HISTORICAL REVIEW

APRIL 1965 ST. LOUIS LEVEE, 1871

The State Historical Society of Missouri COLUMBIA, MISSOURI THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of this State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R. S. of Mo., 1949, Chapter 183.

OFFICERS 1962-65 Roy D. WILLIAMS, Boonville, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville, Second Vice President LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia, Third Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Fourth Vice President WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg, Fifth Vice President JOHN A. WINKLER, Hannibal, Sixth Vice President R. B. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary, and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society E. L. DALE, Carthage E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau L. M. WHITE, Mexico GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1965 FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon W. C. HEWITT, Shelbyville HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence ROBERT NAGEL JONES, St. Louis R. I. COLBORN, Paris GEORGE W. SOMERVILLE, Chillicothe VICTOR A. GIERKE, Louisiana WILLIAM C. TUCKER, Warrensburg

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1966 BARTLETT BODER, St. Joseph LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville STANLEY J. GOODMAN, St. Louis W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence L. E. MEADOR, Springfield JACK STAPLETON, Stanberry JOSEPH H. MOORE, Charleston HENRY C. THOMPSON, Bonne Terre

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1967 WILLIAM AULL, III, Lexington *FRANK LUTHER MOTT, Columbia WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton GEORGE H. SCRUTON, Sedalia ALFRED O. FUERBRINGER, St. Louis JAMES TODD, Moberly GEORGE FULLER GREEN, Kansas City T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The twenty-nine Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the University of Missouri constitute the Executive Committee.

FINANCE COMMITTEE Five members of the Executive Committee appointed by the President of the Society at each annual meeting of the Executive Committee constitute the Finance Committee. L. M. WHITE, Mexico, Chairman ELMER ELLIS, Columbia GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City W. C. HEWITT, Shelbyville T. BALLARD WATTERS, Marshfield

•Deceased Volume LIX April 1965 Number 3

MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

Published Quarterly by THE STATE HISTORICAL -•^-r.-7T-"T.sr"f •• • "-/L^fe SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

RICHARD S. BROWNLEE EDITOR

JAMES E. MOSS ASSOCIATE EDITOR

DOROTHY CALDWELL ASSISTANT EDITOR

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is published quar­ terly at 119 South Elson Street, Kirksville, Missouri. Send communications and change of address to The State Histor­ ical Societv of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. Second class postage is paid al Kirksville, Missouri.

The REVIEW is sent free to all members of The Stole Historical Society of Missouri Membership dues in the Society are $1.00 a year or $25 for an individual life member­ ship. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. CONTENTS Page

MOSES LEWIS LINTON, "DOCTOR OF EPIGRAMS." By William E. Parrish. . .293

STEAMBOATS AT THE BAR. THE KEOKUK NORTHERN LINE, 1873-1888. By Robert C. Toole 302

POPE'S NEW MADRID AND ISLAND NUMBER TEN CAMPAIGNS. By Jay Carlton Mullen 324

A NOTE ON THE LEAD MINES OF MISSOURI: HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, 1820. By Brad Luckingham 344

MARK TWAIN'S BASIC POLITICAL CONCEPTS: MAN, PARTIES, DEMOCRACY. By /. Harold Smith 349

NOTES ON THE MISSOURI GERMANS ON SLAVERY. By A. A. Dunson 355

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Governor Dalton Presents Official Papers to Western Historical Manu­ scripts and State Historical Society 367 The Shooting Match 368 List of Champion Trees in Missouri 370 News in Brief 372 Local Historical Societies 374 Commemorative Events 386 Honors and Tributes 387 Gifts 388 Missouri History in Newspapers 390 Missouri Historical Data in Magazines 394 In Memoriam 396 Book Reviews 398 Book Notes 406

PHELPS COUNTY COURTHOUSE Verso Back Cover

WILLIAM CARR LANE Back Cover

THE COVER: "The Levee At St. Louis, 1871." The October 14, 1871, issue of Harper's Weekly published in New York City, from which the cover illustration was taken, reported that the St. Louis levee "extends for miles along the river-bank, and, as our illustration shows, presents a very lively appearance. The western steamboats are better subjects for the artist's pencil than those to which we are accustomed, being more picturesque in form, and the character and costumes of crew and passengers being often outlandish and curious." See page 302 for article on steamboating. MOSES LEWIS LINTON

BY WILLIAM E. PARRISH*

''Richmond is ours, Rebellion's crushed, And Treason now must yield; Yea, yield it must altho' there were 'Three Richmonds in the field.' The victor power, the glorious power Will then its scourgings cease, And welcome back her erring sons With Godlike smiles of peace."

In such an impromptu fashion Dr. Moses Lewis Linton of St. Louis revealed his emotions as he sat on the floor of the Missouri Constitutional Convention of 1865 and heard the announcement of the fall of Richmond to General Grant's army. The leading spirit of the Convention, Charles Daniel Drake of St. Louis, seized an

*William E. Parrish, Ph.D., professor of history at Westminster College, Fulton, Missouri, is the author of two books, David Rice Atchison of Missouri, Border Politician and Turbulent Partner­ ship: Missouri and the Union, 1861-1865, and numerous historical articles which have appeared in a variety of scholarly journals. 293 294 Missouri Historical Review

American flag, sprang upon a chair, and called for nine cheers, "which was done with a will."1 The State constitution which the Convention was just complet­ ing failed to evidence the noble sentiments expressed by Dr. Linton in the last two lines of his verse. Missouri had emerged from the Civil War riding a wave of Radicalism calling for a spirit of venge­ ance toward those who had sympathized in any fashion with the defeated South. Led by Drake, the Radical party produced a new organic law for Missouri in 1865 which reflected that feeling in its "iron-clad" oath. As embodied in Article II the oath bound anyone who would vote, hold office, perform jury service, practice law, teach, preach, perform marriage ceremonies, or serve as a corpora­ tion official to swear on as many as eighty-six counts that he had given no aid or comfort to any enemy of the United States at any time whatsoever.2 As the struggle over the constitution developed within the Convention, Dr. Linton proved one of the most caustic critics of that document and of Drake. Through his florid debate and his epigrammatic wit, both in the Convention and during the ratifica­ tion campaign, Linton kept up a steady torrent of argument against what he sardonically termed the "Draconian Code."3 Indeed, in hurling this bitter phrase at the constitution, Linton provided Drake's enemies with an epithet which they used mercilessly in the years which followed.4 A native of Kentucky, Dr. Linton had graduated from Transyl­ vania University and then studied abroad at Edinburgh and Paris. In the French capital, he met Dr. Charles A. Pope of St. Louis who persuaded him to join the first faculty of the new medical college of St. Louis University in 1842 as professor of obstetrics and diseases of women and children. The following year, Linton established the St. Louis Medical and Surgical Journal, the first such publication west of the Mississippi. Thereafter he made frequent scholarly contributions to the field of publication in medicine. For thirty Charles Daniel Drake, "Autobiography," manuscript collections, State Historical Societv of Missouri, 1078-79. '-AVilliam E. Parrish, Turbulent Partnership: Missouri and the Union, 1861-1865 (Columbia, Mo., 1963), 200-2. sThis had reference to the first codification of laws in ancient Greece in the 7th century, B. C, by one Dracon. Although he did not establish any new laws, Dracon's work in codifying the existing practices of the courts brought into bold relief the harshness of society. Upon their realization of the extremity of the law, especially as it applied to homicide, the common people are said to have cried out: "The laws of Dracon are written in blood. These are not the laws of Dracon, but of dracon (dragon)." Herbert N. Couch and Russell M. Geer, Classical Civilization: Greece (New York, 1940), 109. 4Linton apparently first used this term in replying to a speech by Drake defending certain provisions of the "iron-clad oath." He used it again in his final speech to the convention when he denounced the constitution and stated his reasons for voting against it. St. Louis Missouri Republi­ can, January 30, 1865; St. Louis Missouri Democrat, April 10, 1865. Moses Lewis Linton 295

years he devoted himself to his calling with occasional side-trips into politics. At his death in 1872, the St. Louis Missouri Democrat could reflect: "As a teacher he was distinguished for faithfulness and ability, and as a practitioner for conscientiousness and great profesvsional skill."5 Drake characterized Linton as "a good man, and a true Unionist, but before all things and above all things ... in every fibre a Roman Catholic." He contended that the doctor's hostility derived from his primary loyalty to his church.6 The constitution provided that only governmental property and that used for public schools should be tax exempt.7 Linton con­ sidered this provision "a novel one" and unfortunate in its implica­ tions as it meant taxing church property, cemeteries, and charitable institutions, among other things. Such a tax program would make the constitution "look hyena like, disposed to dig down into the graves of men, to tear the silver plates from their coffins." Linton would rather "be a dog and bay the moon than do this." Sarcasti­ cally he asked, "Are you going to tax graveyards and take the tombs for paving stone if the tax is not paid? There are thousands of dollars in monuments of one kind or another." In the same vein, he continued: "But worse than all, will you tax the orphan asylums where hundreds of otherwise unprotected children are cared for? Would you tax charity itself?" As for those who favored taxing churches, Linton believed that they "did not believe much in churches, whatever their high professions to the contrary." If such taxation must be the case, however, the doctor felt that "The State should go to no expense For railroads, bridges, domes, When to get money it must rob Graveyards and Orphans' Homes."8 Drake, who had been a member of the Know-Nothing Party before the Civil War, had a decidedly anti-Catholic bias. He openly attacked that church and Linton for their opposition to the taxing features of the constitution in one of a series of vitriolic letters to the Missouri Democrat during the ratification campaign. Such a stand, he argued, indicated that they must favor repudiation of the large state debt for the retirement of which a broad base of taxation supposedly was needed.9 5Floyd C. Shoemaker, Missouri, Day by Day (Columbia, Missouri, 1942), I, 259; St. Louis Missouri Democrat, June 2, 1872. 6Drake, "Autobiography," 1076. Constitution of State of Missouri, 1865, Article XI, Section 16. 8St. Louis Missouri Republican, March 15, 1865; Drake, "Autobiography," 1078. 9St. Louis, Missouri Democrat, April 28, 1865. In such diatribes as this, which also contended that Roman Catholics had been and still were disloyal, the demagogic Drake found one of several formulas for welding together a strong following in Protestant out-state Missouri. "~ : ' "" E

4RI9HI ^^^^^^^j^^^^^^^^^^^tr^?'" CHARLES D. DRAKE

Champion of the Radical Party in Missouri

In a formal reply to Drake, Linton denied that his opposition to this feature of the constitution reflected Catholic prejudice. He noted that he was the only Roman Catholic in the convention to vote against it and pointed out that the Roman Catholic Church always had paid taxes on non-church building property. As for Drake's diatribe generally, Linton commented: "Mr. Drake's letter is very long, but there is very little in it. His friends, however, are, or pretend to be, delighted with it. There is no accounting for tastes. The great dramatist represents even the FAIRY QUEEN as falling in love with BULLY BOTTOM THE WEAVER, thoughcthe mischievous Puck had planted a pair of asses' ears on Bottom's head. Nevertheless, under some strange delusion, she looked on him as a heavenly creature.10 . . . These gentlemen may, therefore, really think that Mr. Drake's long and empty letter is a piece of perfection."11

Dr. Linton perhaps had displayed religious prejudice to a far greater degree in opposing the extreme restrictions which the constitution placed on church property holdings and its specific prohibition of gifts of land or other property to any minister, teacher, or church organization.12 Epigrammatically, he chided:

10William Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream. nSt. Louis Missouri Republican, May 3, 1865. 12No church could own any property other than that on which its house of worship or parsonage was located, and even this was limited to five acres if rural and one acre if situated in a town or city. Gifts of land could be made to the church for this purpose but for no other. Article I, Sections 13 and 14. Moses Lewis Linton 297

"The church's aid we humbly seek To save us all from evil; But we will starve them — keep them weak, Or they will play the devil."13

The doctor's other major complaint against the new constitution lay in the absolute rigidity of the so-called "iron-clad oath." Linton had no basic objection to the principle of the oath and its applica­ tion (save that he would exclude preachers), but, like several others, he felt that it should not be retroactive beyond December 17, 1861. In the first few turbulent months of the war, many Missourians had taken stands and made statements which they soon regretted. This was quite understandable given the circumstances under which war had come to Missouri. Consequently, under the leadership of Governor Hamilton R. Gamble, the State Convention of October, 1861, had provided a general amnesty for all who took an oath of allegiance by December 17 regardless of their previous activity. In this they had the backing of the Lincoln administration and the military commander at St. Louis. Many who had supported the pro-Confederate Claiborne F. Jackson and Sterling Price in the initial enthusiasm of asserting the principle of states' rights in Missouri took advantage of the offer. Now the "iron-clad oath" would deny this group, as well as the ex-Confederates, equal rights with the rest of Missouri's citizens.14 Dr. Linton had been a member of the 1861 Convention. He personally felt that the delegates of 1865, in drawing up a new oath, had no right to ignore or repudiate the pledge made by the Conven­ tion of 1861. He summed up his feelings in his closing speech to the Convention: "It persecutes honest men who may have done some imprudent act, or said some imprudent word in the beginning of the revolution, but who are now as loyal as any man in this Convention; it denies the possibility of repentence; it outrages and dishonors the pledged faith of Missouri; it counts as nothing the amnesty of the Governor of the State, though endorsed by the President of the United States and the acts of a former Convention of the State."15 Aside from all this, Linton's satirical wit goaded his colleagues with numerous epigrams during the Convention's proceedings. Interestingly enough, many of these may be found buried deeply within the musty, turgid pages of the manuscript "Autobiography" of Charles Daniel Drake, located in the files of the State Historical Society of Missouri. The doctor scribbled the searing epigrams on

13St. Louis Missouri Democrat, January 27, 1865. ^Parrish, Turbulent Partnership, 87-89. 1!>St. Louis Missouri Democrat, April 10, 1865. 298 Missouri Historical Review physician's prescription paper during the course of the debates and chidingly sent them over to Drake's desk via pageboy. Some found their way to the local newspapers which printed them with relish.16 When Attorney Abner L. Gilstrap of Macon proclaimed during a heated debate that it took a lawyer's mind to understand the intricacies of constitution making, Linton rejoined: "Friend Gilstrap, I'll take your advice And you shall learn the sequel; I'm going to learn a little law, That I may be your equal." On another occasion, Isidor Bush, a fellow delegate from St. Louis, declared himself too limited by the rule holding individual debate to ten minutes and sought to suspend the rules. Linton readily gave his assent with the following analysis: "Smart men say all that they wish By the ten minute rules, Yet I would give a longer time To accommodate the fools."17 As tempers grew short in the clash of debate many cutting remarks would fall, only to be regretted later amidst apologetic mutterings. Linton portrayed the situation thusly: "The gentleman is selfish, sir, He must have his own way; Yet he is very liberal, That's what I mean to say. His motives are not good, I think, His movements underhand; And yet there is no fairer man I'd have you understand. He's destitute of courtesy Whilst seeming to defend it; I mean no harm in what I say, My colleague don't intend it!! Thus though assaults are very grave And fierce in the beginning, They end, admitting every man 'More sinned against than sinning.' "18 In addition to emancipating Missouri's slaves and drafting a new constitution, the 1865 Convention passed an "Ousting Ordi­ nance." By its terms, all court officials in Missouri from Supreme 16Drake, "Autobiography," 1075-79; St. Louis Missouri Democrat, February 20, 1865. 17Drake, "Autobiography," 1076. ™Ibid., 1077-78. The State Constitutional Convention met at Mercantile Library in St. Louis on January 6, 1865.

Court judges down and numerous county office holders would be swept from their positions on May 1, 1865, with the Governor having the power to fill the vacancies until the next election. Fearful of what a Conservative judiciary might do to their program should it be challenged, the Missouri Radicals saw this ordinance as an opportunity to entrench their own political cohorts in power and bring their control to those offices they had not obtained in the 1864 election. This meant a turnover of 800 officeholders. Many of them had been strong Unionists during the war albeit of the Conservative stripe.19 Among the delegates most strongly in favor of the ordinance stood George P. Strong of St. Louis which led Linton to style the following "Little dogrel [doggerel] on the dogmatism of Mr. Strong": "Disloyal judges, all agree Should be decapitated; So just is this that such a point Should not have been debated. And those who are good Union men, Unfaltering, firm, and hearty, Should be turned out, that Radicals May harmonize their party!20

As the Convention wound up its work in mid-April after three months of arduous endeavor which had produced a constitution,

isParrish, Turbulent Partnership, 203-04. 20Drake, "Autobiography," 1077. 300 Missouri Historical Review

Linton refused to sign. The good doctor was wont to sum it all up with the following: "The Convention's a body of very great gravity Exhibiting wickedness mixed up with naivete. The Church it insults, and declares that her teachers, Unless they turn swearers, shall cease to be preachers— That such fellows shall never meet under a steeple, To turn up their eyeballs, and pray for the people; Nor shall they enjoy that heavenly rarity They prate of so loudly—that humbug called charity: Its grip on the Parsons it never relaxes, And even the Orphan Asylums it taxes. It oppresses in life, and then taxes the grave, E'en death from taxation's no power to save. It declares that the preachers of human salvation Should be kept down almost to the point of starvation. But the funniest thing—this mark of its breeding— That it calls on a preacher to bless the proceeding!"21 The campaign to secure the constitution's ratification proved as bitter and acrimonious as the convention proceedings. Charles D. Drake assumed primary responsibility for the defense of the document which he had thus far guided successfully. He wrote a series of seven caustic articles inveighing his critics and calling on all loyal Radical men to support the constitution. In the seventh article denouncing Linton and the Roman Catholics, mentioned above, he contended that many of the sections causing opposition were minor and provided no reason for voting against the entire document because it was "easily amendable." Indeed, Drake admitted that there were several items which he, too, would like to see removed by the amendment process.22 In his reply, Linton held this contention up to ridicule: "His reason for adopting the Constitution is, that it is so easy to pull to pieces. The chief merit of this Constitution seems now, even in the eyes of its friends, that it can be mended in so many ways—that it is a Constitution of 'shreds and patches;' and you may tear off a 'patch' any time, and put on some other sort of a 'patch'—as if 'constitutions were intended for nothing else but to be mended.' Do vote for Drake's Constitution. He don't like it himself in many particulars—wouldn't vote for it himself I suspect, but that he will have so nice a job mending it. Doubtless he is already gloating over his darning needles and pack thread and 'patches' . . . But Stop. Let us not be unfair, let us not be

21Ibid., 1079. The convention sessions were opened each morning with prayer by one of the local St. Louis ministers. 22St. Louis Missouri Democrat, April 28, 1865. Moses Lewis Linton 301

unjust. The friends say it will do a heap of good in the meantime. It will do harm in some ways, but an over­ balancing good in others. It may stick its finger nails into your eyes with one hand, but it will rub you on the back and cure you of the rheumatism with the other; or if it kicks you in the shins it will at the same time use Mr. King's fine tooth-comb on your head. 'All in all,' it's a great Constitution."23 With the "iron-clad oath" determining voter eligibility, the constitution of 1865 carried by a small majority. Some of its objectionable features were eliminated over the next few years in time for Linton to observe the trend by his death in 1872. Three years after that it was replaced by a new conservative constitution which remained Missouri's organic law for the next seventy years. Charles Daniel Drake rose, in the Radical period, to become United States Senator and Chief Justice of the Court of Claims of the District of Columbia. Moses Lewis Linton returned to his medical practice and played no active role in politics from this time on. While their political enmity was heated, it did not affect the personal relationship of the two men as exemplified in Drake's collection of what he called "Lintonia." When the "father" of Missouri's 1865 Constitution lay seriously ill in 1866, Dr. Linton visited him "in a friendly way and, among other kind things, said: 'Even your enemies do not wish you to die.' "24 23St. Louis Missouri Republican, May 3, 1865. 24Drake, "Autobiography," 1076, 1079.

^C

Bridge Building Boomed The Boonville Weekly Eagle, Dec. 20, 1872 Notwithstanding the severe weather, the great bridge is booming ahead. It seems that nothing can retard its progress. Every man is wide awake, and up to time. The hands commence work before day-break, and continue their labor till late in the night, stopping only long enough for their meals. The scene of the bridge is now very attractive. The elevated railway, the steaming barges in mid- river, the ponderous caisson and the huge land-abutment, are all calculated to awaken a deep interest in the mind of the spectator. The amount of massive timbers, stone, cables, and other material is immense, and is increasing every day. Competition from the expanding railroads has rightly been considered the main cause of the decline of river steamboating, but many other factors were involved. Several historians have investi­ gated the effects of low water, river ice, accidents, strikes, the business cycle, and competition among the steamboats themselves. Relatively little emphasis, however, has been given to the role of internal management. The history of the Keokuk Northern Line Packet Company, which was formed like other business enterprises of the era by a merger of rival organizations shortly before the Panic of 1873, illustrated that, in at least one important case, management problems were significant causes of economic failure. The Keokuk Line, the largest steamboat company providing freight and passen­ ger service on the upper Mississippi River between St. Louis and St. Paul after that date, found that consolidation brought internal difficulties in the form of rivalry among officials, misconduct of directors and officers, and almost endless litigation, all of which helped to carry the firm down to destruction.

