanings, in this village. This book demonstrates how the physical traces of the early modern past are recoverable for historical enquiry. Using case-study examples that centre on the interaction and interconnection of certain people with specific places at certain points in time and over time for Earls Colne, this book demonstrates how spaces reveal contested sites. This involves both the reconstruction of early modern sites that are no longer extant (such as the Priory and St Andrew’s Church), as well as the analysis of surviving built heritage, and early modern material culture evidence (found within the parish church). Significant as they are, they have not been the focal point of previous studies of this village. By analysing how these places were manufactured, recast and reworked by some of the inhabitants of Earls Colne over time, we can gain a greater understanding of the simultaneous meanings to be found in specific sites within this cultural landscape over the seventeenth century. It is also important to reclaim the pre-seventeenth-century parts of those spaces that have ongoing resonances into the seventeenth century and beyond, washing over the breaks of traditional historical periodisation. As a cultural history, with specific themes of interest to my particular trajectory, this book then does not rehearse the published academic debates from the past forty years that have dominated the existing research into Earls Colne. This is not a book that continues in the tradition of land-family bond,
3 Incorporated Church Building Society (1818–1982), Church Plans Online, Lambeth Palace Library, London, (http://www.lambethpalacelibrary.org/content/icbs) (2 May 2012). 4 Ann Dolina MacKinnon, ‘The Files of the Nineteenth-Century Incorporated Church Building Society, and St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, Essex During the Eighteenth Century’, Local Historian, May (1997): 91–105; Ann Dolina MacKinnon, ‘The Arrangements of Monuments and Seating at St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne During the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries’, Essex Archaeology and History, 28 (1997): 165–80. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 3 individualism, or the discipline-specific studies of cartography, geography, social, economic, thematic, or comparative history. I have chosen to do something different, which moves the research trajectory into new and different areas for amateurs, undergraduates, postgraduates and academics who want to write about this or any other of the roughly 9,000 parishes in England in different ways. The main text is purposefully devoid of the traditional scholarly hagiographical citations – this is not intended to offend, rather it is intended to create space for new material relating to Earls Colne. Much excellent work exists for this parish, such as the Reformation of manners analysis of Robert von Friedeburg, the first historian to take up and make use of Macfarlane’s public archive, and Mark Williams’s recent study of living in poverty in Earls Colne from 1560 to 1640.5 I do not enter their debates, and nor do I engage in the Brenner debate, and the rise of individualism, as this material has already been contested and debated by Richard Hoyle, Henry French and Govind Sreenivasan elsewhere.6 The existing work on the social and economic aspects and debates regarding this village has tended to dominate, and overshadow other work that has moved in different directions. For example, Daphne Pearson’s study examined the wardship of Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford (1550–1604), while James Ross analyses of the life of John de Vere, 13th Earl of Oxford (1442–1513) and Joyce Macadam’s recent study of early modern ‘English Weather’ analysed the evidence to be found in Ralph Josselin’s diary.7 The work of the late Mike Wadhams and the Workers Education Association (Earls Colne Branch) that analysed and traced the evolution of the vernacular architecture of houses, cottages and workplaces from surviving built heritage largely in the village centre from the twelfth to the
5 Robert Von Friedeburg, ‘Reformation of Manners and the Social Composition of Offenders in an East Anglian Cloth Village: Earls Colne, Essex, 1531–1642’,Journal of British Studies 29.4 (1990): 347–85, and ‘Social and Geographical Mobility in the Old World and New World Communities: Earls Colne, Ipswich and Springfield, 1636–1685’, Journal of Social History, 29.2 (1995): 375–400; Robert Von Friedeburg, Sundenzucht und Sozialer Wandel; Earls Colne (England), Ipswich und Spring eld (Neeuengland) c. 1524–1690 im Vergleich (Stuttgart, 1993); Mark Williams, ‘“Our Poore People in Tumults Arose”: Living in Poverty in Earls Colne, Essex, 1560–1640’, Rural History, 13.2 (2002): 123–43. 6 Govind Sreenivasan,‘The Land-Family Bond at Earls Colne (Essex) 1550–1650’, Past and Present, 131 (1991): 3–37, and ‘Reply: The Land-Family Bond England’,Past and Present, 143 (1995): 174–87; Henry French and Richard Hoyle, e Character of English Rural Society (Manchester, 2008); and Jane Whittle (ed.), Landlords and Tenants in Britain, 1440–1660: Tawney’s Agrarian Problem Revisited (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2013). 7 Daphne Pearson, Edward de Vere (1550–1604): e Crisis and Consequences of Wardship (Aldershot, 2005); James Ross, John de Vere, irteenth Earl of Oxford (1442–1513): ‘ e Foremost Man of the Kingdom’ (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2013); Joyce Macadam, ‘English Weather: The Seventeenth-Century Diary of Ralph Josselin’,Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 43.2 (2013): 221–46. 4 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes twentieth centuries, also provides another valuable and integral resource in the reconstruction and engagement with these traces of the early modern past.8 Throughout this book, I cite the archival sources in full; however, I only refer to those essential secondary-source works that have directly influenced me in my writing, and these appear in the footnotes. I am concerned with revealing the physical traces of the past as they are recoverable from surviving evidence created by antiquarians and map makers, as well as by reconstructing aspects of certain villager’s lives (such as an antiquarian, a map maker, a vicar, a subtenant, a Quaker, a free black woman and a woman who commits suicide, amongst others) over time. I want to determine the ways in which certain people inscribed meaning into the creation and renovation of the landscape. I also want to turn to examples of those who are largely absent from the written records, but form an important element in the early modern heterotopic landscape of Earls Colne. This will not be a book for every reader. As Peter Howard has said in another context, ‘Because landscapes are so personal, I cannot teach you about “landscape”: I can merely tell you about “my” landscape and leave you to deal with yours.’9 Readers who can engage with a process of writing histories of parishes