ORGANIZATION, 1873-1874 The organization of the Keokuk Northern Line in March, 1873, consolidated five important upper Mississippi River steamboat *Dr. Robert C Toole, a graduate of the United States Military Academy, received an M.A. degree from Marshall University and a Ph.D. degree from the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught at Knox College, Lebanon Valley College and is currently associate professor of history at Franklin College, Indiana. He has published articles in Business History Review, Mid-America, and in the quarterly magazines of the West Virginia, Minnesota and Illinois historical societies. 302 Steamboats at the Bar 303

organizations, three of which—the Keokuk, the Northern, and the North Western Union Packet Companies—had been alternating between competition and cooperation since the formation of the third of these, the "Union Line," in 1866. Drastic steamboat rate wars in 1868 and 1872, plus ever increasing competition from rail­ roads, finally brought disaster;1 all three lines lost money in both 1871 and 1872. During the latter year, Union Line stockholders formed several new organizations, including the North Western Steamboat Company and the People's Tow Boat Line, to purchase some of the older corporation's most valuable boats. Nevertheless, by the end of the year the Union, the People's, and the Keokuk Lines all had become insolvent, while the Northern and the North Western Steamboat Lines were in a far from healthy financial condition.2 The five companies soon appointed a joint committee to work out a plan for a merger. Representatives of the lines met in St. Louis in February, 1873, to consider this committee's report, and agreed to consolidate their companies into one new organization. Since the old lines owned more steamboats, barges, and other property than could be used profitably, the officials agreed that only selected assets were to be transferred to the new corporation. The remaining assets would be used to settle the debts of the old companies. They were to choose three disinterested referees who were to determine the value of the property surrendered, and the five lines were to receive stock in the new firm in payment thereof. The representatives of the old lines next agreed to a detailed plan of incorporation proposed by the joint committee. The new organization, to be entitled the Keokuk Northern Line Packet Company, was to be organized under the laws of Missouri, with the main office in St. Louis. After a few modifications, the inventories of property which the old companies had submitted were accepted. For the purpose of organization, the capital stock of the Keokuk Northern Line was to be $700,000, with the privilege of increasing the stock to $1,400,000. The old lines subscribed for the follow­ ing amounts:

'Among the most detailed discussions of the packet companies on the upper Mississippi after the Civil War are those by E. W. Gould, 50 Years on the Mississippi (St. Louis, 1889); S. W. McMaster, 60 Years on the Upper Mississippi (Rock Island, 1893); L. B. Shippee, "Steamboating on the Upper Mississippi after the Civil War," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, VI (March, 1920), 470-502; M. L. Hartsough, From Canal to Steel Barge on the Upper Mississippi (Minneapolis, 1934); H. J. Hirshheimer, "La Crosse River History and the Davidsons," Wisconsin Magazine of History, XXVIII (March, 1945), 263-276; and L. C Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers (Cambridge, 1949). 2North Western Union Packet Co. Journal B, 112; North Western Steamboat Co. Journal, 1; People's Tow Boat Line Minute Book, 20, W. F. Davidson Papers, Minnesota Historical Societv, St. Paul. St. Paul Press, April 10, 13, 20, 1872, March 5, 1873; Dunlap v. Davidson, 458 U. S. Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Mo., Answer to Petition (1875). 304 Missouri Historical Review

Northern Line $300,000 Union Line and its 2 affiliates 225,000 Keokuk Line 175,000

TOTAL $700,000 Each company, however, was to receive stock in accordance with the appraisal to be made of the property to be transferred to the new corporation. Four of the nine members of the first board of directors were to be chosen by the Northern Line, three by the Union Line, and two by the Keokuk Line, while the executive committee of the board was to be composed of the presidents of these three com­ panies—Thomas B. Rhodes of the Northern Line, William F. Davidson of the Union Line, and John S. McCune of the Keokuk Line—all residents of St. Louis.3 McCune then announced to the press that the new company would start under fine auspices and entirely free from liabilities. Rates would be moderate, as the officials intended to bring an increase of business to St. Louis and were determined to put freight through from there to St. Paul at a tariff that would compete with the railroads. All parties involved considered the new arrangement highly satisfactory since it seemed certain that great economy would be secured by it. The press reported that the "Great Steam Boat Project" had been "consummated in all its masterful features." There was "an evident determination in this movement to give the railroad lines a brisk competition during the season of navigation with a view to diverting the grain business to other channels than those followed in the past."4 The incorporators met in March, 1873, to organize the new line. They adopted bylaws, including an agreement that no director should be interested in any contract made by the company or in any steamboat running in opposition to the company's boats on the upper Mississippi without first obtaining the permission of the board of directors. Next the board convened and elected John S. McCune of the Keokuk Line, William F. Davidson of the Union Line, and Secretary Thomas A. Griffith of the Northern Line as president, general superintendent, and secretary-treasurer, respec­ tively. The executive committee then appointed two assistant superintendents—Peyton S. Davidson, younger brother of the new general superintendent, and Thomas J. Buford of the Northern Line—and named officers for the boats and traffic agents in fifty-

3Keokuk Northern Line Packet Co. Minute Book, 1-5, 12, 13, Davidson Papers. *St. Paul Prrss, March 5, 1873. KEOKUK NORTHERN LINE PACKET COMPANY. Daily Line FiaeSiaVWkl Passenger Steamsrs, Leave ©"3?. £*0t?X@ Daily, (SUNDAY EXCEPTED.) .A.T 4 IP. JyC., POB ALTON, CLARKSVILLE, LOUISIANA, HAN­ NIBAL, QUINCY, KEOKUK, FORT MAD- ISON, BURLINGTON, NEW BOSTON, MUSCATINE, DAVENPORT, CLINTON, DUBUQUE, MCGREGOR, PRAIRIE DU CHIEN, LA CROSSE, WINO­ NA, LAKE CITY, ST. PAUL, AND MINNEAPOLIS. THE GREAT EXCURSION ROUTE to tie NORTHWEST,

Through Tickets for sale to all points in MISSOUEI, ILLI­ NOIS, IOWA, MINNESOTA, WISCONSIN, and KANSAS, at

a-iErjsrEiR,^.!-. OFFICE, 306 Missouri Historical Review seven towns on the upper Mississippi and St. Croix Rivers and one in Pittsburgh.5 The referees appraised the property which the five old companies sold to the new organization, as follows: Northern Line $362,000 Keokuk Line 152,000 North Western Steamboat Co 117,200 Union Line 94,200 People's Line 21,500

TOTAL $746,900 These appraisals, however, all greatly exceeded the cash values. Early in 1874 the directors of the old Union Line instructed William F. Davidson to demand from the Keokuk Northern Line any stock or money due; the new company's directors then accepted the appraisal and directed their officers to issue stock certificates for these amounts to the five old lines, which had continued as non- operating organizations. The Union Line soon sold its shares to various purchasers for $56,460, about 60 per cent of face value, and used the money to pay old debts.6

BATTLE FOR CONTROL, 1874-1875 The death of President McCune early in 1874 brought on a great battle for control of the new corporation. Before the conflict began, several major changes in the management took place. William F. Davidson had already resigned as general superintendent, although remaining on the executive committee, and had been replaced by Assistant Superintendent Peyton S. Davidson. After McCune's death, the directors chose General Freight Agent Ansyl Phillips, another official of the old Keokuk Line, to fill the vacancy on the board, and selected Darius Hunkins of the Northern Line as president and Napoleon Mullikin of the Keokuk Line as a member of the executive committee. Thomas B. Rhodes resigned from the committee to make room for President Hunkins, and was appointed as superintendent of construction.7 Important changes in the ownership of the new company also followed soon after President McCune's death. The old North Western Steamboat Company sold its 1172 shares in the Keokuk Northern Line for $68,741, which was about 59 per cent of face value, to an Ohio River steamboat operator who soon transferred Hbid., March 7, 12, 1873; Minute Book, 12, 17-27, Davidson Papers. fiNorth Western Union Packet Co. Minute Book, 55; Keokuk Northern Line Packet Co. Minute Book, 30-32; Journal B, 104-107; Buford v. Keokuk Northern Line, Answer to Petition (1874), Davidson Papers; Dunlap v. Davidson, 458 U. S. Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Mo., Answer to Petition (1875). 7Minute Book, 35, 42-40; H. L. Carver to W. F. Davidson, April 8, 1873; J. Shethar to W. Rhodes, November 20, 1874, Davidson Papers; St. Paul Press, April 8, 1873. Steamboats at the Bar 307

this stock to a long-time business associate of William F. Davidson. Next, stockholders of the old Keokuk Line disposed of 1518 of their 1520 shares in the new organization to Davidson for $60,800, approximately 41 per cent of face value,8 giving him and his allies a majority of the stock in the consolidated company. Ansyl Phillips and Napoleon Mullikin of the old Keokuk Line had "induced" Davidson to buy these shares because the Keokuk Line men believed that a continuance of the current plans of President Hunkins and the other Northern Line representatives would be destructive of the best interests of all concerned. Therefore Phillips and Mullikin signed an agreement with Davidson to make sure that he and his allies would gain control of the management of the new company from Hunkins and his associates, who had failed to make a number of policy changes which the signers of the agreement believed to be essential. The Keokuk Line representatives agreed that, as directors of the Keokuk Northern Line, they would cooperate fully with Davidson to put the steamboats on a different time schedule in order to make it possible for a smaller number of steamers to take care of the com­ pany's business; change the boats which were costly to operate for less expensive ones; reduce the crews' wages by at least 30 per cent, if possible; diminish the number of the company's officers in order to cut expenses; and under all circumstances support Davidson and his policy, so far as it might promote the interests of the company and be honorable and right. As compensation in case of failure to do any of this, Phillips and Mullikin guaranteed to pay Davidson $20,000. This agreement was to be binding until new officers were elected and installed at the next annual board meeting, in January, 1875.9 When Davidson's purchase of the stock was announced, the press headlined that "The Old Commodore Once More Rules The Wave." He "again swings in high supremacy over the Upper Mississippi . . . ," the report continued, and "now rules the roost from St. Paul to St. Louis. . . ."10 It had long been an "established fact" that his ambition was to own a line of boats which would operate from the source of the Mississippi to its mouth, and to make its navigable tributaries contribute to the success of his scheme. 8North Western Steamboat Co. Journal A, 24; Keokuk Packet Co. Minutes, May 14, 1874; Proxies, J. Kyle to W. F. Davidson, August 19, 1874; Keokuk Northern Line Packet Co. Tickets for Election of Directors, 1875, Davidson Papers; St. Paul Press, May 13, 1874. 9Agreement, N. Mullikin, A. Phillips, and W. F. Davidson, May 14, 1874, Davidson Papers. wSt. Paul Dispatch, May 19, 1874. Davidson's earlier career is discussed in Robert C Toole, "Steamboat Pioneer: The Early Career of William F. Davidson," Minnesota History, XXXVI (September, 1959), 250-258; 'Anti-Monopoly League of 1800 v. LaCrosse Packet Company Et AL," Mid-America, XLIII (October, 1901), 211-225; "Behind the Lines: The LaCrosse Packet Company during the Civil War," Business History Review, XXXIV (Summer, 1900), 170-193; "Steamboats on the Rocks: The North Western Union Packet Company, 1800-1873," ibid., XXXVI (Winter, 1902), 431-454. Therefore the earlier announcement that he had disposed of 1172 shares and thereby of his interest in the steamboat business on the upper Mississippi had been received with surprise; but the subsequent develop­ ments "proved" that this sale was only a strategic movement, either to depreciate the stock or to induce other stockholders to sell. Davidson now had "possession" of the upper Missis­ sippi almost without opposition and also owned a line of boats running between St. Louis and New Orleans, while a line of ocean steamers was not among the improbabilities.11 President Hunkins, the other Northern Line men, and their allies, Minnesota Historical Society however, soon began a series of law William F. Davidson suits and directors' battles to prevent Davidson from gaining control of the Keokuk Northern Line. During the summer of 1874 one of their leaders, Director Richard C. Gray of Pittsburgh, filed suit against Mullikin and Samuel N. Holliday, the administrator of McCune's estate, for transferring their stock to Davidson. But the real fight was against Davidson, and it promised to be a war to the death.12 Gray claimed large damages from the Northern Line group, alleging that the transfer violated an agreement between the stockholders of the old Northern and Keokuk Lines. In this contract, signed a few weeks before the meeting with Davidson in February, 1873, to consolidate the five companies, these stockholders had pledged that they would not dispose of any shares in the new line, if organized, without offering them first to the new company and second to the other signers of this agreement.13 Small stockholders in the old Keokuk Line then filed their own suits against that company, its directors, Holliday, Davidson, and the Keokuk Northern Line. First, three plaintiffs charged the directors and Holliday with gross negligence and malfeasance in fraudulently selling the Keokuk Line's property to the new com­ pany, in acting as directors of the old line, and in selling the 1518 "St. Paul Press, May 24, 1874. "Ibid., July 16, 1874. i=57. Paul Dispatch, March 26, April 0, 1875. Steamboats at the Bar 309

shares to Davidson for much less than the market value. Because of these and other acts, the old company's assets had become worthless, the charges concluded, so the three stockholders asked the court to set aside all sales of the organization's property by the defendants and to hold them liable for these illegal transactions. Later, the Central Savings Bank of St. Louis also brought suit against the Keokuk Line and others on similar charges.14 Next, Assistant Superintendent Thomas J. Buford, a Northern Line stockholder, sued for an injunction to restrain the new com­ pany's directors from declaring or paying any dividend, and to restrain Davidson from voting the 1518 shares he had purchased. In September, 1874, the Keokuk Northern Line's stockholders tried to hold a special meeting, but could not organize, since the sheriff controlled matters entirely. The press reported that a motion would be made to dissolve the injunction, adding rather surprisingly that all parties seemed to be pleased with the phase that the case was in now.15 The Davidson group then told the court that Buford was one of a number of stockholders in the Keokuk Northern Line who had formed a combination to get control of the company and manage it or break it up; and for this purpose they had commenced a series of suits by which they hoped to force some compromise which would give them control of the line.16 Finally, minority stockholders of Davidson's old Union Line entered the legal fray. One group served notice upon the Keokuk Northern Line that Davidson had in his possession more than 1100 shares of Union Line stock, but that they did not belong to him; and therefore the minority stockholders protested against his being recognized as the owner of these shares or exercising any powers under them. A member of this group brought suit against Davidson and others. Later, another group sued the Union Line, Davidson, and others for selling property worth $500,000 without any notice to the plaintiffs, without any lawful authority, and in violation of their rights and interests. No part of the consideration received for the property had ever been paid or accounted for to these stockholders, they concluded, and asked that the sale be decreed void, the Union Line be dissolved and its affairs settled, and the amounts due the plaintiffs be ascertained by the court and paid to them.17

• l4Graff v.Keokuk Packet Co., Bill of Complaint (1874); Central Savings Bank of St. Louis v. Keokuk Northern Line, Writ and Petition (1874), Davidson Papers; St. Paul Press, July 29, 1874. i»Ibid., September 2, 1874. ^Buford v. Keokuk Northern Line, Answer to Petition (1874), Davidson Papers. uSt. Paul Press, September 3, 1874; Dunlap v. Davidson, 458 U. S. Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Mo., Petition (1874); Jasper v. Keokuk Northern Line, 0-33000 Circuit Court of St. Louis County, Mo., Petition (1875). 310 Missouri Historical Review

Near the end of 1874 the press reviewed the recent legal warfare. Davidson had united with the Keokuk and the Northern Lines in 1873, but this year there had been "a general bust up" on account of his innovations, for the Commodore had no patience with "the old slowcoaches" representing the latter company. Referring to Joseph Reynolds, head of the small Diamond Jo Line of Steamers, the newsman concluded that the season of navigation on the upper Mississippi had closed with Diamond Jo encroaching and Com­ modore Davidson anxious to make things move, so that the railroads should not gobble up all the trade.18 When the Keokuk Northern Line's directors met in February, 1875, the recent lawsuits settled thus far had been decided unan­ imously in favor of the Davidson group. At the meeting Richard C. Gray offered a resolution asserting that Mullikin and Phillips were not lawful stockholders and declaring their places as directors vacant. The five Davidson directors protested, but President Hunkins refused to count the votes of Mullikin and Phillips and declared the resolution carried. Then William Rhodes, one of Davidson's allies, moved to adjourn until later in the day; Hunkins, however, would not entertain this motion. The majority of the board started to leave the room anyhow, but was prevented by Gray, who held himself against the door! Davidson immediately pulled Gray away, so that the five directors were able to retire from the room. The minority then elected Secretary Thomas A. Griffith and Thomas B. Hill, another Northern Line man, as directors in place of Mullikin and Phillips. Naturally, the Davidson party refused to acknowledge this action. When the directors continued their meeting three days later, Davidson offered a resolution that they elect officers and that the votes be taken viva voce. President Hunkins refused, so Davidson himself put the resolution to the board; the five Davidson directors voted in the affirmative, with no one voting in the negative. The Davidson group then elected William F. Davidson as president and John Shethar, one of his supporters, as secretary; re-elected Peyton S. Davidson as general superintendent; and passed resolu­ tions asserting that the pretended action of the minority directors in declaring the places of Mullikin and Phillips vacant was fraud­ ulent and void, and directing President Davidson to bring suit against former Secretary Griffith to turn over the company's books and papers to the new officers. Davidson demanded the books and papers from Griffith, but the latter merely left the room.19 ™St. Paul Press, November 24, 1874. "St. Paul Dispatch, February 20, 20, 1875; Minutes, February 20, 23, 1875. Davidson Papers. Steamboats at the Bar 311

Still not admitting defeat, the Northern Line party met later and re-elected the old officers. Then both groups of officials pro­ ceeded to the St. Louis docks, where for some time it was feared that serious trouble would result; but the conflict finally culminated in both parties issuing separate orders to have the boats put in readiness for the spring campaign. Not surprisingly, the affair created intense excitement among steamboatmen. The situation was not totally chaotic, however, since both factions had re-elected Peyton S. Davidson as general superintendent; and under his direction the steamers were put in order for the coming season's operations. The Davidson party soon took the offensive in the courts. First, William F. Davidson instituted the suit against Griffith to secure possession of the company's books and papers. Then the Davidson group brought suit against all of the Northern Line men, stating that early in 1873 they had conspired together to secure control of the stock that was to be issued by the proposed Keokuk Northern Line and had entered into a contract for that purpose with the major stockholders in the old Keokuk Line, and asking that the Northern Line faction be restrained from interfering with the recent election of Davidson officers and be compelled to recognize Mullikin and Phillips as directors.20 When the Davidson group emerged from the struggle victorious in all cases, the press headlined that the Commodore "Still Remains The King Of The Upper Mississippi." In March, 1875, the Circuit Court of St. Louis had dissolved the injunction which Buford had obtained to prevent a stockholders' meeting until the legality of Davidson's purchase of the 1518 shares was determined; this deci­ sion upheld the legality of the stock purchase.21 Next, the court declared the election of the Davidson officers valid. In April the court decided the suit which Gray had brought against Mullikin and Holliday adversely to the Northern Line interest; the judge sustained the demurrer filed by the defendants that the agreement in 1873 between stockholders of the Northern and the Keokuk Lines not to sell any stock without offering it first to the new company and then to the other signers afforded no foundation for legal action. This virtually ended this series of legal battles for control of the packet line, although the suit brought by one of the groups of small stockholders in the Union Line dragged on until the spring of 1879 before being settled in favor of the Davidson party.22 205/. Paul Dispatch, February 20, March 4, 20, 1875; St. Paul Pioneer, March 23, 1875. ^Ibid. ^St. Paul Dispatch, March 20, April 0, 1875; Jasper v. Keokuk Northern Line, 0-33660 Circuit Court of St. Louis County, Mo., Decree (1879). |:-^.,-:lH:\

'**8&s^ ^W^^^B ^:—

^jgjgljjyilfr^ pi^^P^Pis^fv £+$&.

ST. LOUIS RIVERFRONT IN 1876 This view of the St. Louis riverfront appeared in Harper's Weekly, July 8, 1876. Accompanying text described St. Louis as "Pleasant and, in a certain sense, picturesque. . . . Besides its enormous river trade, St. Louis enjoys the advantage of being the center of sixteen lines of railroads, which connect it with a vast extent of fertile territory."

BANKRUPTCY, 1879-1881 By this time the Keokuk Northern Line was headed for bank­ ruptcy and a second round of lawsuits and directors' fights for control of the company's property. Profits had declined steadily every season after 1873, turning into increasing losses after 1876. By 1878 Director Richard C. Gray was considering the organization of a new steamboat line to run in opposition to the company, and by April of 1879 a rumor was circulating that Gray had made overtures to Joseph Reynolds to place a number of boats on the upper Mississippi to run in connection with the Diamond Jo Line.23 A journalist concluded, however, that "The competition on the upper Mississippi is not between Diamond Jo and Commodore Davidson. The real contest lies between river and railroad interests. This would be all right if it was a square fight, but it is not, and never will be until the law is so changed as to make the railroad companies responsible for their debts. At present it is anything to beat steamboats, and if the railroads lose money in their unjust wars, they simply pass into the hands of a receiver and continue on in their wicked course. Now steamboats are obliged to pay their debts or be tied up then and there."24

23Balance Sheets, January 20, 1874- -December 31, 1879, Davidson Papers; St. Paul Globe, April 10, 1879. **Ibid., April 15, 1879. Steamboats at the Bar 313

Meanwhile, the Keokuk Northern Line had gotten into serious financial difficulties, as it had made a large number of promissory notes to the Davidsons, to some of their allies, and to others. There­ fore, in January, 1879, the company executed a deed of trust to two St. Louis businessmen, "selling" them ten steamboats, nine barges, and two wharf boats to hold in trust. If the company failed to pay these notes, the trustees were to sell this property and pay these creditors; but if the company paid the notes, the deed would be void.25 By June, 1879, the Northern Line faction had decided to take a leaf from the railroads' book and petition for a receiver for the Keokuk Northern Line. Hunkins, Gray, Griffith, Hill, and others sued the Davidsons, Director Abraham M. Hutchinson, several of their allies, and the company in what became a formidable affair. The complaint consisted of 18 pages of charges, including 12 principal allegations, concluding that because of the defendants' policies the corporation's property had been reduced in value by more than $100,000, and that by their malpractices and misconduct the company was on the verge of bankruptcy. Therefore the plaintiffs petitioned for an injunction restraining the Davidson group from further managing the line's affairs and compelling them to "disgorge their ill-gotten gains" of over $146,000, and asked the court to appoint a receiver to take charge of the corporation's property and manage its affairs. Naturally, the Davidson party denied every allegation of improper management, malpractices, or misconduct.26 This time, however, the Northern Line group triumphed. In October, 1880, the dissatisfied stockholders were successful in their first move for gaining control of the company's business. The Circuit Court of St. Louis, finding that the Davidsons and their allies had abused their trust and had been guilty of gross mis­ conduct as directors and officers, removed them from these posi­ tions, restrained them from managing the company's affairs, and ordered them to pay more than $35,000 to the company and the costs of the case to the defendants. Judge Lindley of the Circuit Court directed the stockholders to have an election to supply the vacancies created by the removal of four Davidson directors, who were not to be eligible for re-election. Captain S. C. Clubb of St. Louis was appointed receiver of the Keokuk Northern Line, with *>Ward v. Davidson, 0-47190 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Deed of Trust (1879). ™New York Tribune, August 4, 1879; St. Paul Globe, August 11, 1879; Ward v. Davidson, 0-47190 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Answer to Petition (1879); F. L. Johnston to W. F. Davidson, March 20, 1880, Davidson Papers. 314 Missouri Historical Review

full power to take possession of all property and manage the affairs under the court's orders; and, according to the press, this appoint­ ment was satisfactory to both parties.27 The Davidson group of course reacted violently to this decision. For example, former Director William Rhodes of St. Paul wrote that "There is but one conclusion among the friends of Capt. D. here, and that is, the decision of Lindley shows such an animus, and one- sidedness, the conclusion is that he was either prejudiced against our side, through some means of collusion with the plaintiffs, or that he discarded the evidence of the defendants, in toto, and made his decision entirely upon the evidence of the plaintiffs, allowing them something on every point claimed. . . ." Rhodes noted that "The decision is such a muddle that even the lawyers of this city do not understand it."28 One of Receiver S. C. Clubb's first official acts on behalf of the company was to sue former President William F. Davidson for money he allegedly received from the United States government for carrying the mail in steamboats on the upper Mississippi. It was true that Davidson had made two contracts, one for daily mail service between St. Louis and Keokuk in 1879 and the other for service between St. Louis and St. Paul in the following season. He employed the Keokuk Northern Line's boats to the extent of their capacity to perform the required work, and used the boats owned by Peyton S. Davidson personally and by the Eagle Packet Company to comply fully with the contracts. The government paid almost $40,000 under these agreements, but Davidson gave the Keokuk Northern Line only about $30,000. The courts did not finally settle this case until 1888.29 Next the Northern Line party gained control of the board of directors. In November, 1880, the stockholders met and elected one Northern Line man and three new Davidson men to replace the four Davidson directors who had been removed, giving the Northern Line a majority of one on the board. The court approved this election and ordered the company's secretary to call a directors' meeting to elect a president. In December the board elected Hunkins to his former post of president and named Gray and Hill to fill the other vacancies on the executive committee.30

™St. Paul Globe, October 20, 29, November 4, 1880. 28W. Rhodes to F. L. Johnston, October 30, 1880, Davidson Papers. ^Keokuk Northern Line v. Davidson, 95 Mo. 407 (1888). soReport of Stockholders' Meeting, November 17, 1880; Minutes, December 13, 14, 1880, Davidson Papers; Ward v. Davidson, 0-47190 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Court Order (1880). Steamboats at the Bar 315

Davidson then consulted the company's attorney, his nephew J. Hamilton Davidson, about suing Gray or others for defamation of character; but the lawyer replied that the best vindication the Commodore could ever get would be a reversal of the recent judg­ ment against him. Then it would do to consider the propriety and expediency of suing. "I think you may look out for any and all possible villainy ..." from the Northern Line men at the annual stockholders meeting in January, 1881, the attorney continued. "They have committed every outrage almost except assassination and you need not fear but that might be resorted to if necessary to carry their plans. I think you really need to be very careful and guarded as to where you go at night, for with all the desperadoes that there are on and about the River some of whom you have doubtless offended, it would not cost much to get you knocked on the head and put under the ice."31 Meanwhile Receiver Clubb had taken possession of the com­ pany's property and had arranged to have it inspected. He reported to the court that the line now owned thirteen steamboats, twenty- nine barges, three wharfboats, and other property; but three of the boats and six of the barges were wrecks, while almost all of the other boats were at least ten years old and in bad condition, with three of the ten not worth repairing. The former superintendent of repairs had estimated for Clubb that the value of the property totaled about $168,000, while the liquid resources amounted to around $10,000 on the company books, although Clubb estimated that much less than $2,000 was actually available. The liabilities on the books totaled approximately $143,000; but there were other claims against the company, and it would cost over $52,000 to repair the usable boats and barges. Thus the liabilities, other claims, and needed repairs amounted to more than $195,000, exceeding the assets of less than $170,000 by over $25,000.32 A committee appointed by President Hunkins to examine the company's financial condition soon submitted an even gloomier report. According to the committee, the only real assets, the property, did total about $168,000 in value, but were encumbered by deeds of trust and attachments, including the mortgage of January, 1879, on the best boats, barges, and wharfboats, valued at $92,000. The liabilities amounted to about $161,000, while law suits were pending for another $138,000, including a claim by Davidson for around $61,000; and boat repairs would require an outlay of 3ij. H. Davidson to W. F. Davidson, December 15, 1880, Davidson Papers. ™Ward v. Davidson, 0-47190 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Report of Receiver (1880). 316 Missouri Historical Review

$30,000 or $40,000. Moreover, to put the line in good working order would require at least four more steamboats and a number of barges, involving an expenditure of over $100,000, while another $10,000 to $20,000 would be needed to keep the line in operation until receipts came in. Thus the committee estimated that the debts, claims, and operating requirements totaled about $449,000, at least $281,000 more than the value of the property.33 At a director's meeting in January, 1881, the Northern Line men arranged to regain control over the company's property. They passed a resolution that since the corporation was unable to meet its liabilities as they matured and was insolvent, the president was directed to execute a deed of trust, or assignment, conveying to Charles Green of St. Louis all of the company's property in trust for all of its creditors, to be held and administered by him. The Davidson directors protested against the resolution as, in their opinion, it did not represent the views of the majority of stock­ holders and creditors, and because the Davidson men felt that the debts could be provided for in a way satisfactory to all concerned without taking this step. Nevertheless, President Hunkins imme­ diately signed the already prepared deed of trust. The Davidson men then took the matter to court. They asked that the Northern Line directors be required to appear and show why the property should not be reconveyed to the company and why they should not be punished for contempt in assigning the property while it was in the charge of the court and its receiver. Also, the Davidson attorney opposed a recent order of the court for a sale of part of the property by the receiver; but Judge Lindley replied that the receiver needed money to carry on the business and the court must furnish it to him in some way.34 While the court considered the assignment, the Davidson group recaptured control of the board of directors. At the annual meeting, the Davidson stockholders elected six of their men as directors, while the Northern Line faction elected only three of its representatives. Then the Davidson stockholders passed a resolution that the action of the Northern Line directors in conspiracy to defraud the stock­ holders of the company of their property and rights was unauthor­ ized, an attempt to ruin the company, null and void. Next David­ son offered another resolution, which also carried, that the board was requested to demand from Charles Green the delivery of any pretended conveyances which might have been delivered to him,

33Minutes, December 22, 1880, Davidson Papers; Davidson v. Keokuk Northern Line, 0-73280 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Petition (1887). 34Minutes, January 15, 1881, Davidson Papers; St. Paul Globe, January 22, 1881. Steamboats at the Bar 317 and that, if he refused, the board was to take steps to protect the company's interest. Naturally, the Northern Line stockholders protested against these resolutions; but the new directors then elected Henry Lourey, an ally of Davidson, and Frank L. Johnston, Davidson's brother-in-law, as president and secretary, respectively.35 Soon the board reconvened to hear the report of a committee of Davidson men who had been appointed to take a new look at the company's financial affairs. The committee found that the value of the property equaled $234,000, about $66,000 more than stated in the reports of Receiver Clubb and of the Northern Line committee. Furthermore, the law suits pending involved claims for less than $26,000, not $138,000, and could be settled for less than $2,000, making the total liabilities only $162,000. Therefore the assets exceeded the liabilities by approximately $72,000. The committee concluded that wrecking the company would not benefit anyone, since at a forced sale the property could not be sold for its real value, and earnestly recommended that the corporation take steps to engage actively in business upon the opening of navigation. The directors adopted this report and resolved to carry out its recommendations.36 However, a series of court defeats for the Davidson faction soon nullified this optimistic resolution. In February, 1881, Judge Lindley rendered a decision that the assignment of the company's property to Charles Green was valid and |that the court could not deprive him of it. A month later another St. Louis Circuit Court judge denied a motion by the Davidson men to have the property transferred from the assignee to them, although they agreed to give bonds for it and to pay all of the company's debts. Finally, in April the United States Circuit Court in St. Louis refused to grant an injunction asked for by two Davidson men to restrain the assignee from interfering with the company's property, declining to come into conflict with the jurisdiction of the state courts.37 The reactions of the press, as well as those of the Davidson camp, to these decisions were gloomy. One reporter noted that, as Com­ modore Davidson had offered to pay all claims of the minority stockholders and buy their stock besides, it was exceedingly peculiar that the courts should persist in keeping the company in charge of the minority assignee. Ordinarily when a man gets all he sues for, the cause of action ceases. Another journalist saw no prospect of harmonizing the conflicting interests, concluding that until that was

36Minutes, January 19, 1881, Davidson Papers; St. Paul Globe, January 24, 1881. seMinutes, January 21, 1881, Davidson Papers. 375/. Paul Globe, March 1, 20, April 0, 1881; Hutchinson v. Green, 91 Mo. 307 (1880). 318 Missouri Historical Review

done there could be no resumption of business by the packet line, a loss which would be seriously felt by the shipping interests on the upper Mississippi River.38 Attorney J. Hamilton Davidson wrote to the Commodore after the second of these rulings: "I feel terribly depressed over the decision . . . but I see no chance now for relief in any direction. I fear that your advances to the Co. will stretch your credit to the limit."39 Nevertheless, the Commodore com­ menced new proceedings in the United States District Court at St. Louis against the Northern Line group.40

SALE OF PROPERTY, 1881-1882 Without waiting for the result of the latest suit or the sale of the Keokuk Northern Line's property, the Davidsons and some of their associates arranged to place a new line of steamboats on the upper Mississippi between St. Louis and St. Paul. By April, 1881, the Davidson party had incorporated a new packet company under the laws of Wisconsin, with Peyton S. Davidson of La Crosse as president and William F. Davidson as general manager. The press reported that the minority stockholders had hung up the Keokuk Northern Line by getting it into the hands of an assignee, but Commodore Davidson was irrepressible. The Davidsons already had acquired seven steamboats and were negotiating for four more, so when the season of navigation opened, they would be prepared to conduct as vigorous a river business as though there had been no litigation with the judges retained for the other side. This was good news, the reporter concluded, as the importance of a powerful river transportation company could not be overestimated.41 The David­ sons named their new organization the Saint Louis and Saint Paul Passenger and Freight Line.42 Soon the general agent of the new line announced that it would commence the season's business with eight sternwheelers and a full complement of barges. (Several of the new line's boats were owned personally by President Peyton S. Davidson or relatives.) Negotia­ tions had about been closed for four more sidewheel packets which would make up a fast passenger-and-express through line between St. Paul and St. Louis, with close running connections with one of the great barge lines operating between St. Louis and New Orleans. The general agent explained that Commodore Davidson had been confronted with the fact that the season of navigation had nearly

™St. Louis Globe, March 20, 1881. Z9J. H. Davidson to W. F. Davidson, March 20, 1881, Davidson Papers. *°St. Paul Globe, April 15, 1881. "Ibid., April 10, 1881. 42S. F. Clinton to W. F. Davidson, July 28, 1882, Davidson Papers. Steamboats at the Bar 319 arrived, so he had to do something or "lose his grip" on the river business. With the new fleet that Davidson was getting together, he could get along without the Keokuk Northern Line's boats and barges. However, should the current litigation result in his favor, he would find something better for them to do than lying tied up to the bank and rotting, as they were then.43 Judge Lindley soon authorized Receiver Clubb to sell a large part of the Keokuk Northern Line's property to defray necessary expenses. This authorization included all property covered by mortgages, plus the old steamer Minnesota, seven barges, the boat yard at St. Louis, and five warehouses in various river towns in Missouri; but the judge reserved the question of selling the com­ pany's remaining property for another day. Davidson gave notice that he held a claim for stores and supplies he had furnished to the Minnesota and that he would look to this vessel for payment, and cautioned all persons that in buying the boat they would take it subject to his claim for about $960. The Commodore himself purchased five of the barges for $4,300.44 Next the Davidsons and some of their allies organized a second new steamboat company, this one under the laws of Missouri. This corporation, the Saint Louis and Saint Paul Packet Company, was authorized a capital stock of $100,000; William F. Davidson purchased 850 of the 1000 shares, and the directors elected him as president and Peyton S. Davidson as general manager. Immediate­ ly the new "Saints Line" bought the Keokuk Northern Line's recently constructed steamer Gem City for $11,750, and soon leased the old company's fine steamer War Eagle for $900 for thirty days.45 In addition, the Davidson group requested the trustees under the deed of trust of January, 1879, to sell the mortgaged property in order to pay the Keokuk Northern Line's promissory notes to the Davidsons and other creditors. The trustees obtained an order from the St. Louis Circuit Court permitting them to sell eight steam­ boats, eight barges, and two wharfboats for cash to the highest bidder, and requiring Receiver Clubb to join the trustees in the sale. In July, 1881, Davidson agents bought five steamers and one wharfboat for the Saints Line for about $31,000; five warehouses at various river towns in Illinois and Iowa during the fall and winter for only $2,300; and five other warehouses and a barge. By the end

*St. Paul Globe, April 15, 1881; Bills of Sale, May 10, 29, June 8, 1883, Davidson Papers. **St. Paul Globe, April 19, 1881; W. F. Davidson, Notice, April 28, 1881; Bills of Sale, May 13, 15, 1881, Davidson Papers. 45St. Louis and St. Paul Packet Co. Minute Book, 41-43, 40; St. Louis and St. Paul Packet Co. Stock Certificates Nos. 1-3, June 1, 1881; Bill of Sale, June 1, 1881, Davidson Papers; Ward v. Davidson, 0-47196 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Charter (1881). 320 Missouri Historical Review of the year, the receiver had just six barges and a wharf boat still in his possession; and in February, 1882, Judge Lindley ordered him to sell the remaining property. The Saints Line obtained the wharf boat and four of the barges for $8,125, making a total of over $57,000 which this new company invested in purchasing Keokuk Northern Line property.46 During the seasons of 1881 and 1882, the two new Davidson companies operated as one line. In the spring of the following year the Saint Louis and Saint Paul Packet Company, of St. Louis, purchased the steamboats of the Saint Louis and Saint Paul Passen­ ger and Freight Line, of La Crosse, which then ceased operations. The combined Saints Line continued to do business, in the face of ever increasing difficulties, until 1889.47

FINAL COURT DECISIONS, 1886-1888 Several of the lawsuits brought by the Davidson and the Northern Line factions in the Keokuk Northern Line in 1879-1881 were not finally decided until several years after the company ceased operations and sold its property. The suit by Hunkins, Gray, Griffith, and others against the Davidsons, Director Abra­ ham M. Hutchinson, and their allies in 1879 had reached the Supreme Court of Missouri by 1886.48 Commodore Davidson explained to his group's new attorney, James P. Broadhead, that during Davidson's presidency every act was brought to the notice of the Northern Line directors at every meeting, that Griffith was secretary most of this time, and that most of the charges made against Davidson were for things for which the company had made a precedent while McCune was president and had accepted as right. Davidson had tried to make money for the company, he continued, had personally backed all of its notes, and had taken special pre­ cautions to see that it was managed prudently and without allowing malice to enter into its operations from outside; but "Gray and party in every act they could crippled the Company . . . and finally succeeded by intrigues of lawyers ... to lay the grip of the

™St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 8, 1881; Bills of Sale, Julv 14, August 30, October 3, Novem­ ber 4, 1881, January 18, 30, 31, March (N.D.), May 2, 1882; Certificate of Inspection, September 7, 1883; F. L. Johnston to W. F. Davidson, January 0, February 10, 1882, February 10, 1883, David­ son Papers; Ward v. Davidson, 0-47190 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., List of Property (1881). «St. Paul Globe, November 27, 1881, April 2, December 31, 1882; W. F. Davidson to P. S. Davidson, April 3, 1883; Bills of Sale, May 10, 29, June 8, 1883; E. E. Davidson to J. F. Baker, January 15, 1889, Davidson Papers; St. Paul and Minneapolis Pioneer Press, January 24, 1889; G. B. Merrick, "Joseph Reynolds and the Diamond Jo Line Steamers, 1802-1911," Mississippi Valley Historical Association Proceedings, VIII (1914-15), 249. ®Ward v. Davidson, 89 Mo. 445 (1880). Steamboats at the Bar 321 law on it. ..." The Commodore concluded that "there is a malicious wrong done me and my associates thus far."49 By the time the Supreme Court of Missouri decided this case in March, 1886, the record consisted of over 1600 printed pages. The court found that in 1875 the Keokuk Northern Line was out of debt and had on hand $75,000 in cash or its equivalent; but in 1878 the company was in debt over $90,000 and the property had decreased in quantity and value by nearly one half. However, the court pointed out that the cash on hand in 1875 was paid out at once as a dividend, and that the boats had been in use for a long time and required extensive repairs, except for two new packets built at great expense. Furthermore, the company's receipts were constantly declining, and this was at no time more marked than during the McCune and Hunkins administrations. This decline was doubtless due in great measure to the competition, the court pointed out, especially that created by the construction of railroads to the principal points on the river. For these and other reasons, the Supreme Court concluded that not all of the lower court's decrees for money from the defendants should be awarded. On the other hand, the Supreme Court could not deny that the company had been led into many transactions not within its charter powers. Also, enough had been said to show the court that the defendants, except Hutchinson, had been guilty of misconduct in office and were properly removed, and that the restraining orders to the defendants were correct. In conclusion, the Supreme Court unanimously reversed the judgment and remanded the case, so that a final decree could be entered in the St. Louis Circuit Court in conformity with this opinion.50 The Davidson men received this decision with mixed emotions. Secretary Frank L. Johnston reported to the Commodore that their lawyers considered the decision quite a victory, but that he did not look at it in that light, since it merely reduced the judgment against the defendants from about $35,000 to $25,000. Part of the evidence was deficient, Johnston noted, as some letters of former Director William Rhodes showed that one other charge was false. These letters, which were not introduced in evidence, would have reduced the judgment by another $2,000. Attorney James P. Broadhead predicted that the Northern Line party would have to pay at least half, if not all, of the court costs of over $5,000; but in April, 1887, the court decided against the Davidson group on these costs. Still,

49W. F. Davidson to J. P. Broadhead, January 23, 1880, Davidson Papers. ™Ward v. Davidson, 89 Mo. 445 (1880). 322 Missouri Historical Review the judgment for $25,000 was in favor of the packet company, not of the receiver or the assignee, which Broadhead concluded would put the whole thing in good shape and save Davidson much trouble.51 In November, 1886, the Supreme Court of Missouri unanimously affirmed the judgment of the circuit court in 1881 that the assign­ ment of the company's property to Charles Green was valid. The evidence as to the value of the assets in the winter of 1880-1881 was conflicting and unsatisfactory, the Supreme Court noted, but concluded that the entire property was not worth more than $190,000, at most, while as a means of raising money it was not equal to the debts. Therefore the corporation was insolvent and wholly unprepared to enter the spring trade. The Northern Line party had seen the efforts of the Davidson men to appropriate the property to the payment of their own debts, in disregard of the other creditors, the court concluded, and therefore the Northern Line group, having a due regard for the creditors in general, could not do otherwise than make an assignment. Attorney Broadhead then moved for a new trial, but did not much expect to get a rehear­ ing; and in this he was correct.52 However, Davidson did win an important victory in 1887. In his suit in 1880 against the Keokuk Northern Line for about $61,000, he had finally obtained a judgment in 1885 in the District court of Ramsey County, Minnesota, for $46,000. No part of this judgment had been paid by 1887; but in May he obtained a final judgment against the company in the Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis for almost $52,000, including interest. This equaled more than twice the amount of the final judgment against the Davidson party in the previous month.53 Secretary Johnston reported to Davidson that "This puts your matters in very much better shape than they have been yet."54 Two weeks after receiving this pleasant news, Commodore Davidson died, ending a career of thirty-one years in the steamboat business on the upper Mississippi River.55 A year after his death, Commodore Davidson won his final legal battle. In the suit against him by Receiver Clubb in 1880 for money received for carrying the mail, the circuit court had found that the United States had paid almost $40,000 under the contracts, but that Davidson had given the Keokuk Northern Line only $30,000 for mail service by its boats. However, he had obtained the contracts 51F. L. Johnston to W. F. Davidson, March 20, 25, 1880, April 12, 1887, Davidson Papers. ^Hutchinson v. Green, 91 Mo. 307 (1880); F. L. Johnston to W. F. Davidson, November 27, 1880, Davidson Papers. ^Davidson v. Keokuk Northern Line, 0-73280 Circuit Court of the City of St. Louis, Mo., Final Judgment (1887). 54F. L. Johnston to W. F. Davidson, May 11, 1887, Davidson Papers. b'nSt. Paul and Minneapolis Pioneer Press, May 27, 1887. Steamboats at the Bar 323

through another party who had deducted large charges for this service leaving Davidson only $27,000; therefore, the circuit court had dismissed Clubb's bill. In the spring of 1888, the Supreme Court of Missouri affirmed this judgment, bringing the many trials and tribulations of the Keokuk Northern Line to a close.56 As the Supreme Court of Missouri noted in 1886, the decline of steamboating on the upper Mississippi River resulted in great measure from competition, especially from the expanding railroads. The organizers of the Keokuk Northern Line succeeded in eliminat­ ing most of the steamboat competition, and tried to compete vigorously with the railroads; but the former bitter rivals within the consolidated packet company continued to fight each other for control, frequently tried to settle their private disputes in public tribunals, and sometimes conducted the company's business for the benefit of their own faction rather than for the best interests of all the stockholders. These serious internal problems hastened the decline and fall of the Keokuk Northern Line Packet Company.

™Keokuk Northern Line v. Davidson, 95 Mo. 407 (1888^.

They Needed Water Jefferson City Tribune April 11, 1888. I hope the water-works will be completed as soon as possible so that the barbers can have enough water to wash the soap off my face, after shaving me. I am not proud, but dislike to go to church Sunday morning with my ears and the corners of my mouth filled up with lather.

The Case of the Acrobatic Thief Memphis Democrat, June 18, 1942 The case of the Acrobatic thief has Liberty puzzled, the Chronicle reports. The miscreant stole all the light bulbs from a merry-go-round and a ferris wheel located there, a feat which necessitated climbing clear around the ferris wheel and removing the bulbs one at a time.

POPE'S NEW MADRID AND ISLAND NUMBER 10 CAMPAIGNS

Jay Carlton Mullen is a graduate of the Uni­ versity of Oregon, received his M.A. degree BY JAY CARLTON MULLEN from the University of Kentucky, and is cur­ rently enrolled in a Ph.D. program in history at the University of California at Los Angeles.