which focus on the multiple landscapes coexisting at any one time – that is, landscape as heterotopic spaces – might take some of the themes and approaches used in this book to develop and flesh out new histories for their own landscapes. For example, Elizabeth Hallam and Jenny Hockey, amongst others, have examined heterotopic landscapes in the context of death, memory and materials culture in the twentieth century, and these approaches offer a valuable methodological approach that can be adapted for the early modern period.10 National histories should be the sum total of their parts, and those parts are individual parish studies, comprised of all sorts of individual women, men and children, that played a central role in the construction of, and understanding of, local experiences. For those who think too much has already been written about Earls Colne, there is no single definitive history of any subject. Historical practice is a lively and dynamic one with a voracious readership. As a cultural history, this book addresses some of the aspects of the heterotopic landscapes that coexisted in the past, that leave recoverable remnants in the present. Early modern villagers, mighty and miniscule, lived in these moments, and this book examines a few
8 Pearson, Edward de Vere (1550–1604); Ross, John de Vere, irteenth Earl of Oxford (1442–1513); Macadam, ‘English Weather: The Seventeenth-Century Diary of Ralph Josselin’; M.C. Wadhams, R. Shackle, D.C. Brown, J.L. MacMurray Dickson, Wherein I Dwell: A History of Earls Colne Houses om 1375 (Earls Colne, 1983). 9 Peter J. Howard, An Introduction to Landscape (Aldershot, 2011), p. 9. 10 As in Michel Foucault’s theorisation of heterotopic spaces as utilised in E. Hallam and J. Hockey, Death, Memory and Material Culture (Oxford, 2001), p. 90. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 5 of the myriad gaps in the existing literature for Earls Colne. There are still new debates to be had, and new directions to be investigated. Cultural history is about inclusions and omissions, absences and presences, and above all, reading against the grain. The approaches I use and have developed here have methodological roots in a range of disciplines, rather than just from within a single historiographical tradition, which is in keeping with Macfarlane’s initial work that came out of an interdisciplinary turn of the late 1960s. This book places the parish church, the priory and the Quaker Meeting House firmly back into the centre of my discussion, something that has not been fashionable for this village, or others, of late. Yet all levels of society share a space, albeit unequal, in parish histories, and the mighty and the minuscule interact within that culture beyond the confines of the manor, and the manorial mechanism of control regarding land resources. The buildings and spaces in Earls Colne, many of which continue to form prominent places in the landscape today, are therefore dynamic entities. These cultural heritage structures do not simply provide a backdrop onto which previous Earls Colne studies can just be dropped. Rather, these buildings, and the material culture, places and spaces are also forms of evidence about the formation and re-formation of the early modern landscape across periodisation breaks that deserve their own studies. As such, they represent another form of text written by villagers that needs also to be interrogated independently of existing debates that have not considered them. These sites are the physical manifestations of human endeavour, conformity and nonconformity during the early modern period. Constantly being re-written, these sites held profound, as well as long-lasting, importance and influence during the early modern period. These structures also created frictions within village life. This book, therefore, offers built-heritage case studies of the church and priory in conjunction with pivotal early modern events in this village in particular. I ask the reader to see Earls Colne anew from the perspective of its material culture, built heritage and additional archival remains. This evidence reveals a constantly evolving landscape that was lived and experienced in different ways simultaneously by different sorts of people. The book comprises a series of views of that landscape over time and from different village perspectives: elites as well as those who leave only a small imprint in the landscape and written records. This book purposefully moves from the general to the specific through narratives about this place. Previous studies of Earls Colne have dealt with 45 per cent of the manorial landscape, providing only fleeting glimpses of the occupiers of this parish landscape. Within manorial studies, there is yet to be an analysis of the role of women and property at Earls Colne over time. Previous studies have also looked at proportions of the populations from the perspective of poverty or Puritanism. This book looks at the significance of the church, but also the former priory, converted into a domestic dwelling, and the Quaker Meeting House as places of 6 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes continuity and change. The manorial records and parish petitions used here are then read against the grain in order to reconfigure, for specific moments in time, the occupiers (that is, owners, as well as subtenants), the inhabitants, of that village landscape (church, meeting house and dwelling), rather than simply those involved in village landholding and property transfers. This is not a criticism of any previous studies, simply a positioning of this study. Mapping the major religious landscapes in Earls Colne is just one of a myriad of further possibilities that remain to be tackled for this parish. As cultural history continues to move in new directions, every new study will reveal different aspects of the early modern landscape, and through the ongoing inclusion and analysis of built heritage, material culture and the archives, the multiple meanings inscribed into this place will continue to re-emerge. This book then aims to ‘step from the page into the sensual world’ of the early modern landscape and rediscover what certain places, spaces and people from that past have to tell us about their present.11 A new trajectory in early modern history has seen the landscape emerge in the last decade as a significant area of analysis. Christopher Tilley evocatively articulates the ‘multisensorial qualities of our human experiences of landscape’, where that ‘landscape is simultaneously a visionscape, a touchspace, a soundscape, and a tastespace’.12 The work of Nicola Whyte and Alexandra Walsham has placed the human experience of political and religious continuity and change within that landscape. This book situates itself within the topography of early modern life and death as it is played out in this parish landscape.13 The signatures of human existence survive in unequal ways on the Earls Colne landscape and reflect the religious transformation, innovation and upheaval of the early modern world. The landscape is tangible, ephemeral, as well as ideological. Ultimately, the landscape is interactive, and responsive to the human hands and actions that constantly form and rework it. Along with the evidence found in built cultural heritage and material culture of the early modern past, the landscape forms the nexus of human experience and endeavour. It is the intention of this book to unravel some of the complex webs of meanings that lie partially concealed in the texts, maps, material culture, built heritage, landscape and place names that have been lost or endured. This wealth of evidence offers a more comprehensive understanding of aspects of certain