Meandering through a self-created alluvial basin, the lower Mississippi River flows some eleven hundred miles from Cape Girardeau, Missouri, to the sea. Few natural barriers impede the river's course through this basin. As a consequence countless swamps and horseshoe lakes flank the river. In 1860 this alluvial bottom was not easily traversed except by water. During the first half of the 19th century, while railroads were experiencing a painful adolescence, the Mississippi and forty-five of its tributaries formed a network of internal transportation that extended over 15,000 miles. Except for two areas, the alluvial bottom in southeast Missouri is practically flat. The two exceptions are the Scott County Hills and Crowley's Ridge. The Scott County Hills, a paleozoic uplift, extends inland almost fifteen miles from the Mississippi River. Crowley's Ridge extends south from Scott County into Arkansas and ends at the mouth of the St. Francois River near Helena, Arkansas. Although the bottom is devoid of hills, it is wrinkled with small sand ridges. Easternmost of these is Sikeston (or Sikes') Ridge which runs south from the Scott County Hills to New Madrid. This rise is about a half mile wide and rises about ten feet above the bottom's level. The lowlands between Sikeston Ridge and the Mississippi are partially drained by two bayous, St. Johns and St. James.1 The river that was such a blessing to commercial transportation during peacetime was of highest military importance during the Civil War. Flowing north to south, it was an avenue of transporta­ tion into either section that, unlike a railroad, did not require

iHarold Fisk, Geological Investigations of the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River (War Department: Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army, 1944), 27. Robert Sidney Douglas, History of Southeast Missouri; A Narrative Account of its Historical Progress, its People and its Principal Interests (Cape Girardeau, Mo., 1901), xii-xiii. 325 326 Missouri Historical Review thousands deployed along its length guarding bridges, track, and vehicles from swift striking cavalry units. Only formidable artillery installations could hope to contend with the withering fire-power of gunboats. Inclement weather conditions which practically pre­ cluded land travel posed only a minor inconvenience to armies transported by boats. Both the Confederacy and the Union appreciated the strategic value of the river, but the Confederate government's concept of a purely defensive war prevented its exploiting the river's potential as a highway into the North. In northern Virginia Federal leaders had grimly realized that frontal attacks in that theatre yielded little when the Confederates had the natural allies of Chesapeake Bay on the east and the Appalachian Mountains on the west to prevent a Union flanking movement. The east flowing rivers of this area provided natural barriers against Union armies descending into the Old Dominion. The most effective way for the Federal forces to overcome this position was by a gigantic flanking movement covering some 1,000 miles from Nashville, through eastern Tennessee and northern Georgia, and then around the southern extremity of the Appalachians to the rear of Virginia. To succeed in such a maneuver the Union right flank had to be securely protected. Union control of the Mississippi would ensure this.2 Early in the war Winfield Scott advocated that the Federals capture the Mississippi. But there were vast problems of organiza­ tion to be dealt with before either side could organize functional armies. Had the Missouri militia, under secessionist governor Claiborne Jackson, been able to seize that state the Confederacy's river orientation would have been entirely different. However, the swift action of Generals Nathaniel Lyon and Francis P. Blair thwarted Southern plans with the capture of the militia at Camp Jackson in St. Louis and the driving of the remaining state forces into Missouri's southwest corner. Meanwhile, activity in Tennessee was directed toward prevent­ ing Northern forces from descending the river. Before the Tennessee voters could express themselves in a secession referendum the Tennessee Assembly ratified a military league with the Confederacy and defenses were constructed on the second Chickasaw Bluff to

2Gordon B. Turner, A History of Military Affairs in Western Society Since the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1953), 147, 153; Archer Jones, Confederate Strategy from Shiloh to Vicksburg (Baton Rouge, 1901), 0, 10-25; G.F.R. Henderson, The Civil War: A Soldier's View (Chicago, 1958), 198. Views at New Madrid and Point Pleasant

protect the lower Mississippi Valley from invasion.3 Because Kentucky was endeavoring to remain neutral, the southernmost Union position was established at Cairo at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Both contingents covetously eyed the Iron Banks at Columbus, Kentucky, a series of bluffs which were ideally suited for military fortification. The Confederate victory at Bull Run put Southern thought in offensive tenor. After Tennessee joined the Confederacy, General Gideon J. Pillow's West Tennessee Command was placed under General Leonidas Polk. With designs on southern Missouri, Polk dispatched Pillow's force upriver to occupy the Missouri river town of New Madrid. On July 28, 1861, eight Confederate steamers splashed up to the New Madrid levee, and amid the cheers of the local citizenry General Pillow's Army of Liberation tramped down the gangplanks onto Missouri soil. Meanwhile, William J. Hardee had a Confederate force of some 4,500 in Pochahontas, Arkansas. M. Jeff Thompson had a small contingent of assorted fighters encamped near Bloomfield by the Great Mingo Swamp. Pillow, Thompson, and Missouri's seces­ sionist governor, Claiborne Jackson, met at New Madrid to formu­ late a scheme for capturing southern Missouri.4

3James Walter Fertig, The Secession and Reconstruction of Tennessee (Chicago, 1898), 18- Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (Washington 18Q4.' 1922),XXII, 780-787, (Hereinafter cited as ORN); War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, 1880-1901), Series 1 Vol IV 251 (Hereinafter cited as OR. All references will be to Series 1.) ' 'OR, III, 018-019. 328 Missouri Historical Review

New Madrid was a point of prime military importance in this area. Besides serving as a base of operations for a Confederate offensive in Missouri it could also be a base for cutting the communi­ cations of any force attempting an overland invasion of Arkansas down Crowley's Ridge. But a more important military vantage point lay eight miles upriver from New Madrid. Here a landmark known to rivermen as Island Number Ten, so named because it was the tenth island below the Ohio, was declared by a Confederate engi­ neer, A. B. Gray, to have no superior above Memphis as a position for repelling the enemy and protecting the Mississippi Valley.5 After their defeat at Wilson's Creek where Lyon was killed, the Federal troops in Missouri were grouped at Rolla and St. Louis. General Sterling Price was expected to advance from the state's southwestern corner where he had been driven by Lyon, while Hardee and Thompson moved in concert out of the southeast. This two-pronged attack was intended to outflank the Federals at Rolla, forcing their retreat to St. Louis. Pillow, in the meantime, was to advance overland and capture the river town of Cape Girardeau. From Cape Girardeau's bluffs his army could block communications on the Mississippi between St. Louis and Cairo, cross the river, capture Cairo from above, and thus relieve the threat of a Federal river descent.6 Hardee moved out of Arkansas to Greenville, where he waited for Thompson to join him before attacking Ironton, the southern terminus of the St. Louis and Iron Mountain Railroad. Thompson, in the meantime, had received orders from Governor Jackson to join Pillow in the move on Cape Girardeau. In a night and a day Thompson led his command through the Mingo and Nigger Wool Swamps and encamped at Sikeston. He advanced from that point to Benton and then to Commerce where his artillery fired a few rounds at passing Union steamboats. He was anxious for a fight, but he reigned his eagerness awaiting Pillow's move. It never came. In New Madrid, Pillow was nursing a carbuncle on his buttock that made riding anything but pleasant. And his offensive fervor was displaced by thoughts of defense. He maintained that his threats on Cape Girardeau had prevented a concentration of Federals in western Missouri and the most urgent matter seemed to be the protection of the Mississippi Valley and the Tennessee interior by fortifying Columbus, Kentucky.7 Thompson, exas-

Hbid., 051-052, 002. Hbid., 018-019. Ubid., 080; Jay Monaghan, Swamp Fox of the Confederacy; The Life and Militarv Services of M. Jeff Thompson (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1957), 31-33. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 329 perated that he had been ordered through the swamps for no purpose, was separated from Hardee who was as eager as he to fight. However, with Union strength in Cape Girardeau daily growing, he had no choice but to withdraw. Hardee felt he had obligations to Arkansas and withdrew to that state. With the fizzling out of the southeast Missouri campaign in the summer of 1861 went a prime opportunity for a Confederate offensive in the Mississippi Valley; from then on no major Confederate offensive could be generated and efforts were directed at stopping Union offensives. During August, both Polk and Pillow felt that their position at New Madrid was untenable. Polk was disposed toward falling back on the already substantial works at Forts Pillow and Randolph on the Chickasaw Bluffs and to use Union City, Tennessee, as a base of operations into Missouri. Pillow, however, implored Polk to let him ascend the river into neutral Kentucky and fortify the Iron Banks at Columbus, a point of "paramount military necessity," where he could "close the door effectually against invasion of Tennessee or descent of the Mississippi."8 Polk, with the endorsement of Jeffer­ son Davis, finally consented and Columbus was fortified by the Confederates.9 The Union leaders had the highest respect for Columbus, both as a defensive stronghold and a potential offensive sally port. No attempt was ever made to take it although on November 6, 1861, the Federals did clash with the Confederates at Belmont, Missouri, an encampment on the river opposite Columbus. Both sides scored the encounter a victory.10 Nevertheless, the river position of both was unaltered and the Confederates continued talking about moving from Columbus to "emancipate" St. Louis.11 While the Confederates were trying to get the southeast Mis­ souri offensive underway, Confederate engineer A. B. Gray had been using slaves to advance construction on Island Ten's fortifica­ tions. Gray had once endorsed a letter of Pillow's attesting to the superiority of Columbus as a defensive site, but he later rescinded his endorsement in favor of Island Number Ten. When Columbus was fortified Gray contended that the attention being focused there was causing New Madrid and Island Number Ten to be neglected. He maintained that the Island, properly fortified, could offer the greatest resistance to land and water attack. But Gray was having troubles. He could not obtain the necessary men or equipment

*OR, III, 080-087. *Ibid., 179-192. nibid., 207-272, 348-357; C C Buel and R. U. Johnson, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York, 1887), I, 348-357. (Hereinafter cited as BL. All references will be to volume I). "Ofi, VIII, 728-729. 330 Missouri Historical Review

for construction. He had no boats for construction duties, and soon his slave laborers would be returning to their farms for the Septem­ ber harvests. Two of his competent officers had been transferred, and some of his guns were sent upstream to Columbus.12 But events of the winter months turned New Madrid and Island Number Ten from secondary positions into a point of prime impor­ tance. When Grant's capture of Forts Henry and Donelson on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers had rendered Columbus unten­ able, the Columbus garrison was forced to withdraw downriver and re-establish itself. Work was then speeded up on the heretofore neglected fortifications at Island Number Ten until its strength inspired one Confederate brigadier to pronounce the position the "Thermopylae of the South."13 Captain Gray described the position saying, "The absence of any impressively strong features in topography might create an unfavorable opinion to its strength." But actually it afforded a formidable position. The Island itself lay six miles upstream from New Madrid in a river bend that turns the south flowing river 180 degrees and directs it northward to New Madrid where it turns again and resumes its southward direction. The Tennessee penin­ sula that is bordered by this loop in the Mississippi is called Madrid Bend. In 1862 the Island was flanked on the left by Reelfoot Lake and the swamps that surrounded it, and on the right by the Missouri swamps. To the east, New Madrid was bordered by the same swamp that flanked the Island and the fields west and north of the town also tapered into swamps. Due to the proximity of the lake and swamp the positions on the Island and the bordering banks could not be flanked and the batteries would have made folly of a direct assault. New Madrid was the weak point in this defensive system. Unlike the Island, its flanks were not protected by swamps. Sike's Ridge could provide an avenue of approach for hostile forces. Consequently New Madrid was the recipient of the first Union downriver movement.14 Two days after the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson Brigadier General John Pope was directed by General Henry Halleck to reduce New Madrid and Island Number Ten. Pope moved his Union Army of the Mississippi aboard steamboats upstream from Cairo to Commerce, a Missouri river hamlet at the foot of the Scott County Hills. On February 28, 1862, Pope's command uncoiled from its base at Commerce and began moving west along

™OR, III, 030, 051-052, 005, 087, 703-704. ™OR, VIII, 150-150. uibid., 79. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 331 the Scott County Hills. Five miles inland the column dipped from the high road along the hills into the swampy bottoms. A mile later it ascended onto Sikeston Ridge, the slight rise that ran south above the flooded bottoms to New Madrid. The entire march was hampered by drizzling rain and snow, and the artillery had to be pushed and dragged by hand. The green soldiers, undaunted by the mud and rain, attended to their duties ungrudgingly. During the day the units became spread out along the line of march with the rear units jogging until about midnight before catching up with their comrades bivouacing on the farm of Nathaniel Watkins, a half-brother of Henry Clay. One officer maintained that that night, despite the mud and rain, he slept as soundly as he ever did in his life. The army camped the next night at Sikeston and on the third of March arrived before New Madrid. Here it drove in the Confederate pickets, and invested the town.15 The fortifications the Union soldiers faced at New Madrid were not as effective as they might have been. Jeff Thompson had tried to advise Polk that the Island could be passed via New Madrid and that works should be extended from the river to the swamps west of town, but Polk had disagreed. The existing fortifications did not extend to the swamps, so Pope's men were able to bypass them and envelop the town.16 Realizing this flaw in the position, Thompson decided to try an independent defensive scheme. With twenty of his men and three one-pounder cannons, he rode out of Sikeston trying to appear as the van of a large force. When the enemy was sighted he boldly deployed his men as though expecting immediate support and fired a cannon. Thompson expected his demonstration to precipitate a hasty Federal retreat. Rather, a bugle sounded and the blue-coated cavalrymen charged. It seems that this detachment had been dispatched specifically to handle Thompson because a report from a local farmer advised them precisely of his strength. Thompson ordered an immediate retreat. Then, according to an Illinois cavalryman who took part in the pursuit, "the fun com­ menced." Thompson and his men galloped off leaving behind them a trail of blankets, hats, weapons, and even artillery as they tried to outdistance the pursuing Federals. A trooper riding next to Thomp­ son received a searing wound from a Union ball that passed over his knuckles. Thompson administered first-aid at a full gallop by extracting a pocket flask of peach brandy and pouring it on the wound. Then, helping himself to a swig, he passed it on to his

™Ibid., 80-88; Oscar Lawrence Jackson, The Colonel's Diary (Sharon, Pa., 1922), 44-45. ™OR, VIII, 174; Monaghan, 48. 332 Missouri Historical Review

nephew. As the Confederate fugitives neared the haven that lay within the New Madrid lines, the Illinois cavalry reined in with three captured cannons to their credit.17 The rest of the Federals were soon employed in the less glamor­ ous contest of besieging the town. Located below the town was Fort Thompson, a bastioned work of four earth walls, four hundred feet long, with fourteen heavy guns. Fort Bankhead lay above the town near the south of St. John's Bayou. Its parapet ditch lay behind an abatis of brush and felled trees, and it boasted batteries of four smooth bore thirty-two pounders and six lighter pieces. Trench lines connected these two forts. Five regiments of infantry and a few companies of artillery garrisoned the positions. Peering over the river bank onto the level ground surrounding New Madrid were the heavy guns of six Confederate gunboats capable of sweep­ ing the trenches if Union infantry ever occupied them.18 Until Pope could obtain heavy guns to expel the gunboats, an assault was deemed unwise.19 Both sides settled down to wait out a siege that was "confounded dull." For two weeks the Northerners watched the gunboat smokestacks from their tents and listened to the music of the nearby Rebel bands, but life seemed less exciting than in camp at Cairo. During this lull, visiting nearby farms was a popular pastime among Union soldiers. While some men occupied the natives with interesting conversation, their cohorts out back confiscated supplements to the army's diet. Pope finally had to detail the cavalry to halt such forays. They were seldom called to arms.20 Pope took his light guns to Point Pleasant, twelve miles below New Madrid, and placed them in deep entrenchments. He had hoped to stop navigation with these batteries but they merely annoyed Confederate boats.21 On March 11, however, four 128- pound cannons were dispatched from Cairo which, within thirty- four hours, would break the stalemate. At daylight on the 13th, the besieged Confederates were greeted by two roaring batteries situated less than 800 yards from their lines. During the night the Yankees had silently picked and spaded their trenches forward and implanted these batteries.22 The two armies exchanged fire all day

"OR, VIII, 102, 110-111, 125, 171-173; Charles W. Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier. Including a Day by Day Record of Sherman's March to the Sea: Letters and Diarv of the Late Charles W. Wills (Washington, 1900), 04. WR, VIII, 81, 103. ^Ibid., 102-100. 20Wills, Army Life, 05, 75; Jackson, Colonel's Diary, 45. 2'Ofi, VIII, 81-82, 104-105. ^OR, VIII, 82-84, 90; Whitelaw Reid, Ohio in the War (Cincinnati, 180S), II, 190. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 333 while various Union infantrymen gave moral support to their gunners by jumping out of their trenches, cheering and waving their hats, and then rapidly tumbling back into the trenches.23 With entrenching tools, others were busy extending the trenches even closer to the Confederate lines. A Confederate shot hit one of the batteries, disabling a gun, killing one man and wounding six others. But the Federals still prepared to move the remaining three guns forward under the cover of darkness.24 That evening the Confederate leaders held a council of war aboard the gunboat McRae. They agreed that Union columns on an open field were no match for their defenses, but men advancing through trenches was something with which they could not cope. The position seemed untenable without large reinforcements, and these were unavailable. Commodore George Hollins decided to withdraw his fleet. He did not want his gunboats moving back and forth from shore as evacuation ferries under the muzzles of the big Union guns. Inadequate personnel, weary infantry, no relief pend­ ing, and an inability to stop approaching trenches were deemed reasons enough by the Confederates for evacuation. During the night while Union troops were eagerly advancing trenches and moving cannons, sullen Confederates were haphazardly attending to a confused evacuation. A thunderstorm created chaos and the surly Confederates refused to load the cannons, ammunition, and other supplies aboard the boats. With a complete breakdown in discipline, the officers joined the men aboard the boats and the town was evacuated with most of its armament and supplies left behind. The drenched Union soldiers who unflinchingly stood their posts throughout the stormy night had no idea they were facing a deserted bastion until the bearer of a white flag greeted them at sunrise with the news that the town was empty. Entering the town, the Federals observed the residue of a confused withdrawal. Knapsacks, small arms, baggage, tools, and ammunition were strewn throughout the area. Tents for 10,000, horses, mules, wagons, and ammunition fell to the Union. Pope then fixed his mind on his next objective, the formidable Island Number Ten.25 The Confederate commander at New Madrid had not been working in concert with the engineers at Island Number Ten. Gray had offered earlier to aid in the construction of the town's defenses

23Wills, Army Life, 08. ™OR, VIII, 83-87, 90; Jackson, Colonel's Diary, 40-41. KOR, VIII, 83, 103-105, 185; ORN, XXII, 750-751. Six divisions of Pope's army leave New Madrid aboard the Emma, W. B. Terry and Hattie Gilmore to attack the Confederate position at Island No. 10 from the rear. but his offer was refused. He then concentrated his efforts on the Island. Aiding the Island's engineer company, had been about two hundred Negroes and one hundred and twenty-eight Irishmen. Soldiers had been daily detailed to assist, but they did not accom­ plish much. Work speeded up when Columbus was evacuated. Each day more guns were mounted until twenty-four heavy artillery pieces were in place on the Tennessee shore and nineteen pieces were mounted in four batteries on the Island.26 The first mainland battery, termed the Redan Fort, was established to cover the river while the other batteries were being completed. It was not expected to be occupied during high water. Batteries number two and three were on firm ground downstream with their seven guns supporting the Redan. Batteries four and five stood across from the Island's head. Located on the upper tip of the Island, were a 128-pound columbiad and four smooth bore thirty- two pounders. This installation was dubbed the Belmont Battery, and a hundred yards below it battery number two faced the Missouri shore. Battery three lay two hundred and seventy-five yards further down. Batteries four and five were removed to the Tennessee shore below the Island to prevent a Federal crossing. They were replaced by the floating battery, New Orleans, with eight, eight-inch columbiads and a rifled thirty-two pounder.27 Parapets were constructed for three guns on the shore between batteries four and five, but guns were never mounted there. A square redoubt to the left and rear of number four, mounted two cannons that covered batteries two to five inclusive. Passage

™OR, VIII, 148-153. vibid., 130, 139-152. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 335 through a wash channel on the Missouri shore was obstructed by the the sinking of the steamer Winchester. Six gunboats, two of them lightly armored, were assigned to the Island but the commanding general, William W. Mackall, felt they were worthless for either defense or offense. He believed they were not worth the cost of the fuel required to run them because they always seemed to be absent when needed.28 Anxious to cut the Island's supply line, Pope ordered that some prominent river points be fortified. The heavy guns captured at New Madrid were dragged by hand down river. Avoiding the fire of Rebel gunboats by working at night, the Federals established batteries at Dr. Martin's, Riddle's Point, and Andy Riddle's, in addition to the battery at Point Pleasant. This still did not isolate the Island, however, because boats could still pass upriver under the cover of night or by hugging the Tennessee shore. Confederate supplies were also landed at Tiptonville, Tennessee, and conveyed across the peninsula neck. Pope realized, therefore, that the Island could not be cut off until he crossed to Tennessee and blocked the supply line. To forestall his crossing, the Confederates established batteries below the Island at possible landing sites.29 Pope's original plan, however, was for the Union gunboats and mortar fleet to bomb the Island garrison into oblivion. On March 15, 1862, the day after New Madrid's fall, the Confederate upriver picket boat Grampus came steaming down the river, its whistle signalling the approach of the Union fleet. At 9:00 a.m. the Federals emerged into the bend and commenced an all day can­ nonade. The long range bombardment continued throughout the following day with no visible results. Gray's assessment of the position was being verified, for the swamps were preventing a flank­ ing movement and the gunboats were staying at long range. During the first two days of the Union bombardment, the Confederate batteries were mute. But when six Federal gunboats attacked the Redan Fort they met a spirited resistance. Twenty men sloshing about in two feet of floodwater managed to repel the attack. This created the impression that the Redan Fort was a formidable installation. The Federals withdrew and resumed their long range bombardment.30 Pope was anxiously waiting below New Madrid for an oppor­ tunity to cross into Tennessee, but Confederate batteries and gunboats on the opposite shore still held him at bay. When two

WORN, XXII, 738, 740-741, 751. ™OR, VIII, 85-80, 114-115, 140, 140; Jackson, Colonel's Diary, 50-51. ™OR, VIII, 170-171, 174-175, 179, 181; ORN, XXII, 091, 094, 754; BL, 439. View of the attack on Island No. 10 by Commodore Foote's flotilla In the foreground are Union gunboats. Union mortar boats shell the Island at long range from behind a point. Confederate transports and gunboats are shown below the Island. days of bombarding did not break the stalemate he suggested to flag officer Andrew H. Foote that a gunboat be sent past the batteries to ferry his troops. When Foote vetoed the idea as impractical, Pope was furious, but his hands were tied.31 General Schuyler Hamilton suggested a canal to bypass the batteries and Colonel Josiah W. Bissell, who had just reconnoitered the swamps on both sides of the river, said such an undertaking might succeed. Pope authorized the project, so Bissell and six hundred engineers set out to link a flooded wagon road with Wilson's Bayou which flowed into St. John's Bayou. St. John's Bayou emptied into the river at New Madrid, seven miles below the Island. While the engineers worked feverishly on the canal, boredom and monotony plagued the other Federals. Time was passed aboard the boats by reading, writing, playing cards, chess, or lounging in hammocks. One individual claimed that "the explosions in no wise disturbed my afternoon naps."32 Times were equally dull for the army. Some of the officers grew apprehensive and talked of withdrawing.33 Foote warned Halleck that if disaster befell the Union boats, Confederate gunboats could ascend the river and ^OR, VIII, 80, 120. ^Albert D. Richardson, The Secret Service (Hartford, 1805), 231. ^Wills, Army Life, 73. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 337 assail Cairo, St. Louis, or Louisville.34 Halleck opposed Pope's plan for crossing the river and he suggested that he hold the Confederates in check with part of his force while the remainder moved back to Cairo and attempted to turn the Island by ascending the Tennessee River. But Pope felt he was too near the finish to change plans, so the canal work continued.35 The Confederates knew that if the river was crossed all was lost. They also knew that a canal was being constructed that would allow boats to bypass the Island's batteries. But the Confederates were certain that such a canal could not be successfully constructed.36 However, from dawn till dusk the swamp rang with the sounds of Federals laboring with saws, axes, and tackles. Trees were cut off about eight feet above the water line by men on platforms and were then hauled out of the way by steam capstans. A large raft with a saw on a partially submerged A-frame was then lashed to the stump. The apex of the frame pivoted while the bladed bottom arched back and forth through the stump, propelled by two men at opposite ends, alternately pulling a rope, while a third guided the teeth. If the blade was pinched a powerful tackle was used to pull the stump back. After the six-mile-long corridor was cut the bayous were cleared of driftwood and debris. When, after nineteen days, the twelve-mile detour to New Madrid was finally opened only steam transports passed through, for the flood had receded some and it was not deep enough for the gunboats. Since the gunboats could not pass through the canal, makeshift gunboats were built that could. They were constructed by lashing and bolting three coal barges together. The middle barge, which mounted the cannons, was sandbagged and bulkheaded with heavy timbers. The outer barges were packed with lumber, cotton, and watertight barrels for protection. The steamers and bargeboats were kept up the bayou out of sight from the Confederates while the troops prepared to move. The barges were never used, for Foote, in the meantime, had consented to let a gunboat run the batteries.37 During the canal digging, the gunboats and mortars had continued their fruitless labors. But they were assisted by a new military innovation, an observation balloon aided in directing the mortar fire. While accuracy may have improved; the results were still negligible.38

MORN, XXII, 087-088. *Hbid., 099. ™OR, VIII, 132-133. VBL, 401-402. 38Frederick Stansbury Haydon, Aeronautics in the Union and Confederate Armies (Baltimore, 1941), I, 394-397. 338 Missouri Historical Review

Missouri Engineer Regiment Sawing Channel Through Swamp To Help U. S. Troops Capture Island No. 10.