11 ‘The Sensual World’, words and music by Kate Bush, 1989; reproduced by permission of EMI Music Publishing Ltd, London WCH 0QY. 12 Christopher Tilley, Interpreting Landscapes: Geologies, Topographies, Identities Explorations in Landscape Phenomenology 3 (Walnut Creek, CA, 2010), pp. 27–8. 13 Nicola Whyte, Inhabiting the Landscape: Place, Custom and Memory, 1500–1800 (Oxford, 2009); Alexandra Walsham, e Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity, & Memory in Early Modern Britain & Ireland (Oxford, 2011). Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 7 people’s lives within the communal spaces and places forming the seventeenth- century landscape of Earls Colne. The parish of Earls Colne covers just less than 3,000 acres and is situated in the north-eastern part of the county of Essex, amongst the small hills of the Colne valley.14 Chalkney Wood, an ancient wood of lime or ‘prye’, ash and hornbeam trees, dominates the south-east of the parish landscape, spreading across nearly 200 acres. It has done so for at least 1,000 years and is bisected by an ancient Roman road.15 Until the beginning of the twentieth century, there were two manors largely coterminous with the parish boundaries of Earls Colne, but also reaching beyond – the manors of Earls Colne and Colne Priory. The village settlement spreads along Holt Street and then up the High Street following the contour of the main road from Colchester to Cambridge, with the oldest surviving structures dating from the mid- to late fourteenth century.16 The parish Church of St Andrew is situated in the centre of the town where a place of worship has been located for over 900 years. For over 400 years from c.1519–20 until 1975, the village also had a grammar school, for which the motto was ‘carpe diem’ (seize the day).17 The brook crosses through the north-western boundary of the parish, while the River Colne runs through the north-east of the parish, representing the perpetual landscape reference that Roland Parker in another context would have evocatively termed ‘the common stream’.18 The nineteenth- century manor house, still called the Priory, sits secluded behind a wall first constructed in the fourteenth century and rebuilt in brick during the fifteenth century. No physical traces of the Benedictine monastery and large church of St Mary and St John the Evangelist that gave the Priory its name survive. It is predominantly through the eyes of men, antiquarians and historians, who variously relied upon the evidence from the landscape, material culture, word of mouth, memory and the written records of the village, that we encounter this place. To counter this, where possible, I will draw upon forms of evidence (written and material culture) that also include women from within this parish. It is only by examining those records, as well as the changing place names and
14 Alan Macfarlane, A Guide to English Historical Records (Cambridge, 1983), p. 18, states that the parish lies ‘on a boulder clay plateau at a height of between 100 and 400 feet above sea level’; Janet Cooper (ed.), A History of the County of Essex (Oxford, 2001), vol. 10, p. 86. 15 Oliver Rackham, e History of the Countryside (London, 1986), p. 102, observed ‘Ancient woods are of many kinds.’ Other surviving Essex lime woods, like the one in Earls Colne, are Paul’s Wood and Black Notley. 16 Wadhams et al., Wherein I Dwell, pp. 14–17. 17 A.D. Merson, Earls Colne Grammar School Essex (Colchester, 1975), p. 1, states 1520, and the motto is embossed on the front cover of the book; Cooper (ed.), A History of the County of Essex, vol. 10, p. 102, states c.1519. 18 Roland Parker, e Common Stream (London, 1975), which was a history of Foxton in Cambridgeshire from the earliest times until the 1970s. 8 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes architectural and natural features that survive, and by recovering the eyewitness and earwitness accounts of the past, that cultural historians can ascertain what and who the record keepers chose to describe and what to omit, as well as what they simply took for granted. We can rediscover some of those assumed and inferred features of the early modern mental, physical and auditory terrain, and gain a clearer understanding of how certain aspects of life, in this particular landscape, were lived. As Rhys Isaac perceptively observed in another context, ‘the taken-for-granted must cease to be so.’19
Revealing Early Modern Landscapes
From a methodological standpoint, this book breaks from the traditional approaches to Earls Colne, by using new and diverse sources for this village in unconventional ways in order to recover aspects of the lives of women, children and men within these early modern landscapes. No single history can provide a holistic account of any subject, and this book is one of many possible histories of Earls Colne. By analysing aspects of early modern lives as revealed through the institutions of the church, state and estate, and utilising the evidence from built heritage and material culture, as well as archives, this book demonstrates the tangible formation and reformation of that landscape by those resident in Earls Colne over time, and the importance of remembering and forgetting. This cultural history reveals that while power may have appeared to ebb and flow within individual institutions such as the manor or the church, individuals and families were able to make their mark on the landscape in other powerful ways. This can only be rediscovered and revealed when, in addition to archives, early modern material culture evidence and built heritage are also incorporated into the analysis of medieval and early modern landscapes, that included the key institution of the parish church, priory and Quaker Meeting House. Influenced by James C. Scott’s exemplary work about the state-based ‘schemes to improve the human condition and their ultimate failure’, this study re-examines the evidence from the past, keeping ‘in mind’ the reductive nature of state, estate and church records to simplify and depopulate the landscape, and, equally important, ‘the capacity of society to modify, subvert, block and even overturn the categories imposed upon it’.20 Ultimately, my aim is to make parts of the early modern landscape legible by means of historical imagination and innovation in the diverse analysis of materials utilised in this study. Every
19 Rhys Isaac, e Transformation of Virginia 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill, 1982), Introduction, which has no page numbers. 20 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Impro e the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT, 1998), p. 49. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 9 parish has multiple histories, recoverable to a greater or lesser extent from the landscape, archives and material culture that survives, and Earls Colne is one place that does have an abundance of evidence, countered by startling gaps. For example, in the late eighteenth century, Richard Gough recounted the purposeful destruction of medieval and early modern documents, for ‘Many charters with seals affixt had been laid in an upper room of the Priory House, after it was made a modern mansion house, and were burnt by the Lady of the Manor as useless lumber about ten years ago.’21 Yet in the twentieth century, Alan Macfarlane democratised this archive. Herbert Harlakenden Gilchrist recounted in his family memoir that Mary Wale’s wilful destruction of family papers at Earls Colne included ‘a bundle of [Oliver] Cromwell’s letters, and a lock of his hair’.22 Those records that survived this eighteenth-century purge would, 200 years later be used for a very different purpose, as online archives would in turn set this village apart in early modern historical studies.23 Equally, additional sources for Earls Colne continue to
21 Richard Gough, Sepulchral Monuments in Great Britain: Applied to Illustrate the History of Families, Manners, Habits and Arts, at the Dierent Periods om the Norman Conquest to the Seventeenth Century (2 volumes in 5, London: Printed for the author, sold by T. Payne and son, 1786–96); F.H. Fairweather, ‘Colne Priory, Essex, and the Burials of the Earls of Oxford’, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity 87 (1938), p. 294; Herbert Harlakenden Gilchrist (ed.), Anne Gilchrist: Her Life and Writings (London, 1887), cited in Marion Walker Alcaro, Walt Whitman’s Mrs G: A Biography of Anne Gilchrist (London, 1991), p. 28. 22 Gilchrist (ed.), Anne Gilchrist, cited in Alcaro, Walt Whitman’s Mrs G, p. 28. 23 In addition to Alan Macfarlane’s ground-breaking work on the village, a substantial body of work has emerged: Cooper, A History of the County of Essex, vol. 10, pp. 86–104 ‘Earls Colne’; Von Friedeburg, ‘Reformation of Manners and the Social Composition of Offenders in an East Anglian Cloth Village: Earls Colne, Essex, 1531–1642’ and ‘Social and Geographical Mobility in the Old World and New World Communities: Earls Colne, Ipswich and Springfield, 1636–1685’; Sreenivasan,‘The Land-Family Bond at Earls Colne (Essex) 1550–1650’, and ‘Reply: The Land- Family Bond England’; Dolly MacKinnon, ‘Hearing the Reformation in Earls Colne, Essex’, in R. Bandt, M. Duffy and D. MacKinnon (eds),Hearing Places: Sound, Place, Time, Culture (Newcastle, 2007), pp. 255–67; Williams, ‘“Our Poore People in Tumults Arose”’; French and Hoyle, e Character of English Rural Society; Richard W. Hoyle, ‘Who owned Earls Colne in 1798 … or how to squeeze more from the Land Tax’, e Local Historian, 41.4 (2011): 267–92; Earls Colne sits alongside icon villages, for example, David Hey, An English Rural Community: Myddle Under the Tudors and Stuarts (Leicester, 1974); Margaret Spufford,Contrasting Communities English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1974); Keith Wrightson and David Levine, Po erty and Piety in an English Village Terling, 1525–1700 (New York, 1979), and Po erty and Piety in an English Village Terling, 1525–1700, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1995); Marjorie Keniston McIntosh, A Community Transformed: e Manor and Liberty of Havering, 1500–1620 (Cambridge, 1991); Eamon Duffy, e Voices of Morebath: Reformation and Rebellion in an English Village (New Haven, CT, 2001); Pamela Sharpe, Population and Society in an East Devon Parish: Reproducing Colyton 1540–1840 (Devon, 2002). 10 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes emerge, such as the transcriptions of the 1641 parish petition, Ralph Josselin’s printed funeral sermon for Smithie Harlakenden, and the nuncupative will of William Death (1669), that I uncovered, all of which have been added to the Macfarlane website.24 My rediscovery and analysis of the three files for Earls Colne parish church preserved in the Incorporated Church Building Society Archive at Lambeth Palace has enabled me to reconstruct the early modern seating and burial locations for St Andrew’s Church from the sixteenth through to the nineteenth century.25 The extensive nineteenth-century rebuilding of the parish church removed the early modern configuration of space and destroyed much of the material culture. Additional archives will continue to come to light, such as the inventory of Thomas Newton (1758) that Henry French and Richard Hoyle discovered, but which is not yet included in the Macfarlane online archive.26 Furthermore, the rediscovery of the seventeenth-century spiritual journal written by Mehetabell Elliston at Earls Colne, mentioned by Josselin in 1657, would provide a singular insight into the spiritual record from the hand of this godly young woman. Therefore this book provides a micro- history model that uses diverse forms of evidence from the landscape, material culture and archives in different ways to reveal aspects of the early modern past. My focus is to reconstitute aspects of the lives of some families and individuals from Earls Colne, predominantly but not exclusively from the gentry and below, and resident in the village during the seventeenth century. Their life experiences, both in and beyond the village, form threads throughout the book and they stand against the landscape they inherited and also, in their own ways, constructed, crafted and inscribed with traces of their occupation. At times, these individuals stand plain before us, while at others they are obscured by the myopic purview of the state, church, or manor. This landscape was populated, even if the archives are selective about how they frame that reality. Research into single aristocratic, gentry and everyday families and individuals can offer an insight into the minutiae of life, yet academics can be reticent to do this. Family genealogists, on the other hand, often rediscover those links between maternal and paternal family members spread across wide geographic areas that many academic historians do not trace. David Hey is one historian who has