On April 1, as the canal was nearing completion, an expedition of forty picked men from the 42nd Illinois, embarked aboard five boats on a desperate mission. After hiding in the timber until nightfall they steamed directly into the muzzles of the Redan Fort in an amphibious assault. Their resistance was comprised of two rifle shots fired by a pair of sentries who immediately effected a hasty retreat. The 42nd Illinoisans made the April Fool's Day discovery that the fearsome Redan Fort had been rendered unten­ able by the flood. Its garrison had merely become a bluff. The Illinoisans spiked the guns with files and rowed back to their boats. With the realization that this position was impotent, it was decided that a gunboat might be able to run successfully past the Island's batteries. Protected by a gunboat, the transports that had passed through the canal could then ferry Pope's men across the river to isolate the Island.39 On March 30, Foote had ordered Commodore Henry Walke of the Carondelet to proceed downriver to New Madrid on the first dark or foggy night to protect Pope's ferry transports.40 Pope had written Halleck on April 2 that he intended to cross without a gunboat but the Carondelet moved before he could act. A barge loaded with hay and coal was lashed to the Carondelet's port side to protect her magazine. The escape steam was diverted through the wheel house to prevent the puffing noise it made when blown through the stacks. A hose was attached to the boiler to provide scalding water to repel boarders. Pistols, cutlasses, boarding pikes,

®OR, VIII, 119, 124-125. *>lbid., 121; ORN, XXII, 704-705, 708. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 339 and hand grenades were issued while the crew waited for the moon to set before casting off. A storm was blowing in as the gunboat glided downstream. Flashes of bluish-white lightning occasionally illuminated the black night. Twice the soot in the smoke stacks, no longer dampened by the escape steam, blazed and exposed the boat to the Confederates, but the cannoners were unprepared. Their cannons roared harm­ lessly into the darkness while the gunboat skirted the Island's edge, probably beneath the cannons' lines of fire. Passing the floating New Orleans battery, she received a shot in the coal barge and another in a hay bale but no harm was done. About midnight the

The United States trans­ port W. B. Terry pushes its way through the swamps and bayous in an attempt to bypass Island No. 10. fir mmmmmm

^^^^^^rnmlS^'- 3»1

Memphis Ferry Yazoo Gunboat John Red Prince Boat Champion Grampus Simonds Rover VIEW OF CONFEDERATE STEAMBOATS SUNK

Carondelet steamed into New Madrid. The Union soldiers in New Madrid greeted the Carondelet with cheers, tears, laughter, and cannon salutes. As the boat's crewmen came ashore they were seized and carried through town on the shoulders of the soldiers.41 Fearful of the consequences the evening could have, Brigadier General W. W. Mackall tried to bolster the morale and rally the Confederates with the following announcement: Soldiers: The key of the Mississippi is intrusted to your courage, to your discipline, to your patience. Exhibit the coolness and patience of last night and hold it.42 That day Pope asked Foote for another gunboat urging that another run was not too large a risk for the lives of 10,000 men.43 At 2:00 a.m. April 7, the gunboat Pittsburgh duplicated the Carondelet's feat.44 Union soldiers lined the Mississippi's banks on April 7th as though they were watching a matinee featuring the Carondelet and Pittsburgh. Working together, one upstream and one down, the gunboats assailed each of the five Rebel batteries. A spectator reported that, "They go at them as if they'd go right upon land if the Confederates would stay there." He said the battery opposite Point Pleasant worked their guns until the Carondelet closed to within three hundred yards, then they broke and ran and "they used their legs to advantage; all but one and he walked away with his arms folded perfectly at ease."45 At midnight, Walke signalled that the batteries had been silenced. The transports which had emerged from their hiding places in Bayou St. John, began to ferry the Federals into Tennessee.

^OR, VIII, 443-445; New York Times, April 10, 1802. &ORN, XXII, 722. uibid., 715-710. "Ibid., 719. ^Wills, Army Life, 79. Sit'' fiPflll ^J

Admiral Ohio DeSoto Kenawha Burned Mars Belle Valley W inches ter BETWEEN ISLAND NO. 10 AND NEW MADRID

The Confederate garrison had discarded all thoughts of defense and abandoned their position in a pell-mell rush toward Tiptonville. Brigadier General E. A. Paine ordered his command to stack their intrenching tools on the river bank and set out in hot pursuit of the fleeing Confederates. Proceeding down the peninsula, they met a deployed force of about 2,600 Confederates who fled when the Federals formed into a battle line. The Confederates tried unsuc­ cessfully to reform a second and third time. By the time the Federals reached the Confederate camp near Tiptonville, they had captured 359 stragglers. At 4:00 a.m. a flag of truce was received by the Union general. He accepted the unconditional surrender of Mackall's entire command.46 While Paine was pressing down the peninsula, the 51st Illinois and Second Iowa Cavalry proceeded up the river road toward Island Number Ten. The Island's garrison had degenerated into chaos. Realizing a land force would be soon upon their rear, they surrendered to Foote.47 The men at the Tennessee shore batteries tried to escape across Reelfoot Lake. Men with axes jealously defended their company's skiffs against intrusion by members of other companies. One company gave their horses precedence over their comrades in arms.48 About 150 men managed to escape through the swamps and lakes but 6,000 were captured, among them three generals and seven colonels. Over 100 heavy siege guns, 24 pieces of field artillery and several thousand stands of small arms were captured as well as immense quantities of ammunition, together with tents, horses, and wagons. The Grampus and the floating battery had been scuttled.49 A particularly valuable prize that was seized was a copy of the Confederate navy signals.50

nOR, VIII, 109-110. iUbid., 89. &Ibid., 177-178. ®Ibid., 78-79, 112, 133-135, 158-159, 177-178. ™ORN, XXII, 722-723. 342 Missouri Historical Review

The 37th and 39th Ohio scoured the area after the surrender, picking up prisoners. They reported that nearly all of the surround­ ing houses were occupied by sick or wounded Confederates.51 The Federals were somewhat astonished when they discovered a camp ground occupied by some twenty cosmopolitan Memphis women. One observer said that "it required no penetrating optics to deter­ mine their position and calling."52 The whole day's work was achieved without a single Union casualty. Pope's successful campaign was loudly proclaimed throughout the North. By order of the governor of Massachusetts a one- hundred-gun salute was fired at high noon on the Boston Common honoring the "noble men of the west."53 A similar salute was also fired in Providence, Rhode Island.54 Letters of congratulation were sent by Congress to the leaders.55 The Southern commander of the department, P. G. T. Beauregard, claimed that Island Number Ten was a mere outpost of Ft. Pillow, a stopgap holding while Pillow was reinforced. With Mackall's surrender, work on Fort Pillow was speeded up. The Confederates now intended to halt the Yankee descent of the river at the formidable Chickasaw Bluffs. Today, due to the shifting nature of the Mississippi's channel, Island Number Ten has merged with the Missouri shore. A cen­ tury's floods have obliterated any physical evidence that might give testament to the Island's military past. The Missouri swamps have been drained and forests and cotton fields now stand where armies once camped. Only records, diaries, and books verify the past struggle. What transpired at New Madrid and Island Number Ten cannot be interpreted as having a profound strategic effect on the course of the war, for the Union successes on the Tennessee River at Shiloh and at Corinth would have necessitated a later Confederate abandonment of these Missouri positions just as Fort Pillow was later abandoned. However, only the passage of time affords the historian the perspective to make such a pronouncement. In April, 1862, neither North nor South could foresee that the Mississippi's future would be determined by events on the Tennessee River. If the Federal armies had faltered on the Tennessee, then the Mississippi River campaigns would have become the key to the war in the west.

MOR, VIII, 98-100. 52Junius Henri Browne, Four Years in Secession (Hartford, 1805), 132-134; The Picket Line [By a member of G. A. R.] (New York, n.d.), 89. MORN, XXII, 730. '°*New York Times, April 10, 1802. 55Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (New Brunswick, 1953), V, 299, 352. Pope's New Madrid-Island No. 10 Campaigns 343

But though the Mississippi campaigns are classed on the periphery of the Tennessee's during 1862, the events at New Madrid and Island Number Ten deserve recognition in their own right. In a war so renowned for death and carnage, it is indeed unique that campaigns involving so many men around a major defensive point could have been so decisively resolved with so little loss of life. But whether these campaigns are examined as an integral aspect of a broader strategical picture or as individual episodes with unique tactical innovations, these Missouri campaigns merit the acknowl­ edgment of all Americans who are interested in their past.

He Would Have to Steal Chickens in Missouri From the Bowling Green Times, November 27, 1902.

Bill Rose, a notorious chicken thief, who gave Louisiana, Missouri, and other points as his home, was captured near Quincy, Illinois, last week with a sack of stolen chickens in his wagon. He was released upon a promise that he never return to Illinois. He will now operate in Missouri.

Sarcoxie's Strawberries Sarcoxie Record, June 17, 1904. The last carload of Strawberries for the season of 1904 was shipped Thursday, making a grand total of 161 cars. . . . While this is an enormous output, far exceed­ ing that of any other point, it cannot be said that berry culture has been profitable this year to the grower, conditions being unfavorable all along the line.

Wolf Chase From the LaGrange Weekly Indicator, Jan. 5, 1899. Wolves are reported to be very plentiful near Saverton, Ralls County, Mo. One night last week while a man was driving home from Hannibal he claims that a pack of the animals chased him for over a mile, barking at him and trying to catch hold of him while in his buggy. The probabilities are that the wolves that the man saw were in his stomach at the time he was traveling along the road and had been seen by him some few minutes before in some of Hannibal's saloons. A Note on the Lead Mines of Missouri

.Wen-'fy- PA. f/c/u)o/r.va/i /o 1fr//«t>H ffi Wrfrttcfet'f/, /,W(>#

BY BRAD LUCKINGHAM*

Henry R. Schoolcraft, born in Rensselaerwyck, New York, in 1793, spent his youth in learning the glass industry, and after relatively unsuccessful efforts at establishing himself in business, he set out in 1818 for the West in search of fame and a future. His travels took him to the rich lead region of Missouri, where his knowledge of mineralogy, gained as a glassmaker, caused him to observe somewhat more closely than other travelers. Returning to New York in 1819, he published an account of his observations under the title, A View of the Lead Mines of Missouri.1 His View, hailed as the first reliable study of the "scientific resources" of the Mississippi Valley, was recognized as the only "elaborate and detailed" account of a mining district in the United States. Critics considered him the vanguard of a new era in scienti­ fic literature, dedicated to delivering the American public from the

*Brad Luckingham, A.M., is a teaching assistant at the University of California, Davis, where he is a candidate for the Ph.D. degree in American History. He is a frequent contributor to the Missouri Historical Review, and his articles recently have been accepted for publication in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly and Mid-America. 'Henry R. Schoolcraft, A View of the Lead Mines of Missouri Including Some Observations on the Mineralogy, Geology, Geography, Antiquities, Soil, Climate, Population, and Production of Mis­ souri and Arkansaw, and Other Sections of the Western Country (New York, 1819). Wishing to extend his tour "where others have ended theirs," he investigated the Indian lead mines two hundred miles beyond the last white man's habitation in "Arkansaw" country. See Henry R. Schoolcraft, Journal of a Tour Into the Interior of Missouri and Arkansaw, From Potosi or Mine a Burton, in Missouri Territory, in a South-Southwest Direction, Towards the Rocky Mountains Performed in the Years 1818-1819 (London, 1821). 344 Note on the Lead Mines of Missouri 345 imaginations of "mercenary pamphleteers and catch-penny print­ ers" intent on providing "surmises instead of facts" and "bloated descriptions instead of honest accounts."2 In 1820, Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, who was particularly concerned about the exploitation of the nation's mineral resources, appointed Schoolcraft, mineralogist, to accompany the Governor of Michigan Territory, Lewis Cass, on an expedition to explore the uncharted wilderness of the Old Northwest. His account of the journey, Narrative Journal of Travels Through the Northwestern Regions of the United States, published in 1821, gave great impetus to his career.3 In 1821, he served as Secretary to the United States Indian Treaty Commissioners in Chicago.4 The following year, Calhoun appointed him Indian agent at Sault Ste. Marie in Michigan Territory. For nineteen years, 1822 to 1841, he served the tribes of northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. During this time he visited all of the major tribes in his jurisdiction, negotiated important treaties, and ministered to the needs of thousands of Indians. A man of extraordinary interest, Schoolcraft carefully collected voluminous data on Indian life and customs. He published a score of volumes and hundreds of articles for popular magazines, scholarly journals, and newspapers. His six-volume study of the Indian, Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, published in the 1850's, culminated a lifetime of historical research and established him as the leading ethnologist in the country.5 Henry R. Schoolcraft was one of the most remarkable men of the nineteenth century. He won acclaim as promoter of scientific interest in the frontier, explorer, Indian agent, and ethnologist.

2The American Journal of Science and Arts, III (February, 1821), 59; New York Literary Jour­ nal and Belles-Lettre Repository, III (May, 1820), 2. 3Henry R. Schoolcraft, Narrative Journal of Travels Through the Northwestern Regions of the United States Extending Through the Great Chain of American Lakes, to the Source of the Mississippi River Performed as a Member of the Expedition Under Governor Cass in the Year 1820 (Albany, 1821). In 1832, Schoolcraft discovered Lake Itasca, the true source of the Mississippi River. See Philip P. Mason (ed.), Schoolcraft's Expedition to Lake Itasca: The Discovery of the Source of the Mississippi River (East Lansing, 1958). Schoolcraft provided the earliest published accounts of the mineral affluence of the Lake Superior basin; his work also contained the "first general view of the chain of lakes and the country about the sources of the Mississippi ever published." North American Review, XV (July, 1822), 224. Out of the expedition of 1820 grew the Michigan copper boom of the 1840's. See Robert James Hybels, "The Lake Superior Copper Fever," Michigan History, XXXIV (June, 1950), 97-114, (September, 1950), 224-244, (December, 1950), 309-320. 4During his travels to and from Chicago he noted everything that might be of scientific interest and he published the results in 1925. See Henry R. Schoolcraft, Travels in the Central Portions of the Mississippi Valley Comprising Observations on its Mineral Geography, Internal Resources, and Aboriginal Population Performed Under the Sanction of the Government in the Year 1821 (New York, 1825). 5Henry R. Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Collected and Prepared Under the Direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (0 vols., Philadelphia, 1851-57). 346 Missouri Historical Review

HENRY ROWE SCHOOLCRAFT Materna Studio; courtesy Public Library, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan

The following letter, previously unpublished, reflects the essence of his first major work.6 Washington City 18 Jan. 1820 SIR: I have now the honor of submitting for your consideration some remarks on the Lead Mines of Missouri. In the treatise which I have lately published concerning those mines, I have been enabled from personal observation to represent — I. That the district of country characterized by yielding- lead ore embraces a tract of about 3000 square miles com­ prising the greater part of the counties of Washington, Ste. Genevieve, Jefferson, and Madison, Missouri Territory* — that the ore is found in abundance: — that there are 43 mines opened, which are either now worked or have been at a former period, 37 of which are situated in Washington County: — that the ore yields 82 per cent of lead in chemical analysis, and produces, on the average, 62^2 per cent to the smelter, according to the mode of smelting now pursued: — that the ore smelts readily, and can be brought into the market at an inconsiderable expense: — that an ordinary hand is calculated to raise 200 lbs. of crude ore per day on the average of the year: — that pig lead is worth $4 per cwt. at the mines: —that the mine tract abounds with fuel for the smelting of lead, — that it affords many facilities by its streams for transportation, and for the manufacture of white lead, red lead, litharge, shot, sheet lead, and numerous other branches of mechanical industry dependent upon lead, — that it also contains a considerable proportion of lands which are well adapted to the purposes of agriculture, particularly to the raising of corn, wheat, rye, hemp, tobacco, "Schoolcraft to Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford, January 18, 1820, Henry R. Schoolcraft Papers (Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress). Note on the Lead Mines of Missouri 347

and much of the land which is now considered sterile, possesses advantages for grazing and pasturage, especially for raising sheep, hogs, & cattle. II. It is further represented, — that the quantity of lead smelted at the Missouri mines, although it has been great, yet the annual amount has been subject to perpetual variation, and has fallen, in the aggregate far short of quantity which these mines are capable, with proper management, of being made to yield: — that the amount of crude ore raised at Mine Shibboleth during one year was upwards of 5 millions of pounds: — that the amount of lead made at the whole number of mines for a period of 3 years ending 1st June 1818 was 9,515,512 pounds, making an average product of 3 millions per annum: — that the quantity of shot manufac­ tured in Jefferson County for a period of 18 months was 666,350 pounds, &c.7 III. It is further represented, — that the system of mining now pursued, although preferable to that adopted by the French & the Spanish while they were in possession of that country, is still very defective, and exhibits little of that order, perseverance, skill, precision, and economy, which characterize the best conducted European mines, and by the application of the most recent discoveries in science, render them the admiration of every intelligent visitor.8 IV. That other substances of value besides lead are found in the district of the mines, particularly iron, zinc, manganese, salt, flint, chalk, red & white, ochre, nitre, plumbago, and antimony, all of which are destined to increase the commerce & wealth of our country. V. That the laws which have been passed in regard to those mines are not salutary in their operation: — that inconveni­ ences are experienced by the inhabitants, particularly the poorer class, in traveling to remote places to procure leases, and that difficulties are found in their procuring them: — that many mines are worked without leases: — that wood is cut & destroyed upon the public land: — that the want of a govern­ ment agent on the spot, who is acquainted with the value of the different mines, the contiguous country, and the inhab-

7In 1818 Schoolcraft declared the mines of Missouri, if managed correctly, capable of yielding six million pounds of lead per year. Schoolcraft, A View of the Lead Mines of Missouri, 132-133. In 1825 it was reported that the "45 mines at present worked in Missouri yield more than six million pounds of lead per annum and the supply of the article is not yet sufficient for the demand." Niles' Weekly Register, XXXI (October 25, 1825), 130. In 1828, due to the "advantages of per­ manent establishments with increased facilities in working and abundant capital invested in them," it was reported that a "quantity of lead amply sufficient for the consumption of the United States" was being produced in Missouri. Ibid., XXXIII (February 2, 1828), 371. 8Schoolcraft, in his role as promoter of scientific interest in the frontier, noted specific recom­ mendations for more efficient utilization of the region's lead resources and advocated the immediate introduction of mechanical improvements, including steam-driven pumps and up-to-date furnaces. He urged the publication and distribution of scientific views of mining, encouraged the dissemina­ tion of practical treatises on the subject, called for the employment of experienced and skillful mining engineers from Europe, and suggested the erection of a mineralogical school where students might be instructed in that useful science. Schoolcraft, A View of the Lead Mines of Missouri, passim. 348 Missouri Historical Review

itants, this want is more & more felt every year, and that the disputes, and injustices, and the irregularities, which have been and are still active at the mines are chiefly referrable to this cause.9 These and other views of the subject have been success­ fully taken, and separately detailed, accompanied by such remarks on the topography, mineralogy, climate, agricultural character, & advantages of the country as was necessary in estimating the position, extent, produce, value, and impor­ tance of the mines, to all of which your attention is respec­ tively invited. I have the honor to be with high respect and regard your most obedient servant, HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT

Hon. William H. Crawford Secretary of the Treasury of the United States

9In 1824 Martin Thomas was appointed "government agent" for the lead region, and as Schoolcraft predicted, his presence "added to the security and productiveness of the mines a hundred fold." St. Louis Missouri Republican, September 12, 1825. For the struggle over mineral lands, see Donald J. Abromaske, "The Federal Lead Leasing System in Missouri," Missouri Historical Review, LIV (October, 1959), 27-38. Prominent Missourians who were in a position to know the facts about the lead mines voiced approval of Schoolcraft's work. "Your indefatigable exertions during a residence of near twelve months in the mine country added to the veracity of your descriptions affords a sufficient guarantee to the public that your 'view' contains a collection of facts well worthy their attention and patronage." Stephen F. Austin to Schoolcraft, April 10, 1819, Schoolcraft Papers. Moses Austin, father of Stephen and a resident of the mine country for twenty years, wrote the following to Schoolcraft: "I am clearly of the opinion that your book embraces more valuable information on the situation, extent, produce & general characteristics, & value of the mines than has ever before been published." The elder Austin considered Schoolcraft's book "a valuable addition to the catalogue of useful American publications," and sincerely hoped his industry would be rewarded with the "success it merits." Moses Austin to Schoolcraft, May 28, 1819, ibid. For the Austin family in Missouri, see Eugene C Barker, The Life of Stephen F. Austin: Founder of Texas, 1793-1830 (Nashville, 1925), 0-25.