24 Alan Macfarlane (ed.), Records of an English Village 1375–1854, Public Petition (House of Lords, Main Papers: 20 January 1641/42, Essex) [6700005] (online), Dr Williams Library – 1023 N.8. 1652. Ralph Josselin’s Sermon [71000005], (Saturday, 28 June 1651), and ERO D/ACW 18/22 Nuncupative Will of William Death of Great Tey 1669) [4601600] (Friday, 23 July 1669). 25 Ann Dolina MacKinnon, ‘The Files of the Nineteenth-Century Incorporated Church Building Society, and St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne, Essex During the Eighteenth Century’ Local Historian May (1997): 91–105; Ann Dolina MacKinnon, ‘The Arrangements of Monuments and Seating at St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne During the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries’, Essex Archaeology and History, 28 (1997): 165–80. 26 French and Hoyle, e Character of Rural Society, pp. 58 and 267. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 11 actively attempted to encourage and inspire ‘family historians’ to place their ‘single-minded pursuit of their own family tree’ within the historical context of wider concerns of the locale, as well as the nation.27 Such an integration of different types of histories would, Hey rightly considers, enhance and broaden our historical understanding of both local and national histories. Equally, Hey concludes that ‘local’ historians ‘forever on the defensive about the academic credentials of their own subject’ have created a divide by ‘resenting the invasion of libraries and record offices by hordes of genealogists’, a view that he considers counterproductive as it misses the potential benefits of research each has to offer the other.28 Family histories, like local histories, create another integral part of the knowledge networks about the past and the evidence from them should then be incorporated into our survey histories. These various forms of history can shed light on the diverse religious, political, social and cultural experiences of people from the past, and strengthens our understanding. As David Hey concludes, only when our library bookshelves are filled with ‘not just the histories of aristocrats and gentry families’, but also those of ‘ordinary men and women who were far more numerous and whose stories are often just as interesting’, will we ‘have a much better understanding of the social and economic history of England’.29 From an academic standpoint, studies of specific areas are also important contributors to national events; see, for example, David Rollinson’s work on the significance of Cirencester.30 Most recently, Keith Wrightson’s evocative tale of Ralph Taylor’s Summer: A Scrivener, His City and the Plague has balanced both an individual history and the history of Newcastle- upon-Tyne in a nuanced analysis of the ravages of plague.31 Early modern life did not necessarily fit clear-cut boundaries around and within the parish, and much of the history written about parishes compartmentalises that reality into single themes, such as aspects of land ownership and church reform. For many in the early modern world, life was neither exclusively urban nor rural, secular nor sacred, but rather an amalgamation of seasonal employment, investment opportunities, family and business networks spread across parishes and counties, and framed within a personal and collective spirituality. While individual parish studies focus on a geographically contained area, life was not so easily restrained within the
27 David Hey, Family History and Local History in England (London, 1987), pp. xii and 1; See also John Beckett, ‘Local history in its comparative international context’, e Local Historian, 41.2 (2011): 90–104. 28 Hey, Family History, pp. xii and 1. 29 Ibid., p. 1. 30 David Rollinson, Commune, Country and Commonwealth: e People of Cirencester, 1117–1643 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2011). 31 Keith Wrightson, Ralph Taylor’s Summer: A Scrivener, His City, and the Plague (New Haven, CT, 2011). 12 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes confines of a single parish, and the physical and mental boundaries of the early modern parish have to be understood as permeable. A common criticism about single ‘village’ studies is that those studies cannot be seen as representative of all villages, and some studies specifically state that they are singular examples of early modern parish life. Yet Christopher Dyer contests this notion of the self- contained village.32 Earls Colne in particular has formed the basis of a number of long-running historiographical debates about continuity and change regarding landholding and family relations. Often quoted, the Reverend Ralph Josselin’s snippets of his life from his diary have regularly been stitched by historians into national narratives and comparative histories. This book does not sit within these legitimate academic boundaries, for the heterotopic spaces of this early modern village history are simultaneously individual, familial and communal, religious, cultural and social, inclusive and exclusive in their coverage. Even with this abundant attention, however, the significance of the Earls Colne cultural landscape with its built environment, material culture and nomenclature has not been fully explored. Such an analysis is revealing for the valuable early modern evidence it contains about the forms of physical spaces, the ideologies that governed and competed for them, and the changing nature and reform of the world that accompanied them. By reconstructing certain aspects of the physical and mental world that comprises the built-heritage landscape of Earls Colne during the seventeenth century, it is possible to tease out layers of composition shaped by the preceding centuries, and which have left indelible traces in the centuries that followed. The continuity and change apparent in the landscape, built heritage and material culture evidence must be added in to this early modern history. As Rhys Isaac has said in another context in relation to colonial Virginia, ‘a people’s “landscape” is at once the most revealing and most inclusive “document” that can be found’, and it is upon this landscape that ‘everyone, male or female, humble or exalted, has their (very unequal) appropriation of space’, and on which they ‘leave “action signatures” which can be “read”’.33 The selective record-keeping practices of the past can be read against the grain and aspects of the past, such as the church roles in life and death, as well as the reforming and reworking of the landscape through field names, can reveal aspects of the early modern world that have been overwritten with the histories of the present. Field names and geographical and architectural features are created, maintained, murmured, remembered, modified, removed and forgotten. Yet some of these features persist even though their provenance has slipped
32 Christopher Dyer (ed.), e Self-Contained Village: Explorations in Local History and Regional Studies, vol. 2 (Hatfield, Hertfordshire, 2007). 33 Rhys Isaac, ‘Inclusive histories’, in Stuart Macintyre (ed.), e Historian’s Conscience: Australian Historians on the Ethics of History (Carlton, 2005), p. 67. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 13 from communal memory and is also missing from any surviving written documentation. Thus the place name or architectural structure becomes the ‘document’. An analysis of the physical topography or building fabric provides the evidence for a history of a named landscape and the built heritage. This evidence represents levels of economic prosperity and social aspirations as well as the signature of the builder and occupier on the parish landscape. Daniel Woolf cites Patrick J. Geary who observes in Phantoms of Remembrance that ‘collective memory is made up of a multiplicity of group memories, while history unifies the past into one. Collective memory is oral, history written.’34 For Geary, ‘History begins where collective memory ends.’ The landscape and built environment also play a part in this remembering and rendering of both the oral and the historical forms of the landscape and built environment. Buildings offer another avenue for recovering the past – for example, a reconstruction of a parish church and monastic site reveals much about how these spaces were understood, used and abused for religious, political and personal purposes. As Simon Schama concludes, ‘landscape can be self-consciously designed to express the virtues of a particular political or social community.’35 The village landscape of seventeenth-century Earls Colne is heterotopic, while also comprising three types of access to space: public, communal and private space.36 The public space was distinguished by its general accessibility to all those inhabitants of the village of Earls Colne, as well as those from outside the village. Broadly speaking, the public elements of the landscape were the highways, streets, lanes and footpaths, and the church and churchyard and later the Quaker Meeting House. The communal space in the village, which was accessible to those inhabitants who had the right to use it (this right was also available to certain outsiders), was made up of the village green and common, the wells, ponds, woods, smithy and public houses. Ultimately, an individual’s conscience would decide whether or not that right was exercised. Although the ultimate ownership of the communal land was vested in the hands of the lord of the manor, the status of those that occupied these lands as tenants or undertenants (subtenants) within the village landscape was apparent to all through the visual and auditory realities of life.37 The private space was accessible only to certain villagers with specific rights of use and consisted of the Manor House, enclosures, farmsteads, buildings, yards and cottages. Regardless of their legal position or absence thereof in surviving
34 Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion and the End of the First Millennium (Princeton, NJ, 1994), p. 11, and also cited in Daniel Woolf, e Social Circulation of the Past: English Historical Culture 1500–1730 (Oxford, 2003), p. 272. 35 Simon Schama, Landscape & Memory (London, 1995), p. 15. 36 The model for the division of village space into three categories comes from Brian K. Roberts, e Making of the English Village (Essex, 1987), p. 20, Table 2.1. 37 Ibid., p. 20. 14 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes manorial court records, villagers occupied houses, cottages and rooms, and they traversed and inhabited this landscape. Early modern society invested social and cultural capital in this landscape. By adapting and combining Brian K. Roberts’s categorisation of space as public, communal and private, with Judith Butler’s schema for the performative nature of gender, this book examines how the landscape and the women, men and children who populated it, provided a reality in which status, piety and gender were negotiated within village spaces.38 The performative aspects of legitimacy that enable issues of status, piety, politics and gender to operate are determined by the interconnection and interaction of three key elements: a public forum (the parish landscape, churches, churchyards, the Quaker Meeting House and manorial courts); suitable mechanisms for the transmission of status, piety, politics and gender (material culture, church seating, the arrangement of funeral monuments, burial locations, public petitions, subtenancy), and also a group of participants (people from within and beyond the parish boundaries) to interact with, legitimate, subvert, or reject these performances. In addition to these demarcations, I have found useful analytical models from cultural geography to explain the process by which early modern people navigated and negotiated these landscapes through two main forms of space – physical space and socially constructed abstract space. The physical landscape is a dynamic space comprising topographical features and buildings that society and culture invest with meaning. It is a medium through which society negotiates issues of gender, race, religion and social relations, as well as understandings of private, communal and public spaces. Socially abstract spaces, or mental-maps, are constructed by individuals as well as groups.39 Equally, villagers through their actions, words, or silences could also be excluded from these spaces. Michael MacDonald’s work on suicide demonstrates that a suicide’s actions and subsequent burial had to be actively renegotiated by their family or friends. When it came to determining an alternative burial space, either openly or covertly, it was the family and friends who might intercede in order to avoid the customary ignominious crossroads burial of a suicide in a pit too short for the corpse and with the body driven through with a stake.40 Each villager’s action in these places in turn invests these spaces with, at times, conflicting functions and meanings. Within early modern parishes, spaces within the landscape could be understood
38 Ibid., p. 20, Table 2.1; Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York, 1990), p. 139; See also Kari Boyd McBride who adapted Butler’s schema in Country House Discourse in Early Modern England: A Cultural Study of Landscape and Legitimacy (Aldershot, 2001), p. 3. 39 D. Massey, Space, Place and Gender (Cambridge, 1998); P. Gould and R. White, Mental Maps (Boston, MA, 1986); Roberts, e Making of the English Village. 40 Michael MacDonald and Terence R. Murphy, Sleepless Souls: Suicide in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1990), pp. 44–9. Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 15 as simultaneously sacral and secular, polluted and purified. Adrian Davies has observed that, for Quakers, it was their perception of parish churchyards as ‘polluted’ that ultimately led to the haste with which they set about establishing their own burial grounds.41 Such perceptions of the spaces within the landscape are fluid rather than fixed. For example, events with national dimensions such as the Reformation in the sixteenth century and the rise of the Nonconformist Quakers in the seventeenth century reworked and remoulded competing ideological perceptions, as well as the physical realities of village spaces in the early modern landscape. This book focuses on the nexus between remembering and forgetting lives lived in the present. It is through strands and snatches, we catch sight of some of those who inhabited, shaped and recast Earls Colne’s early modern landscapes.