^

Romance or Tragedy? Kansas City Star, March 26, 1964

The seed catalogue is a book that is either a romance or a tragedy, depending on whether you read it as a dream of things to come or a grim reminder of what happened last year.

Old-Fashioned Tourist Bait Kansas City Star, May 28, 1964

In the old home town we always figured that, when it come to getting the tourist dollar one speed trap was worth two caves and a Historic Site. Mark Twain's Basic Political Concepts: Men, Parties, Democracy

J. HAROLD SMITH*

A study of the paradoxical political views of Mark Twain, who lived and wrote during an era of rapid change, reveals much that may interest and challenge citizens of the Space Age. So immersed was Twain in the throbbing centers of the expansive movements of his day—mining adventures of the Far West, commercial develop-

*J. Harold Smith, Ph.D., used Mark Twain as the subject of his doctoral dissertation in English at the University of Wisconsin. He has taught in high schools, colleges and universities in Kansas, Indiana, Wisconsin and Michigan, and is currently associate professor at Central Michigan University, Mount Pleasant. 349 350 Missouri Historical Review ments of the East, imperialistic involvements among major nations—that his assessments of political life, right or wrong, merit attention in our own day, or in any day. Basic in Twain's political theory is the repeated declaration that man is by nature a worshiper, that all men worship something, chiefly money, and/or somebody. The germ-center of this concept is contained in an early essay entitled "Does the Race of Man Love a Lord?" The term lord he defines as "any person whose situation is higher than our own." His answer to the question is an unquali­ fied affirmative: "As a race, we certainly do love a lord — let him be Croker [Tammany boss], or a duke, or a prizefighter, or whatever other personage shall chance to be the head of our group."1 Demonstrating one of the many paradoxes in his concept of life, Twain believed that man, whether living in a democracy or under any other form of government, is a democrat in principle but an aristocrat in desire. In terms of practical experience, this doctrine claims that the "democrat" in man cries out for recognition of basic rights and equality of opportunity for the reason that he finds himself, ordinarily, in a position of subservience. Conversely, the "aristocrat" in man longs for a position which would enable him to exercise power and privilege. Usually denied such position, how­ ever, the man in average circumstance will either struggle to attain whatever positions are within reach of his potential, or he will achieve a measure of self-gratification through empathetic projec­ tion. If in a monarchy, as a subject of the king, he identifies himself to a degree with the glories of royalty; if in a republic, he identifies himself in a measure with the man who represents him in responsible position. Thus man's political life is an adaptation, an accommoda­ tion, of his inherent love for position and power. The increasingly deterministic emphasis in Twain's thinking is exemplified in a statement made late in his life which finds a "blood and bone" hereditary basis for man's conduct in his political environment: We are all alike, we human beings; and in our blood and bone, and ineradicably, we carry the seeds out of which monarchies and aristocracies are grown: worship of gauds, titles, distinctions, power. We have to worship these things and their possessors, we are all born so we cannot help it. . . . We have to have somebody to worship and envy or we cannot be content. In public we scoff at titles and hereditary privilege but privately we hanker after them. . . .2 iMark Twain, The $30,000 Bequest and Other Stories (New York, 1872), 280, 284-285. 2Mark Twain, "The Plutocracy" (1900), quoted in Bernard DeVoto, Mark Twain in Eruption (New York and London, 1922, 1940), 04. Mark Twain's Basic Political Concepts 351

Such an egocentric basis for man's behavior finds similar emphasis in a comment provoked by the assassination of the Empress of Austria at Geneva in September, 1898: One of the commonest forms of madness is the desire to be noticed. It has invented kingship, raised up prizefighters, and poets, and village mayors, and little and big politicians, and big and little charity-founders, and bicycle champions, and banditti chiefs, and frontier desperadoes, and Napoleons. . . . She [Empress] was so blameless and beautiful, a grace to the human race. Her assassin was sunken in abysmal obscurity— to become suddenly the one subject of conversation in the world. . . .3

In Twain's thinking, political parties derive from man's desire for attention or reflected glory and from his fear to challenge exist­ ing conventions, lest he incur the displeasure of the crowd. To dramatize the public's conduct during the pressure situations of political campaigns, Twain drew an analogy with herd-patterns common to animals: We are discreet sheep, we wait to see how the drove is going; then we go with the drove. We have two opinions: one is private, which we are afraid to express; and another one—the one we use—which we force ourselves to wear to please Mr. Grundy, until habit makes us comfortable in it, and the custom of defending it presently makes us love it, adore it, and forget how pitifully we came by it. Look at it in politics. Look at the candidates whom we loathe one year, and are afraid to vote against, the next. . . . Look at the tyranny of party—at what is called party allegiance, party loyalty—a snare invented by designing men for selfish purposes—and which turn voters into chattels, slaves, rabbits. . . .4 Clemens declared that party-switching was virtually taboo for the voter of his time, "When a man leaves a political party, he is treated as if the party owned him—as if he were its bond slave, as most men plainly are—and had stolen himself, gone off with what was not his own. And he is traduced, derided, despised, held up to public obloquy and loathing." A caustic comment embodies Twain's contempt for man's political behavior in times of emotional stress, "If we would learn what the human race really is at bottom, we need observe it only at election times."5

3Mark Twain, "The Memorable Assassination," What Is Man? and Other Essays (New York, 1917), 171-175. 4A. B. Paine, Mark Twain s Autobiography (New York, 1924), II, 10-11. Hbid., 11-12. 352 Missouri Historical Review

In reference to his own party affiliation, Twain stated that up to 1865 or 1866 he was accustomed to voting Republican, though "never a Republican and never a Democrat."6 During the following decade he became definitely a convert to "no-party independence," as he felt increasing concern for the political destinies of the country. During the campaign of 1876 he made a speech in Hartford in support of Presidential Candidate Rutherford B. Hayes' advocacy of civil service reform. In 1880 he spoke in favor of James A. Garfield for President. It was in the campaign of 1884, however, that his belief in political principle over party practice was put to a crucial test. The critical moment came while a group of friends was gathered in the billiard room of Twain's home. As George, the butler, announced through the speaking-tube the unexpected news that James G. Blaine had been nominated as the Republican candidate, "The butts of the billiard cues came down on the floor with a bump, and for a moment the players were speechless." Another surprise came with Twain's declaration, "I am not going to vote for him. . . . No party holds the privilege of dictating to me how I shall vote." In contrast, most of the group took the position that party loyalty is a form of patriotism, that once a nomination has been made, a loyal party man must vote for the nominee.7 As the campaign proceeded, Twain's initial disgust at the nomination of a man whose reputation was somewhat clouded increased as he witnessed a succession of political about-faces. Influential men and leading newspapers shifted from earlier denun­ ciations to glowing tributes for the candidate. Among members of the immediate circle, General Joseph W. Hawley, editor-in-chief of the Hartford Courant, stood by Blaine. Charles Dudley Warner, an editor of the Courant, and co-author with Twain of The Gilded Age, withdrew from the paper and remained neutral. Twain, along with Reverend Joseph H. Twichell, voted for the Democratic candi­ date, Grover Cleveland, thereby perpetrating a "crime" which straightway became generally known, since voting at that time was public. Public reaction to this "hellish design" was of small con­ sequence to Twain, for he was financially independent of the community. But Twichell, who had a large family, came near losing his pulpit with the result that he "never made any political mistake since." In this context Twain ventured the generalization that of perhaps 80,000 preachers in the country, not more than twenty were

*Ibid., 13. 7A. B. Paine, Mark Twain: A Biography (New York, 1912), II, 779. Paine, Twain s Auto­ biography, Vol. II, Chap. I, reproduces the scene with slight variations. Mark Twain's Basic Political Concepts 353

politically independent.8 Clearly, Twain's general political conduct, particularly during the campaign of 1884, was not only at variance with the conventional practice of his time but in effect it con­ stituted a definite protest. Whereas Twain's theory of democracy is based on his belief in the ability-potential of the people, he saw the practice of democracy tending always toward monarchy. His conviction about the direc­ tion the government was taking was predicated in two basic concepts: the one, hereditary—man's instinctive love of a lord; the other, environmental —the determining force of circumstance. Environmental circumstance in the United States grew out of man's grasping the unlimited opportunities afforded by a land possessing vast resources "which breed commercial and political corruption and incite public favorites to dangerous ambitions."9 During the first decade of the twentieth century, the particular figure embodying the personal magnetism precipitating this move­ ment toward monarchy was, in Twain's opinion, Theodore Roose­ velt. Twain saw him as "the Tom Sawyer of the political world of the twentieth century; always showing off." Of Roosevelt's frenzied imagination Twain wrote, "the Great Republic is a vast Barnum Circus with him for a clown and the whole world for audience." In spite of his being "the most formidable disaster that has befallen the country since the Civil War, the mass of the nation loves him, is frantically fond of him, even idolizes him. . . . The bulk of the nation's opinion about politics and religion is without value because there is nothing mental in it; it is all feeling." A sullen acquiescence in what seemed to him the inevitable, flavors the tone of an observa­ tion Twain made on September 12, 1908, "I shall never vote for Mr. Taft. If the monarchy could be permanently abolished and the republic restored by electing Bryan, I would vote the Democratic ticket; but it could not happen. The monarchy is here to stay."10 According to Twain, political involvement in the great majority of cases tends to corrupt character, since the political leader often employs bribery and corrupt practices to gain his ends. Replying to a suggestion that he himself become a presidential candidate, he said, "No matter how healthy a man's morals may be before enter­ ing the White House, he comes out again with a pot-marked soul."11 Similar in tone is a remark to Reverend Twichell: "It is interest­ ing, wonderfully interesting, the miracles which party politics can 8Paine, Twain s Autobiography, II, 25. 9DeVoto, Mark Twain in Eruption, 1-2. "The Monarchy," written on July 10, 1908, restated a similar view as expressed in a letter written in 1874. ™Ibid., 18, 24-25, 34, 49. "Clara Clemens, My Father, Mark Twain (New York, 1931), 238. 354 Missouri Historical Review do with a man's mental and moral make-up. Look at McKinley, Roosevelt, and yourself: in private life spotless in character ... in public political life the reverse of all this."12

In Grover Cleveland, however, he found an exception, describing him as a man who would not "budge an inch from his duty in any circumstance, ... a Gibraltar against whose solid bulk a whole Atlantic of assaulting politicians would dash itself in vain."13 On the positive side, Twain emphasized that the groundwork of political integrity can be existent only in clean men — men who vote and serve on the basis of conscience and a sense of honor. In a letter to William Dean Howells he wrote: Certainly a man's first duty is to his own conscience and honor—the party of the country comes second to that, and never first. ... It is not parties that make or save countries or that build them to greatness—it is clean men, clean, ordinary citizens, rank and file, the masses. Clean men are not made by men standing back till the rest become clean.14 In respect to the question of the relative degree of validity in Mark Twain's disillusioned and derogatory view of the political life of his day, this limited study offers only a few considerations. Certainly his direct encounter with so much of the life of the time provided abundant material upon which to base assessments, both fictional and non-fictional. On the other hand there is the considera­ tion that his early career as a reporter, both in Congress and in the territorial legislature of Nevada, occurred during a period when heavy "pork barreling" was the rule of the day. Obviously, fictional exposes such as The Gilded Age weight the scales with objectionable aspects of the legislative experience. Furthermore, much of his estimate of life drew from superficial observations of the frenzied activity of men on the go—miners on the Western frontier, specu­ lators in the commercial East. In addition, personal and family misfortunes developed in him an increasingly bitter and cynical attitude toward man, toward God, and toward life in general. But in spite of such qualifying and limiting factors, perceptive reading of Twain develops an increasing awareness of the diverse and multiple agencies operative in man, in political parties, and in democracv.

n\. B. Paine, Mark Twain s Letters (New York, 1917), II, 703-704. (Dated November 4, 1904.) 1:!Paine, Twain s Autobiography, II, 103. '•Paine, Mark Twain s Letters, II, 445. Notes on the Missouri Germans on Slavery

BY A. A. DUNSON*

The political unrest that marked Germany during the Napoleon­ ic Wars prompted the migration of great numbers of political refugees from their homeland. Seeking freedom of expression, they fled to England, France and the United States. Gottfried Duden visited Missouri in 1824-25 to investigate its resources in the interest of his countrymen, and through his efforts there began in the following two decades a substantial immigration from Germany to the newly created state in the trans-Mississippi West. Duden contrasted the social restrictions and political chaos of Europe with the freedom of the American people and emphasized their democratic way of life. He pictured a political and social Utopia where the rights of the individual were held sacred. How­ ever, the Germans who came to Missouri soon found themselves in a peculiar and even dangerous position. In a country that was half free and half slave, they were caught up in the increasingly hostile controversy that eventually erupted in Civil War. Out of their own experiences in their struggle for political and religious freedom came the belief that no group, of whatever color or creed, should be denied the rights of all men. Thus, the Germans opposed Negro slavery and sympathized with the abolitionist movement in America. Their position on the inflammable issue brought on the enmity of pro- slavery interests, yet in the face of great personal danger many openly joined in the efforts to destroy the "peculiar institution" of slavery. The Missouri Germans were aware of the effectiveness of the newspaper as a weapon of power. In their homeland they had seen it used successfully in the political and literary movement known as Young Germany, and they adopted it as a means of expressing their opposition to Negro slavery and its abuses. On February 22, 1836, William Weber became the editor of the Anzeiger des Westens, a German language newspaper published in St. Louis, and imme­ diately denounced the burning of a Negro. Because of the article his office was threatened by a mob, but was not attacked. There

*A. A. Dunson, Ph.D., is chairman of the department of modern foreign language, Prairie View Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, Prairie View. 356 Missouri Historical Review were at that time some differences of opinion as to events leading to the death of the Negro. Two local English versions of the killing indicate that both reporters obtained their information from hearsay. Both versions are given here so that the two may supple­ ment each other. The first version relates that a Negro named Francis L. Mc­ intosh was arrested for assisting in the escape of a steamboat deckhand who was in the hands of the law. Mcintosh was tried, found guilty, and because he was unable to pay his bail, he was turned over to William Mull, a deputy constable, to be taken to the jail. While escorting the prisoner to jail, Mull met the Sheriff's deputy, George Hammond. As the three men walked toward the jail, the Negro asked Hammond what would be done to him for the offense committed. In a jest Hammond replied that he would be hanged. This statement must have terrified the Negro prisoner, for he jerked himself loose from Mull and cut at him with a boat­ man's knife. The Negro missed with his first thrust, but with another he inflicted a severe wound in the constable's side. Ham­ mond seized the Negro and while struggling with him, the Negro slashed him with the knife, severing an artery in his neck. Ham­ mond sensed what had happened to him and started home, but he fell from loss of blood and died. The prisoner then fled, pursued by Mull who raised an alarm by shouting until he fainted from loss of blood. His shouts had attracted a crowd to the scene, and Mcintosh was caught and placed in confinement. The crimes committed by the Negro aroused the citizenry to a high pitch of frenzy, and the jail was soon surrounded by an angry mob. The mob forced the jailer to surrender his prisoner to them and, to the savage cries of "burn him," bound Mcintosh to a locust tree, piled brush and other dry wood around him and set him afire.1 Another version of the crime was given by a correspondent of the Pittsburgh Commercial. He reported that the steamboat Flora, which traveled between Pittsburgh and St. Louis, had a Negro steward named Mcintosh who possessed unusual intelligence and some education, but who often expressed his hatred of slaveholders and the laws of the country that permitted white people to oppress people of his race. Also aboard the Flora there was a Negro fireman, who, while ashore at St. Louis, stole a cap from a store, but was apprehended aboard the Flora by the sheriff and his deputy. On their way from the boat with the thief in custody, they were met

iReavis, L. U., Saint Louis, The Future Great City of the World [Centennial Edition] (St. Louis, 1870), 49. Notes on Missouri Germans on Slavery 357 by Mcintosh who began to abuse the officers. Mcintosh seized the prisoner and succeeded in freeing him, but he himself was taken prisoner. Mcintosh walked along calmly with his captors until they came near the old court house where he suddenly pulled out a knife with which he cut the sheriff to death and severely wounded the deputy. This act was seen by some people who pursued the flee­ ing Negro. Cut off from escape he ran into an outhouse, closed the door and threatened to kill anyone who attempted to come in on him. A man by the name of Patrick Keegan kicked down the door, knocked the knife from the prisoner's hand with a brick, went into the place and brought him out and put him in jail. The corre­ spondent further records that the news of this horrible crime spread in the city, and because free Negroes were very much disliked in all the slave States, this act caused great racial feelings for revenge. A large crowd gathered at the jail demanding that the Negro be turned over to them. Despite the efforts of the authorities the crowd took him into the street shouting "kill him," "hang him," "burn him." A chain was brought forth and fastened around his chest under his manacled arms, and then over a limb of a blackjack tree. His body was drawn up so that his feet were only a few inches from the ground. Then wood was put beneath him to start the consuming pyre. While all this was happening the prisoner showed no signs of fear and when the fire was started, he began to sing. It was said by one old man participating in the burning that it was not his color to which he objected, but to his bad conduct. The prisoner endured his torturous inferno with such bravery and fortitude that one person in the mob cried out "shoot him and end his misery." Others who were of different opinion replied that "if you do, we will put you in his place."2 The German version of the affair as reported by editor William Weber in his newspaper Anzeiger des Westens is told by Gustav Phillip Korner in his Das Deutsche Element in den Vereinigten Staaten Von Nord Amerika. Weber's report reflects his horror as he labels the killing a "heinous crime." His editorial comments also reveal his courage in speaking out against such unlawful actions: In 1836 drohte dem jungen Leben der Zeitung und dem des Redakteurs, eine ernstliche Gefahr. Ein beliebter Polizeibeamter war von einem freigelassenen Neger, den er wegen eines geringen Vergehens in's Gefangniss hatte bringen sollen, nieder gestochen worden. Ein Gehulfe, der

Hbid., 49-50. 358 Missouri Historical Review

dem Beam ten beispringen wollte, wurde von dem Schwarzen lebensgefahrlich verwundet. Es gelang indessen, den letztern zuverhaften und in das Gefangniss zu bringen. Bald darauf versammelte sich ein Haufen von mehr als tausand Menschen vor dem Gefangniss, unter denen sich wie die englischen Zeitungen berichteten, die besten und angesehendsten Burger befanden. Etwa ein Dutzend Bewaffneter erzwangen sich trotz des Widerstandes des Sheriffs den Eingang, griffen den Schwarzen heraus, fuhrten ihn in den oberen Theil der Stadt und in Beisein einer unabsehbaren Menge, welche durchaus nicht einschritt, ketteten sie den Unglucklichen an einen Baum und verbrannten ihn mit grunem Holz. Seine Leiden dauerten etwa funfunddreissig Minuten. W7eber's Zeitung erschien am nachsten Tage. Der Artikel den Hergang erzahlend, begann mit den folgenden Worten: Wir sind in der letzten Nacht Augenzeuge des Greulhaftesten gewesen, was man zur Beleidigung der Menschlichkeit, sowie des Gesetzes nur ersinnen vermag. "Burger von St. Louis! Die Flecken, womit in dieser Nacht die Geschichte Eurer Stadt besudelt worden ist, wascht Ihr nicht wieder aus."3 In 1836 a serious danger threatened the young life of the newspaper and that of its editor. A popular police officer had been cut by a Negro who had been set free whom he, on account of a small infringement of the law, had wanted to take into custody. An assistant who wanted to help him was wounded by the colored person. Someone was successful in arresting the latter and bringing him into the jail. Soon thereafter gathered a crowd of more than a thousand people before the jail, among whom, as it was reported by the English newspaper, were the best and most respected citizens. About a dozen armed men forced their entree in spite of the the resistance of the Sheriff, brought out the colored man, led him to the upper part of the city and in the presence of an incalculable crowd that not at all interfered, they chained the unfortunate Negro to a tree and burned him to death with green wood. His suffering lasted about 35 minutes. Weber's newspaper appeared on the next day. The article relating the event began with the following words: "Last night we were the witness of the most heinous crime which could be devised for the offense of humanity as well as for the law. Citizens of St. Louis! The stain with which in this night the history of your city has been defiled, will never be erased again."

The St. Louis Commercial Bulletin took issue with Weber, deny­ ing several assertions in unimportant points. Weber was reproached for insulting in an "unjust manner the whole community, namely, the authorities and the armed city volunteers." The Bulletin wrote

3Gustav Phillip Korner, Das deutsche Element in den Vereiniglen Slaaten von Nordamerika (Cincinnati, 1880), 310-319. Notes on Missouri Germans on Slavery 359

that Mcintosh's killing was deplored but went on to explain, obviously directing its comments to Weber and the entire German community, that things were done differently in this country than they were in Germany. At the same time Weber was advised to be "more certain and not insult the community, in which he himself is a stranger and is befriended through generosity." Not easily discouraged, however, Weber continued to protest against injustice and prejudice, especially where it appeared in the evil system of slavery or in the native Americanism that broke out periodically in St. Louis between 1835 and 1850.4 Up the Missouri River, at the little town of Hermann, Emil Muehl reflected the same spirit of protest as Weber when he boldly attacked the institution of slavery in the Hermanner Wochenblatt, a newspaper edited by him. However, his opposition in 1843 was somewhat premature and had little effect, because the question of slavery had not yet become a burning national issue.5 The question of slavery was soon to engulf the entire country, however, and Missourians were quick to discover its increasingly controversial effects upon their state. During the Missouri legis­ lative session in 1856, B. Gratz Brown, who cultivated the support of the Germans in St. Louis, delivered a bold speech advocating and prophesying the abolition of slavery in Missouri before a legislature three-fourths of whose members were proslavery fanatics who considered this unusual act a capital crime. Brown was not per­ mitted to finish his speech when the Legislature assembled again after dinner because the members set aside all rules of legal pro­ cedure and courtesy and did not allow him to take the floor again. In spite of this hasty illegal act, Brown had sounded the alarm for the Germans. It was vain effort to suppress or to erase the impres­ sion of his able and forceful antislavery argument. It was printed and disseminated in pamphlet form over a great part of the United States. The feeling and sentiment aroused through this partially legal document were great and favorable beyond expectation, because it expressed what many had feared to declare openly.6 In 1854 the Anzeiger des Westens made public its attitude toward slavery: We are for the doing away of slavery in Missouri accord­ ing to the Constitution and in such a manner that will pay due respect to rightful claims of the citizens of the State.7

*Ibid., 1, 319. 5Scharf, Thomas J., History of St. Louis and County (Philadelphia, 1883), I, 932. Hbid., I, 338-339. 7St. Louis Anzeiger des Westens, July 2, 1854. 360 Missouri Historical Review

These sentiments predate by four years the famous address of John Brown, the extreme and violent abolitionist, to the court before his sentence on November 2, 1859. The difference in the manner of doing away with slavery was that John Brown was employing force of arms while the German element was employing the Federal Constitution. On January 12, 1861, the Anzeiger des Westens published its manifesto: "If the Union should declare that all territories shall have slaves, St. Louis will stand back of the Union; if it declares the South for slavery and the North for no slaves, St. Louis will stand by the Union; that we stand by the Union regardless of what may happen, because only in the Union will St. Louis be a great, thriving city and Missouri a State of growing wealth." It was of vital significance to the German immigrants that the Union should be preserved and the sanction of the Constitution upheld. They knew that both were tantamount to their political rights, and without them the assurance of their equality of rights would be lost.8 Nicholas Hesse, a German visitor to Missouri from 1835 to 1837, called Negro slavery a stigma upon humanity, and an offense to the feeling of any honor-loving German. The following excerpt shows the attitude of the native whites toward the Negroes, and that of the Germans. "Die Schwarzen haben keinerlei Rechte, welche Weisse zu respektiren brauchen,—das wissen wir gut genug aus der Dred Scott Entscheidung. Aber wir glaubten, dass gesetz- liche Distinktionen zunachst nur fur Lebende gemacht werden und dass keinerlei Macht, selbst nicht die einer herrschenden Kaste uber das Grab hinausreiche. W7ir glaub­ ten, dass wenigsten die Erde als die gemeinschaftiiche Mutter aller Menschen gelte und dass was von der Erde kommt auch wieder zu dem Schosse dieser ewigen Mutter zuruckkehren Konne. Dem scheint nun nicht so zu sein. Denn obgleich die Schwarzen in der Brown-affaire von den Negerbaronen stets als bios Berfuhrten bezeichnet wurden, gestatete man zwar den Verwandten und Freunden der weissen Gemordeten, deren Leichname zu einem gastlichten Grabe zu bestaten, wahrend einer Anzahl Neger dasselbe Priviligium fur die Tod ten ihres Stammes nicht bios verweigert wird, sondern diese zuerst eine Art Schindanger uberliefert und dann mit hoher Verwillingung sogar von Studiosen der Medizin wieder ausgescharrt und im Interesse der "sudlichen" Wissenschaft vertranchirt wurden. Als verantwortliche Menschen mus- sten sie mit dem Tode bussen und als liebeigene Sachen

8/6id. Notes on Missouri Germans on Slavery 361

wurden sie ein Obiekt der Wissenschaft. Consistency thou art a Jewel."9 "The Blacks do not have any kind of laws, which the Whites have to respect, this we know well enough from the Dred Scott Decision. However, we believe that legal distinc­ tions, first of all, are made only for the living and that not any power, not even that of a prevailing caste reaches beyond the grave. We believe that at least the earth is considered as the common mother of all human beings and that which comes from the earth can return to the bosom of this eternal mother. For the Negro this now does not appear to be so. Because although the Blacks in the John Brown affair were characterized by the Negro barons constantly as the mere seducers, there was granted indeed to the relatives and friends of the whites that were murdered whose bodies were buried, a hospitable grave, while to a number of Negroes the same privilege was not only denied to the dead of their race, but these were first destined to a kind of flaying place and then with the noble grant they were dug up again even by students of medicine and in the interest of Southern Science were cut up. As responsible human beings they had to atone with death and as serfs or bonded things become the object of science. Consistency thou art a Jewel." The consideration of a bill designed to protect free Negroes and mulattoes who came into the State was on the lips of everyone dur­ ing the year 1859 in Missouri. John Marshall Krumm, judge of the circuit court in St. Louis (1843), mayor of St. Louis (1848), and Chairman of the committee on Credentials at the Democratic National Convention at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1860 where he made the report seating the Douglas delegates which caused the bolt of the secession delegates and precipitated the Civil War, wrote to his representative, Christen Kribben of St. Louis, in order to persuade him to work upon certain changes for the Negroes as follows: "Angenommen, dass die Gerechten die bindende Kraft eines solchen Gesetzes anerkennen (was ich nicht glaube), so sehen Sie doch auf einen Bill, dass dessen Wirkungen eine Klasse von Personen treffen, welche entweder auf ausdruck- liche Erlaubniss des Staates hier sind oder auf gesetzlichem Wege ihre Freiheit erlangten." "Assuming that just people recognize the binding power of such a law (which I do not believe), you look out for a bill the effects of which will affect a class of people that are neither here upon the expressed permission of the state nor have gained their freedom upon a legal way." 9St. Louis Die Westliche Post, Sonnabend, July 2, 1859, Jahrgang 232, Westliche Blatter. 362 Missouri Historical Review

"Dieser Freilassungs-Prozess und diese Einwanderung freier Neger fanden vor langer als 30 Jahren statt. Wir finden Familien und Abkommlinge von Familien freier Neger in alien Theilen des Staates, deren Vorfahren vor mehr als einem Vierteljahrhundert hierher kamen odor frei wurden. Find doch soil dieses Gesetz ruckwirkende Kraft auf sie haben! Dies ist unerhort." "This freeing process and this immigration of free Negroes took place more than 30 years ago. We find families and descendants of families of free Negroes in all parts of the State whose ancestors came here more than a quarter of a century ago or became free. And still this law is to have a retrospective force upon them! This is unheard of." "Wenn die unglucklichen und hulflosen Neger und Mulatten, welche jetzt hier wohnen, irgend welche Staats- gesetze verletzten, dann lasst uns sie strafen. Aber lasst uns nicht den Tyrannen und Barbaren im Kleinen spielen, indem wir eine Handvoll Ohnmachtiger ergreifen und in ewige Knechtschaft verkaufen-Manner, Weiber Kinder, aus keinem anderen Rechtsgrunde, als weil wir, das weisse Volk von Missouri zufallig die brutale Gewalt dazu haben. Und ewige Knechtschaft ist unvermeidliches Los. Denn wohin sollten sie sich wenden?" "When the unfortunate and helpless Negroes and Mulat- toes who live here now infringe upon some laws, then let us punish them. However, let us not play the tyrant and the barbarian on a small scale by seizing a handful of the weak ones and selling into eternal serfdom men, women and chil­ dren out of no other legal reason than that we, the white people of Missouri, accidentally have the brutal force for it. And eternal serfdom is an unavoidable lot. To whom should they have recourse?" "Doch ein solches Gesetz wurdeTkeine Rechtgultigkeit haben und die Gerichte wurden ihm solche nach meiner Ueberzeugung absprechen, daruber habe ich nicht den leisesten Zweifel. Und sie wissen, welches Prinzip aller derartigen Gesetzgebung zu Grunde liegt. Freie Neger und Mulatten sind zwar keine Burger, aber sie sind Personen und haben als solche gewisse Rechte, die sowohl unsere Gesetze, als unsere Gerichte anerkennen und schutzen. Und dies ist nichts mehr, als ein Gebot des gesunden Menschenver- standes." "Still such a law would have no legal validity and the courts would deny it such according to my conviction. I do not have the slightest doubt about that. And they know which principle underlies all such legislation. Free Negroes and Mulattoes are no citizens, however, they are people and Notes on Missouri Germans on Slavery 363

have as such certain rights that both our laws and courts recognize and protect. And this is nothing more than a commandment of common sense."10 The most important section of the Negro bill was Article III: "Jeder freie Neger oder Mulatte der uber 18 Jahre alt und am ersten Montage im September 1861 im Staate Missouri sich auf halt, soil in die Sclaverei verkauft werden." "Every free Negro or Mulatto that is over 18 years of age and is staying on the first Monday in September 1861 in the State of Missouri shall be sold again into slavery."11

Adelbert Baudissin, the author of Der Ansiedler im Missouri Staate, den deutschen Auswanderern gewidmet, regretted that he could not alleviate the deplorable conditions in which the slaves labored and existed, but he did dare to express himself and describe the lot of the slaves. The following excerpts attest to his opinion on slavery: "Es ist und bleibt ein Makel fur die Vereinigten Staaten, dass die Sklaverei fortbestehen lassen; indessen, es liegt nicht in meiner Macht, diesem schandlichen Zustande abzuhelfen, und so will ich mich damit begnugen, die Lage der Negersklaven in Missouri-Staate zu schildern." "It is and remains a stigma for the United States, that slavery is allowed to continue; in the meantime it does not lie within my power to remove this scandalous situation and therefore I will content myself with describing the aspect of the Negro slaves in Missouri."12 The Negro slave in Missouri had better treatment than the German hired maid in Germany, as related by the Negro maid of Mr. Baudissin: "Als ich neulich unserer Negerin die Lage eines deutschen Dienstmadchens schilderte und sie darauf fragte, ob sie wohl mit ihr tauschen mochte, da sagte sie Deutschland muss eine bose Gegend sein!" "When I lately described to our Negro maid the situation of a German maid in Germany and asked her thereafter whether she perhaps would like to exchange with her, then she said—Germany must be a hard country."13

]0St. Louis Die Westliche Post, Sonnabend, July 2, 1859, Jahrgang 232, Westliche Blatter. "Ibid., December 17, 1859. 12Adelbert Baudissin, Der Ansiedler im Missouri-Staate, den deutschen Auswanderern gewidmet (Iserlohn, 1854), 57. mbid., 58. 364 Missouri Historical Review

The lot of the free Negro was much worse than that of Negro slaves. The free Negro could own property and carry on trade, however, on the other hand, he could not marry a white woman, could not appear in court, nor mix with the Whites under any condition be it in traveling or in the church, theater or elsewhere. The free Negro was looked upon as a pest. The following scene which took place on a ship supports the above assertions: "Die Passagiere setzten sich zu Tisch und begann mit acht amerikanischer Geschwindigkeit zu essen, als sich plotzlich aller Blicke auf einen Herrn richteten, dem die Natur eine dunkle Gesichtfarbe gegeben hatte. Er wurde trotz aller Gegenerklarungen fur einen Neger gehalten und in Folge dessen fur die Unverschamtheit, sich neben Weisse hingesetzt zu haben, energisch durchgeprugelt. Zuletzt stellte sich heraus, dass der dunkelfarbige Herr ein italienis- cher Graf sei." "The passengers seated themselves at the table and began to eat in real American swiftness when immediately all glances were directed to a gentleman to whom nature had given a dark complexion. In spite of all denials he was considered a Negro and in consequence of his impudence to have seated himself besides Whites, he was thoroughly whipped. Ultimately it turned out that the dark com- plexioned gentleman was an Italian prince."14 Otto Ruppious in his work, Das Vermachtniss des Pedlers, related how a German lady, after her husband had died, alleviated the conditions of her slaves, first by firing the Southern overseer and replacing him by a German who really understood the Negro slaves: "Die Nigger haben mich bei Ihnen verklagt, Ma'am, und Sie haben mich, einen weissen Mann, zum Narren des schwarzen Viehzeugs gemacht, fuhr er mit finsterm Auge fort." "The Niggers have brought action against me to you, ma'am, and you have made a fool of me, a white man, on account of these black animals, he went on with a morose eye. "Sie sind jetzt hierher gekommen, urn mir die Stelle aufzukundigen, in der ich nun drei Jahre bin. Ich weiss, dass Sie schon einen neuen Aufseher an der Hand haben. Sie sind aber die Frau, welche einen weissen Mann zum Spott der Nigger gemacht hat." "You have come now to announce to me that my job is over that I have held for three vears. I know that vou

"Ibid., 07. Notes on Missouri Germans on Slavery 365

already have another overseer on hand. You are however the woman who has made a white man into the mockery of Niggers." "Mir gefallen die schwarzen Kerls, Sir," lachte er, und ich denke, in der rechten Manier mit ihnen umspringen zu konnen." "I like the colored chaps, sir," he laughed, and "I think that I know how to manage them in the right way."15 Carl Schurz who became Senator of Missouri and later Ambas­ sador to Spain delivered a speech in Verandah Hall, St. Louis, August 1, 1861, by invitation of the emancipationists of the city. The Presidential campaign of Abraham Lincoln had begun, and there was much excitement over the antislavery sentiment, which was strong in St. Louis. In this speech Schurz availed himself of the opportunity to make a direct appeal to the slaveholders.16 In that bold speech the ardent adherent of freedom reflected the fortitude and courage of John Brown, the extreme and violent abolitionist, when he told the slaveholding audience that free speech and a free press would one day give light to the house of freedom and set fire to the house of slavery; that forced labor was incompatible with the principles upon which free labor and a free society existed. He stated also to them that slavery was an impend­ ing threat to the Union, because the North refused to submit to the exclusively economic policy of their planting interest; that they must keep subjugated another class of society, the great mass of poor white non-slaveholders, lest they might become a power whose interests would be not identical with theirs; that their disregard for the regular process in courts in regard to crimes has brought into action lynch-laws and mob violence.17 In the early period of immigration and the first encounter with the system of slavery, the German element became a strong oppo­ nent to it. During the period of its contact with this system, it espoused the alleviation of abuses and the dissolution of the system itself. To help eliminate this stigma, the Germans became ardent admirers of Abraham Lincoln and championed his election. They boldly expressed their abolitionist sentiments that gained for them the enmity and hatred of the slaveholders. This proslavery element attempted to intimidate German writers and threatened to destroy their printing presses. However, in the face of those threats and

15Ruppious, Otto, Das Vermachtniss des Pedlers (St. Louis, 1859), 202, 212. 16Putman's Speeches, Correspondence and Political Papers of Carl Schurz (New York, 1913), I, 121-122. "Ibid., I, 125. 366 Missouri Historical Review dangers, the German writers were not afraid to voice their convic­ tions. They dared to have a law passed to alleviate the sad lot of the slaves in the State of Missouri, and they ultimately took up arms in the Union Army soon after war was declared, and contributed greatly to the cause of the writing of the Emancipation Proclama­ tion bv the President of the United States.

Mark Twain's Snow-white Garb The Columbia Statesman, February 22, 1907. Mark Twain (Samuel L. Clemens) has had made for him a suit of evening clothes of white broadcloth, as immaculate as newly fallen snow. The buttons are covered with the same material. When he arrays himself he will undoubtedly wear with the suit white enamelled leather shoes. The genial humorist has long been in rebellion against the somber clawhammer effects borrowed from the Court of France. . . . The suit was cut in strict accordance with the prevailing mode. The coat is lined throughout with white silk and the lapels are faced with the same material. . . . Its only ornamentation is a white zig-zag embroidery around the edges. The trousers have a white silk braid down the outside seams. . . . Mr. Clemens announced a year ago that he would thenceforth wear white because it corresponded to the original costume mentioned in "Adam's Diary." After publicly pleading guilty to a seventieth birthday, not long ago, he said he con­ sidered himself old enough now to wear about what he pleased. . . .

Egg Shell Candles When Tallow Candles Grew Scarce 1853-1854 Facts and Remedies In Grandma's Day, Compiled by the Cape Girardeau County Historical Society (1961) p. 5. The method of making these lamps: "A small hole was made in the little end of a large egg (turkey or goose eggs) and the shell emptied of its contents, it was then rilled with bear's oil or coon grease, a twisted cotton wick put in it and the shell set in a saucer of salt." Pioneer preachers often stood behind board stands, made of two blackjack poles driven in the dirt floor, with a cypress board pinned to their tops, and read their text by the light of egg shell lamps. HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Bettman Archive

Governor Dalton Presents Official Papers To Western Historical Manuscripts and State Historical Society

Missouri Governor John M. Dalton governors since 1933 are now deposited presented the official papers of his in the joint collections of Western administration, 1961-1965, to the joint Historical Manuscripts and the State collections of Western Historical Manu­ Historical Society. In addition to scripts, University of Missouri, and those of Governor Dalton they include the State Historical Society of Mis­ the papers of Governor Guy B. Park, souri in December. The material 1933-1937; Governor Lloyd C. Stark, includes correspondence, speeches, 1937-1941; Governor Forrest C. Don- press releases, scrapbooks and photo­ nell, 1941-1945; Governor Phil M. graphs. Former Governor Dalton, an Donnelly, 1945-1949; Governor Forrest alumnus of the University of Mis­ Smith, 1949-1953; Governor Phil M. souri and a member of the University Donnelly, 1953-1957; and Governor Board of Visitors, 1948-1953, received James T. Blair, Jr., 1957-1961. the honorary LL.D. degree from the Use of the papers of Missouri University in 1963. governors is restricted to researchers by The official papers of Missouri the contracts covering the acquisitions.

S=^

An Innocent Reply Hardin News, August 9, 1928. One of our men folks was much chagrined the other day when a Sunday school teacher told him of a peculiar incident. While in Sunday school the teacher asked his daughter who it was that turned water into wine. His little daughter promptly replied, "I know teacher, it was Daddy." Which again proves that the older we get the more cautious we should be. 307 368 Missouri Historical Review

Courtesy Yale University The Shooting Match, by George Caleb Bingham

The Shooting Match

Franklin Missouri Intelligencer, Sep­ Besides field sports, in a new country tember 2, 1825. where game is abundant, shooting Among the sports which the western matches on almost every Saturday freemen engage in during their hours evening, tend to perfect our riflemen in of relaxation, the shooting match the use of their hair splitting weapons. holds the first place. Many of these guns are so unpromising in appearance that one of them might In a republic where regular soldiers be mistaken for a crow-bar tied to a are held in such indifferent estimation hand-spike; but when in the hands of a that they abandon the hope of uniform marksman, its value is ascertained. good treatment, it is important that every citizen prepare himself for the At our shooting matches "for beef," high destiny of self-defence. steer is divided into five parts, and the It is with proud satisfaction then, hide and tallow is termed the fifth- that we turn to the independent quarter. This last is the most valuable, yeomen, whose pastime fits them to and it is for the fifth-quarter that the defend their native soil without hope of most skillful marksmen contend. The reward, or fear of degradation. Though shot are generally so thickly planted Missourians inhabit a remote section about the centre of the target as to of the Union, they claim to hold those require great scrutiny in determining unerring rifles that will, when out- the conquerers—the "fifth-quarter win­ country shall unhappily need them, be ner," "second choice," &c. When this truly aimed "in the front of the battle." is known, great exultation is not Historical Notes and Comments 369 unusual, but the winners sometimes sometimes made on Black Snake, betray a little vanity in bestowing Cross Burster, Hair Splitter, Blood encomiums upon their rifles; and there Letter, and Panther Cooler. In short are few who are not polite enough to there are very few of our rifles that attribute their success to the excellence would not put to shame the arrow that of their arms. If the gunsmith be was sent a messenger "to Philip's present, he is not a little flattered by right eye." I am likewise disposed to this acknowledgment of his skill. believe that if Natty Bumpo himself Many of the most distinguished guns were to attend one of our shooting acquire names of most fearful import, matches, "for beef," he might stake by which they are known in the his last ninepence to no purpose. sporting circles, and small bets are — Moss BUCKET

Too Many Inmates! Columbia Missouri Herald, January 20, 1894. There are 1,903 convicts in the penitentiary, more than have ever been confined in that institution since its establishment, and a greater number than is confined in any other prison in the United States.

1000 Fat Dogs Wanted Marshall Saline County Progress, July 14, 1876 Having gotten our sausage factory in operation, we are now prepared to pay the highest market price in cash for fat dogs [hogs]. Come in gentlemen, but don't all speak at once.

Three Basic Ingredients From the Hardin News, July 19, 1928. Kids, chickens, and dogs—any one or a combination of all three, is an infallible, guaranteed, tried, tested, and insuperable cause for a good neighborhood row, and these three causes outrank all others, according to the Justice of the Peace. 370 Missouri Historical Review

List of Champion Trees in Missouri

(Furnished by Kendall Laughlin, lOo Pine Ave., Chicago, III.)