Earls Colne, Essex
Divided into three sections, this book demonstrates how different aspects of the heterotopic early modern spaces can be revealed in innovative ways by using a wide range of diverse forms of evidence from text to buildings and material culture. This book reconstructs the early modern landscape and the key building structures in that landscape that are no longer extant. Part I, using certain early modern projections of the landscape as its focus, shows that the recovery of the past is determined by ‘Ways of Seeing and Remembering’. Institutions, such as the church, state and estate, view and craft their respective landscapes as a series of self-serving inclusions and exclusions. This section comprises four chapters, each of which focuses on God’s landscape from the eye of particular beholders charting the inclusive and exclusive aspects of each view. ‘In the Footsteps of Antiquarians’, the antiquarian histories spanning five centuries for Earls Colne are brought together for the first time and analysed to reveal those aspects of the landscape over time that are deemed significant to each writer. What emerges then are the tensions between antiquarian endeavours to record for posterity those built heritage features from the past perceived to be under threat of destruction in the present, and the travel writers’ perceptions of a dynamic cultural landscape being inscribed anew for the future. Through the passage of time what was new in one era becomes a feature of the past in another through acts of nostalgia. These early modern histories, whether spiritual, topographical, economic, or demographic, reveal the heterotopic landscape of Earls Colne in the early modern period. ‘Amyce’s Plot’ demonstrates James Scott’s notion of the reductive turn of the institution, by analysing the sixteenth-century cartography of Israel Amyce who, in 1598, mapped the Earls Colne manorial landscape in
41 Adrian Davies, e Quakers in English Society 1655–1725 (Oxford, 2000), pp. 79–81. 16 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes which he revealed a symbolic, hierarchical, selective and largely unpopulated godly landscape intended specifically for the gaze of his employer, the new manorial lord, Roger Harlakenden. This sixteenth-century map, though fixed in time, also contains eighteenth-century annotations. In turn, Amyce’s map and symbols inspire later maps, which are not direct copies as an analysis of the later Carwardine maps of the nineteenth century demonstrates. The landscape and built heritage continues to change and evolve. A pivotal building in ‘God’s Landscape’ at Earls Colne was St Andrew’s Church as a place of worship. It was also one of the places and spaces in which the upheaval of the Reformation and its ongoing reverberations throughout the early modern period were inscribed, seen, remembered and reworked. The physical structure of the early modern church is no longer extant. What now stands in its place at Earls Colne is a comprehensive nineteenth-century rebuilding that has swept away all but the west tower and east end of the chancel of this earlier structure. Using antiquarian records, those funeral monuments that do survive, as well as the abundant evidence to be found in the three surviving Incorporated Church Building Society files for nineteenth-century Earls Colne, this chapter reconstructs and maps the evolution of the parish church from the thirteenth to the late nineteenth centuries in order to reveal the cultural environment in which the early modern living and the dead negotiated their places in this space overtime. ‘Death’s Posthumous Hand’ demonstrates the significance of God’s landscape to the life and death of one family, subtenants and inhabitants of both the Earls Colne manorial landscape and also active members of the spiritual community of St Andrew’s Church. Part II, using evidence from the archive, built heritage and surviving material culture for Earls Colne, reveals some of those early modern villagers ‘Inhabiting the Lord’s Landscape’. Using St Andrew’s Church and churchyard as its focus, these chapters in Part II analyse different aspects of the church space and, where possible, repopulate these spaces with the villagers who inhabited them. In the parish church, villagers proclaimed and protested their disparate religious and political opinions within this space. ‘Pews: May Sit to Pray’ analyses how the records of surviving seating disputes identify some of those who occupied a seating space within this hierarchical church pew system through a process of negotiation involving combinations of the seating right determined by inhabiting a dwelling space, as well as through collective understandings of social order and piety. It focuses on the cases of Henry Abbot’s disdain for a preacher, Ann Mott’s deafness, and Sam Burton and Francis Byat’s disruption of appropriate gendered seating during the sermon. The actual locations of these seats relating to the disputes within St Andrew’s Church, however, are not recoverable due to a lack of any surviving early modern seating plans for this village. Therefore the following chapter, ‘The Concession to Erect Seats’, demonstrates how new spaces for the construction of new pews within the Earls Colne parish church were Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 17 claimed by right of inhabiting particular houses within that manorial landscape. This chapter discusses the recoverable evidence for pews linked to the occupancy of specific houses by families resident within the parish: namely the Ellistons (Curds), Henry Abbott Junior (Hayhouse), the Cresseners (Chandlers), the Barnards (vicarage), Mary Parish (Mathews als Princes), the Newtons (Claypits) and the Newman (Colne Green). The following chapter, ‘Populating the Pews’, demonstrates how, by reading the surviving village Ship Money (1637) against the grain, it is possible to identify the wealthier sort of women and men who were subtenants and resident in the village at a specific point in time. Revealing these subtenants partially repopulates some of the pews for St Andrew’s Church, Earls Colne prior to the outbreak of Civil War. In ‘Voices from the Pews’, I analyse the public petitions signed by men during the religious turmoil of the 1640s. In addition, I also examine the private petitions signed by women and men of the village seeking compensation for losses during the Civil Wars. Public petitions reflect the crowded pews of St Andrew’s Church filled with the voices of godly men and political activism. This chapter also reveals a number of men who did not raise their voice in support. Private petitions also offer a glimpse of those non-elite resident women and men of the community. Surrounded by, and in close proximity to the living, who occupied St Andrew’s Church pews, where those people buried within the church and churchyard. While the living could actively vie for church seating spaces and political agency, the dead could also leave a proxy through the burial nominations indicated in their wills, articulating their wish to be buried within the church or churchyard according to the local custom of the place. ‘My Body to the Earth’ analyses this practice of burial nomination in the surviving wills for the period c.1490–1750, revealing and demonstrating the range of motivations for a preferred place in the church and churchyard, and the forms of memorialisation, either as a fixed funeral monument, or an ephemeral mourning objects. ‘What the Dead have to say for Themselves’ examines the narratives for commemoration that incorporated familial, historical, social, geographical and gendered understandings of the relationships of those individuals for whom funeral monuments and memorial texts were erected by their families, or by their executors who implemented their posthumous instructions. As Peter Sherlock has observed, for early modern England, inscriptions were purposefully crafted messages intended to reach into the future.42 ‘Perpetual Memorials’ demonstrates how certain families used the funeral memorials to demonstrate not only their connection with the landscape of Earls Colne, but also in some cases other parishes and places. These memorial texts constructed and reworked family histories over time in the landscape. A large number of these epitaphs from the church and churchyard are transcribed here in full for the first time in order to add to the Earls Colne public resource.
42 Peter Sherlock, Monuments and Memory in Early Modern England (Aldershot, 2008). 18 Earls Colne’s Early Modern Landscapes
What is more, some of these inscriptions were adapted and rewritten over time, dispelling the notion of rural parish monumental inscriptions as fixed or static entities. ‘What the Burial Registers have to say about the Dead’ then shows that while death was a universal experience, the gendered language of the godly filtered the depictions of those chosen to be included in parish burial registers. This chapter also examines the nature of Josselin’s additions in his diary regarding some of those who died and were recoded in the burial registers. ‘Bittersweet Landscape’ demonstrates the black presence in Earls Colne through the life and death of a free back woman called Maria Sambo, and also shows the reach of slavery into the early modern Essex landscape. ‘Inclusions and Exclusions’ then examines the suicide of Margaret Williamson (d.1627), spinster, and the significance of village memory in recording ignominious burials somewhere in the parish landscape. It also discusses those suicides recorded in Josselin’s diary that are not included in the parish burial register. ‘Scratched in History’ considers the surviving graffiti on the early modern rural parish monuments at Earls Colne, suggesting that the inclusion of this form of evidence demonstrates how competing and unwelcome meanings could be graphed onto existing parish memorials indicating that funeral monuments were also heterotopic sites over centuries. Part III focuses on the ways the archive, material culture and landscape of Earls Colne comprises a process of ‘Remembering, Forgetting and Claiming’ by the inhabitants of Earls Colne over time. The four chapters in this section tease out how certain spaces and places in the landscape are reworked or created anew. ‘Re-membering the Priory’ and ‘The Diabolical in Earls Colne’ both analyse the importance and persistence of the former Benedictine Priory, converted into the manorial house in post-Reformation Earls Colne, and the attempts by the Harlakendens and their descendants to reform this liminal space. In order to do this, the medieval and early modern Priory, which is no longer extant, is reconstructed using evidence from early modern and modern antiquarian and archaeological accounts. Points of religious difference, conflict and persecution in the 1630s in Earls Colne sparked outbreaks of witchcraft accusations and experiences of the supernatural. Pre-Reformation Earls Colne continued to resonate in the early modern present, and aspects of this manifest itself in different ways, including through the auditory realm of a ghostly bell. Adapting Jacques Attali’s theorisation of the political economy of noise for an early modern setting, I analyse how these events demonstrate the porous sonic boundaries at the limits of society where the liminal spaces between what is considered pious sounds and what is interpreted as diabolical sounds – that is, noise – exist.43 ‘From Cross Gate Road to Coggeshall Road’ analyses how the reformation of this landscape would also transform some of the place names
43 Jacques Attali, Noise. e Political Economy of Music, translated by B. Massumi (Minneapolis, MN, 1985). Prologue: A Well-trodden Field 19 used to navigate this evolving and constantly reforming early modern space. ‘Quaker’s Landscape’ shows how, in the seventeenth century, the Quakers in Earls Colne actively claimed, created and inscribed on the landscape their own space for worship, while using printed texts as forms of commemoration to claim their godly place in what they saw as a polluted early modern nation, that transcended parish boundaries. The epilogue offers a brief reflection on those aspects of the early modern heterotopic landscapes discussed throughout this book. ‘Signatures in the Landscape’ are revealed in the archive, material culture, and built cultural heritage of Earls Colne. Reconstructing these sites for Earls Colne demonstrates some of the different ways of using the early modern landscape archive, and in turn offers possibilities for other parish histories. With each new parish study comes an enriched understanding of not only the additions to the weft and weave of individual places, but also important additional threads in the national tapestry of different aspects of early modern history. is page has been le blank intentionally Bibliography
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Websites
Earls Colne, Colne Valley Website