From FLORA OF MISSOURI by Julian A. Steyermark

Reprinted with permission of The Iowa State University Press, Ames, Iowa

Circum­ Scientific Name County ference* Height

Taxodium distichum State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 22'8" Salix nigra State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 8'9" Fopulus delloid.es State Pershing State Park Linn 19'1" 81' "fPopulus heterophylla State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 5'8" 74' Juglans nigra City Hyde Park, St. Joseph Buchanan 9'3" Carya cordiformis f. cordiformis Elmer W. 413 N. Crysler, Independence Jackson 9'7" Ahmann "fCarya cordiformis f. latifolia Delia P. Stoddard near Catalpa, Dexter Stoddard 9'5" 90' McColgan Carya illinoensis Handy and Sec. 34, T 24 N, R 10 E Mississippi 20'10" Bill Moore •\Carya laciniosa State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 12'10" 101' Carya ovata City Hyde Park, St. Joseph Buchanan 0' Carya tomentosa City Forest Park St. Louis 7'3" 02' Carya texana var. texana City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 5'9" Carpinus caroliniana State Big Spring State Park Carter 3'11" Betula nigra State Pershing State Park Linn 8' Caslanea ozarkensis State Roaring River State Park Barry 0'2" Quercus alba Same as location Elmwood Cemetery, Kansas City Jackson 11'8" "fQuercus X bebbiana City Forest Park St. Louis 7/8,/ f Mrs. Edith L. Sassafras near St. Francis, Stoddard 10'2" Quercus stellala ~{ Camp Dexter I City Elm near Vine, Dexter Stoddard 10'2" — Quercus lyrata State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi li'ir — Quercus macrocarpa1 State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 17'7" 127; Quercus bicolor City Forest Park St. Louis 11'7* O.V Quercus Michauxii State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 19'11" 120' Quercus prinoides var,. acuminata Charles F. Curry Eastwood Hills, Kansas City Jackson 12'4" — Quercus prinoides var,. prinoides City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 1'2" — Quercus rubra Same as location Elmwood Cemetery, Kansas City Jackson 12'11" — Quercus palustris State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 13'5" — \Quercus X mutabilis State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 10'9" 131' Quercus coccinea var. tuberculata Dr. A. L. May Cynthia St., Poplar Bluff Butler 0'8" — Quercus Shumardii State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 13'3" — Quercus velutina City Hyde Park, St. Joseph Buchanan 12'10" — ~\Quercus velutina f. missouriensis City Hyde Park, St. Joseph Buchanan ll'O" 02' Quercus falcala var. falcata Grace Danforth 105 Danforth St., Charleston Mississippi 14'10" 79' Quercus falcata var. pagodaefolia Laura Dawson Dawson Rd., New Madrid New Madrid 18'11" 109' Quercus marilandica T. R. Seifert 815 N. Main St., Poplar Bluff Butler 7' 11" — ^Quercus X Bushii City Forest Park St. Louis 8'7" 07' ^Quercus imbricaria Laura Dawson Dawson Rd., New Madrid New Madrid 11'2" 92' Quercus X runcinata State Van Meter State Park Saline 7'11" 40' ^Quercus X leana Ada Maupin 5007 E. 23rd St., Kansas City Jackson 9'3" 08' Quercus X tridenlata May V. S. of Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 2'4" - Robertson Quercus Phellos Viverette Lee 001 E. Cypress, Charleston Mississippi 10'3" 84' Ulmus americana State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 2L7" — "fUlmus Thotnasi City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson lO'll" 99' \Flanera aquatica Lee O'Reilly Sec. 9, T 23 N, R 10 E Mississippi 2'8" 20' Historical Notes and Comments 371

LIST OF CHAMPION TREES IN MISSOURI—Continued

Circum­ Scientific Name Owner Location County ference* Height

Celtis occidentalis var. occidentalis J. Abner Beck 507 S. Main St., Charleston Mississippi 12'10" 83' Celtis occidentalis var. canina City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 10'5" 05' Celtis laevigata Max Friedman 903 E. Commercial St., Charleston Mississippi 9'8" 58' Morus rubra Miss A. L. 20-28 S. Mulberry St., Dexter Stoddard 8' — Thrower Madura pomifera Laura Dawson Dawson Rd., New Madrid New Madrid 8'3" — Asimina triloba State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 1'8" — Sassafras albidum — South of Co. Highway P. New Madrid 9'9" — "fLiquidambar styracijlua2 Laura Dawson Dawson Rd., New Madrid New Madrid 10'11" 112' Platanus occidentalis2 Estate of W. F. 89th & Olive, Kansas City Jackson 1G'2" 109' Wilkinson et al -\Pyrus coronaria var. lancifolia City Blue Valley Park, Kansas City Jackson l'lO" 25' Pyrus ioensis City Blue Valley Park, Kansas City Jackson l'lO" 30' Crataegus crus-gallfi City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson l'lO" — Crataegus mollis City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 4'5" 27' Prunus serotina Nathan B. 5925 State Line, Kansas City Jackson 9'1" — Baraban Gymnocladus dioicus James P. Reed 1054 W. 55th St., Kansas City Jackson 9'10" — GUditsia triacanthos City Loose Park, Kansas City Jackson 14'4" 71' •\Gleditsia triacanthos f. inermis State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 11'2" 118' •\Gleditsia aquatica State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 4'7" 88' Cercis canadensis City Union Cemetery, Kansas City Jackson 3'3" — •fllex decidua State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi l'l" 20' •\Acer rubrum var. Drummondii Vernon Cresson St. Francis River W. of Kennett Dunklin 0'5" 52' Acer nigrum Same as location Elms Hotel, Excelsior Springs Clay 7'4" 77' Acer saccharinum State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 17'11" — Acer saccharum City Hyde Park, St. Joseph Buchanan G'll" — Acer Negundo City Brush Creek east of state line, Jackson 8'7" — Kansas City *Aesculus glabra var. arguta Same as location Elms Hotel, Excelsior Springs Clay 4'7" 48' Tilia americana City Krug Park, St. Joseph Buchanan 10'3" — Nyssa aquatica2 Vernon Cresson St. Francis River W. of Kennett Dunklin 4'10" 54' Nyssa sylvatica City HE. Market St., Dexter Stoddard 9'9" — •fCornus Drummondii Same as location Mt. Washington Cemetery Jackson 1'2" 24' Bumelia lanuginosa var. albicans State Meramec State Park Franklin 2'8" 2G' Diospyros virginiana City Carondelet Park St. Louis G'10" — Fraxinus americana State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 10'4" — •\Fraxinus tomentosa State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 13' 100' •fFraxinus pennsylvanica var. lanceolata State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 14'5" 105' •\Forestiera acuminata State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 2'1" 28' Catalpa speciosa Delia P. Stoddard near Catalpa, Dexter Stoddard 13'10" McColgan Viburnum prunifolium L. City Swope Park, Kansas City Jackson 11" 19' ^Viburnum rufidulum State Big Oak Tree State Park Mississippi 2'2" 23'

•Measured at 54 inches above the ground. fThis is the largest tree of its kind in the United States. 1Measured jointly with Robert E. McDermott, Roy H. Degler, and Richard Holecamp. 2Measured jointly with Robert E. McDermott. 3Measured jointly with Stanley R. McLane. 4With yellow anthers. 372 Missouri Historical Review

NEWS IN BRIEF

At a formal presentation ceremony, Judge Paul E. Carver, Box 229, November 20, at the office of Univer­ Neosho, is in the process of revising a sity of Missouri President Elmer Ellis, University of Arkansas master's thesis two historical certificates honoring on the two Civil War Battles fought at Major James S. Rollins were pre­ Newtonia, written by his son, the late sented to the University by Laura John G. Carver. He requests that Rollins Hockaday, great-great-grand­ anyone having letters, diaries or other daughter of Rollins. The certificates historical information concerning these were given to Major Rollins in 1872 in battles please contact him. appreciation for his services to the Uni­ versity as the founder and leader in its development. They will be publicly displayed at one of the University The Bottermuller Home, Hermann, buildings. built in 1852 by John Jacob Rommel, is open to the public from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. on weekdays and from 1-5 p.m. The building that once housed on Sundays. The original bricks, Avalon College, erected in 1869, has framework and stone wine cellar are recently been sold for conversion to a intact. Adjoining the home is a private home. The school was founded country store. by the United Brethern Church of Missouri and around it was built the small town of Avalon, located 15 miles southeast of Chillicothe. Founded The razing of one of Hannibal's as an academy, the school became a oldest, largest and most historical college in 1882. In 1891 Avalon business structures, the old Shultz College was relocated in Trenton. building, began November 30. Built The brick building at Avalon was used on Broadway in the 1850s and used as a college by the Presbyterian originally as an opera house and concert denomination in the 1890s. After the hall, the structure became a military college closed it was used for church prison and hospital during the Civil services until recent years. War.

A program saluting the St. Louis The General Sterling Price Museum bicentennial, held at St. Louis County was opened to the public October 17 Library, Frontenac, St. Louis, Jan­ at Keytesville, home of the Civil War uary 21, featured a selection of color Confederate General. Many of the slides and the recorded comments 741 articles on display once belonged of St. Louis area civic, business to General Price. Although closed for and governmental leaders. the winter, the museum will reopen April 1 and will be open daily from 9-12 a.m. and 2-5 p.m. The museum is sponsored by the Friends of Keytes­ Recent displays at the Jefferson ville, Inc. Mrs. V. E. Williams is Memorial, St. Louis, of items in the chairman of the museum committee. Missouri Historical Society's collection, Historical Notes and Comments 373 include historical documents dealing Museum in Jefferson Barracks Histori­ with the early growth of the city and cal Park near St. Louis, featured scenes depicting "The Night Before Christmas trees ornamented with Christmas" in a well-to-do home of colored duck feathers, figures made of the 1890s, exhibited during November cotton, paper and strings of popcorn 25-January 15. Four rare documents and cranberries. The display was open dealing with abolition of slavery in December 19, through New Year's Day. Missouri 100 years ago, were placed on exhibit January 9, and on January 20, an early rural mail buggy, symbol of the establishment of Rural Free Deliv­ A bicentennial tea and rare book ery on October 1, 1896, was exhibited. exhibit at Maryville College of the Sacred Heart, St. Louis, on the afternoon of January 24, included such items as a Bible which belonged to Five paintings of old St. Louis area Mother Philippine Duchesne, founder churches by Eleanor Hudgens, Man­ of Sacred Heart schools; editions of chester, were displayed in the entrance John James Audubon's Birds of lobby of the St. Louis Public Library America and The Viviparous Quad­ from mid-December through January rupeds of America; works of Kate 2. Churches included were the Old Chopin, early St. Louis author; letters Cathedral at 3rd & Walnut Streets; and sketches of Father Pierre-Jean Bonhomme Presbyterian Church at DeSmet, founder of St. Louis Univer­ Conway & White Roads, St. Louis sity; and papers of Mother Duchesne. County; St. Ferdinand's Church, Flor­ issant; St. Joseph's Church at 1220 N. 11th Street; and St. Alphonsus (Rock) Church at 1118 N. Grand Blvd. The works of two noted St. Louis- born painters of western scenes, Charles M. Russell and Oscar E. A display of Christmas decorations Berninghaus, were displayed at the from the Civil War period in the McCaughen and Burr Gallery, St. Laborer's House and Powder Magazine Louis, during November.

Comments Varied The Peirce City Empire, December 8, 1898. In these prosperous times you ask a printer how things are getting along he will tell you they are "picking up," a foundry man will tell you they were "casting along," an oyster dealer will tell you they are "opening up," a miner will tell you "he's going in the hole," a blacksmith will say "they are just pounding along," a barber will tell you they are "sharpening up a little," an old maid would say "THEY are so slow," a bicycle rider would say they were "scorching along," a hod carrier would tell you they were "going up," a man from Peirce City in another state would say, "Search me, I'm from Missouri." 374 Missouri Historical Review

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES

HISTORIC HERMANN, INC. HIGHLIGHTS EARLY TRADITIONS AND CULTURE OF A MISSOURI GERMAN COMMUNITY

Historic Hermann, Inc., a com­ public buildings were erected resembl­ munity-wide organization which in­ ing those in a Rhine Valley village. cludes all civic and religious groups, With the passing years, German perpetuates the aim of the founding ceased to be the common language in fathers of Hermann. In 1837 a group Hermann schools and churches, and from the German Settlement Society the Turnverein, Theaterverein and in Philadelphia settled in Frene Creek other German societies were dis­ Valley near the Missouri River, banded. However, German was still believing that in this sparsely settled spoken in many homes and old customs section of Missouri they would be able were not forgotten. to perserve their German culture and To highlight the early German cul­ at the same time enjoy the freedom of ture of the community, Mrs. Clarence American life. Hesse, Hermann artist and civic leader, In the early days of Hermann, in the early 1950s originated the idea of German was spoken in homes, schools, enlarging the Maifest, traditional May and churches; German newspapers Day school picnic, making it a two- were published; German social organi­ day celebration with a pageant, parade, zations were founded; and houses and German costumes, German music and

The Strehly House, built close to the sidewalk with gable end facing the street, is a noteworthy example of early German architecture.

y Historical Notes and Comments 375

Interior, Strehly House dancing, tours to German homes, and ing area. Mrs. Hesse has been the German food. She interested members author of 13 pageants, produced by of the Brush and Palette Club in the local talent. The pageants, based on project. The first Maifest, presented careful historical research, have depict­ in 1952, was sponsored and organized ed the history of the Hermann settle­ by Mr. and Mrs. Hesse, Mr. and Mrs. ment, the arts, culture and music of William Harrison, Dr. and Mrs. Hermann, the history of the Hermann J. F. Schmidt and Mrs. Laura D. Graf. wine industry, the role of the Missouri Some 40,000 people visited Hermann River in Hermann's history, and the during the celebration planned by this lives of famous men who lived in small group. Realizing the need for Hermann and the surrounding area. community-wide interest in the project, Funds from the pageant, sponsored by other citizens banded together with the Brush and Palette Club, have been members of the Brush and Palette Club used for the restoration of historic and formed Historic Hermann, Inc., buildings. October 30, 1952. Historic Hermann, The Rotunda, an ante-bellum octag­ Inc. has successfully supervised the an­ onal brick building of rare design in nual presentation of the Maifest the city park, was restored in the since that time. early 1950s. In 1952 the Brush and The presentation of a historical Palette Club purchased the Gentner pageant during the Maifest has ac­ House, built in 1848 and owned in quainted thousands of visitors with the 1855 by Henry Gentner, cabinet maker history of Hermann and the surround and one of 17 original colonists of 376 Missouri Historical Review

Hermann. The two-story brick build­ including photographs of Strehly and ing with central pediment was restored his wife, are displayed in the older and redecorated for use as a museum. portion of the home where Miss Rosa Much of the work was done by mem­ Strehly lived. Also exhibited are dies bers of the club and their families. used by Strehly, who was an expert in Many of the furnishings were gifts from the block printing of cloth. A passage­ Hermann families. In the parlor, a way paved with herringbone patterned grand piano, a walnut love seat, brick connects the two parts of the master chair and four smaller chairs house. Included in the three-story upholstered in horsehair, a desk, section is a stone vaulted wine cellar, and a German tapestry are period a press room with bricklined walls, pieces of the 1870s. and a large dance hall and meeting A corner cupboard, hutch and chest room, now used as the home of the in the dining room were designed and Brush and Palette Club. Wide-board built by Hermann cabinet makers floors, original hardware for locks, about 1850. The furnishings of the including huge brass keys, and "Bible- small kitchen, with its handmade pine cross" doors are other distinguishing cupboard, old-fashioned cookstove, features. A grape-arbor, more than dough board, dry sink, and cooking 100 years old, stands at the rear utensils date from the same period. of the house. A button bed and a small sleigh The Gentner and Strehly houses are bed are items of interest in the upstairs open to the public every Sunday, 1-5 master bedroom. The upstairs sitting p.m., April through October, and by room contains velour-upholstered wal­ appointment. nut furniture, an organ, and a hand carved desk made in Hermann about In the early 1950s, the Brush and 1909. The furnishings in the two Palette Club published the brochures, smaller bedrooms date from 1870. History of Hermann, Missouri, Home of Pine for the wide-board floors was the Maifest and the Hermann Cook shipped on the Gasconade River from Book, edited by Mrs. Laura D. Graf. South Missouri. Recently members have published a After the death of Miss Rosa pamphlet on the Gentner and Strehly Strehly, daughter of Carl Strehly, in houses. 1963, the Brush and Palette Club Ownership of the German School purchased the Strehly Home. The one Building, erected in 1871, was trans­ and one-half story portion was built in ferred to Historic Hermann, Inc., 1844 by Edward Muehl, who, with his March 7, 1955, for use as a museum, brother-in-law, Carl Procopius Strehly, city offices and a public library. At came to Hermann in 1843. Here was that time the Brush and Palette Club printed the Licht-Freund, early German formally presented museum items philosophical abolitionist newspaper. formerly located in the Gasconade The three-story addition, with gable County Courthouse to Historic Her­ end facing the street, was begun by mann Museum. Included in the Strehly shortly before the Civil War. Museum are copies of the German- The change in the color of brick shows language newspapers published by where construction halted during the Muehl and Strehly, pottery made in war. The front doorstep consists of a Hermann, and a wine mill, wine press, block of lithographic stone, formerly awards, medals and relics from the used in the print shop. The original Stark and the Sohn wineries at furnishings of the Strehly family, Hermann. Historical Notes and Comments 377

In 1960, through the efforts of the officers were elected: Claude A. Tem- late Captain Delmar Ruediger and pleton, Tarkio, president; Fred Mc- Captain Edward Heckmann, the Mahon, Fairfax, first vice president; adjoining River Room was dedicated Mrs. Elizabeth Geveden, second vice to "all river men, past, present, and president; Richard Altman, secretary; future." A bell from U.S. Dredge No. and Mrs. Elizabeth Taylor, treasurer, 5, models of steamboats which plied all of Rock Port. Members of the board the Missouri and Gasconade rivers, of directors are Mrs. Louise Noellsch, and pictures of steamboats and steam­ Westboro; S. W. Skelton, Rock Port; boat captains are on display. Included Mrs. Jess Bowman, Fairfax; and are those of the Heckmann and Wohlt Neal Neff, Tarkio. families. In 1880 Henry Wohlt and Roy E. Coy, director of St. Joseph his two sons, August and Gustave Museum and a nationally recognized Wohlt, with William L. Heckmann, Audubon Society lecturer, gave an Sr., established the Hermann Ferry illustrated talk, "On the Trail of the and Packet Company which operated Pony Express," at the January 26 on the Missouri, Osage and Gasconade meeting in Eppley Lounge, Tarkio rivers. The Historic Hermann Museum College. and the River Room are open, 1-5 p.m. on Sundays and by appointment. Audrain County Historic Hermann, Inc., in quarterly Historical Society meetings, plans the program for University of Missouri President the two-day Maifest, schedules the Elmer Ellis told of the growth of the events and publishes attractive printed University since 1839 at the annual programs. Owners of historic homes on meeting, November 13, at the Mexico display at the Maifest are also members country club. Officers elected were L. of House Tours, Inc. B. A. Wagner Mitchell White, president; Mrs. Walter serves as president of Historic Her­ Staley, vice president at large; Mrs. mann, Inc. Past presidents are J. J. J. C. Parrish, vice president, eastern Rode and Captain Edward Heckmann. district; Mrs. Raymond Cox, vice In 1954 Historic Hermann, Inc. president, western district; Miss Mel- received a meritorious achievement notte McDonough, secretary; and Mrs. award from the Missouri Council for L. A. Scott, treasurer. Members of Social Improvement. the board of directors for 1965 are In Hermann, an idea which origin­ H. B. Brett, chairman; Mrs. J. C. ated with one person and which was Parrish, vice chairman; Dr. Ned Rodes, first put into operation by seven Mrs. Lawrence M. Barnes, J. C. Stoy, people, proved so popular and success­ Louise Johnson, Mrs. Frank Wilfley, ful, that it soon became a community Judge Leslie J. Crow, Mrs. B. Turner project. The annual celebration of Williams, Mrs. P. J. Null, Roy R. the Maifest reflects the pride in Haerer, Barbara Wonneman, Floyd Old World ancestry of a Missouri Ruitcel, Everett Van Matre, and German community. Mrs. Robert M. White, II. An advisory committee, headed by Atchison County L. B. Hawthorne, was selected to assist Historical Society the officers and the board. Acting A constitution and by-laws were president, Bradford Brett, reported adopted at an organizational meeting, that membership in the Society during November 17 at the Atchison County the past year had increased from 200 Library, Rock Port, and the following to 600 members. 378 Missouri Historical Review

Members of the board of directors, Boone County Historical Society the advisory committee and committee Dr. W7illiam E. Parrish, professor of chairmen met November 24 at the history, Westminster College, and Society Museum in Mexico and dis­ president of the Kingdom of Callaway cussed plans for the future. An oil Historical Society, spoke on "Winston painting of the late John T. Hook, Churchill Visits an American West­ famous in saddle horse history, painted minster," at the January 21 meeting in 1962 by the late Terry Everman, was of the Society in the Columbia Savings displayed at the meeting and presented Bank building. to the Society by Mrs. Everman. The Museum, presently exhibiting Butler County Historical Society early Audrain County advertisements "The History of Edgewood Home" and news stories, is open five days a was presented by Mrs. Frances Gam- week, Tuesday-Saturday. Three large blin at the November 19 meeting at the display cases were recently given to Poplar Bluff Senior High School. the Museum by Mrs. Catherine Yon C. W. Knuckles showed early docu­ and M. L. Stephenson. New flood­ ments and pictures illustrating the lights have been installed to illuminate history of the County. the outside of the Museum at night. Officers for 1964 are George R. Pearl Morris recently presented Loughead, president; C. W. Knuckles, $1,000 to the Society Endowment vice president; Mrs. Cora Wrilson, sec­ Fund in memory of the Sam Morris retary; and Robert Seifert, treasurer. family, outstanding Mexico civic Members of the board of directors leaders are Mr. Loughead, Francis M. Kinder, and Henry M. Wolpers. Barry County Historical Society Carroll County Historical Society The following officers were elected at the November 12 dinner meeting at At the December 29 meeting in the Crowe's Dinner House, Cassville: Society's Museum, Carrollton City Emory Smith, Monett, president; Hall, Senator Jack C. Jones, Carroll­ Charles Willis, Cassville, vice presi­ ton, reviewed the Meeks Murder and dent; Mrs. Thelma Williams, Monett, Taylor Trial. secretary; and Reverend Oscar Higgins, Monett, treasurer. M. M. Hess, Carter County Historical Society Cassville, presented a film, "Life Members of the Society have placed and Habits of the Seal." a marker at the site of the Mary Ann Snider Home which served as a tem­ Bates County Historical Society porary hospital after the Civil War Plans for the Bates County Histor­ skirmish of Corn Pen Hollow, Decem­ ical Society Museum and for the ber 24, 1862. annual meeting of the Society on Feb­ ruary 28 were discussed at the Society Civil War Round Table board meeting, January 24, at the of Kansas City Museum office, Butler. Wilbur Hastin, Guest speaker, Edwin C. Bearss, president, was in charge of the meeting. research historian at the Vicksburg The Society has recently received the National Military Park, spoke on gift of a log cabin and plans are being "The Ironclad Cairo," at the Novem­ made for its relocation. ber 24 dinner meeting, Hotel Bellerive, Historical Notes and Comments 379

Kansas City. Mr. Bearss, who person­ Clay County Museum Association ally located the sunken Civil War Members discussed the problems gunboat nine years ago in the Yazoo involved in the establishment of a River in Mississippi, told of the work historical museum, at the Society's involved in bringing the boat to the November 19 meeting at the Simmons surface. Slides illustrated the talk. Drugstore Building, Liberty. Dr. Harold M. Hyman, professor Don Johnson, curator of the Mis­ of history at the University of Illinois, souri State Museum, Jefferson City, Champaign, author and Civil War discussed historical museums, their scholar, spoke on "Lincoln's Wartime value to the community and methods of Education: His Long Road Into operation, at the December 30 meeting Abolitionist Ranks" at the January in the Clay County Museum Build­ 26 meeting. Among Dr. Hyman's best ing, Liberty. known books are Era of the Oath: Mrs. Frank Chrane, assisted by Miss Northern Loyalty Test during the Civil Gertrude Bell, presented an illustrated War and Reconstruction, To Try talk on historic homes and buildings Men's Souls: Loyalty Tests in American in Clay County at the January 28 History, and Stanton: The Life and meeting at the Museum. Times of Lincoln's Secretary of War. The Association recently acquired the old Simmons Drugstore for use as a Civil War Round Table museum. It is planned to refurnish of the Ozarks the drugstore as it was in the early Leo E. Huff, a member of the history 1900s. Extensive repairs and construc­ department at Southwest Missouri tion work on the building have been State College, spoke on "Guerrillas, completed with members of the Asso­ Bushwhackers and Jayhawkers" at ciation assisting. The Liberty Cham­ the November 11 dinner meeting at ber of Commerce office will be located Ramada Inn, Springfield. Articles by in the building. Mr. Huff have recently been published Members recently voted to launch a in the Arkansas Historical Quarterly financial campaign to restore and and the Missouri Historical Review. preserve many of the historic places in Clay County and to erect several Dr. B. B. Lightfoot, professor of permanent historical markers. history at Southwest Missouri State College, Springfield, spoke on "Histor­ ians of The Civil War," at the Jan­ Concordia Historical Institute uary 13 meeting. The Lutheran Historical Conference, holding its second biennial convention at Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, Civil War Round Table October 29 and 30, voted an expanded of St. Louis program of microfilming and publishing Edwin C. Bearss discussed "The American Lutheran historical resour­ Vicksburg Campaign" at the Novem­ ces. An anonymous gift of $500 will ber 23 meeting at Le Chateau, St. initiate the program. Louis. The Reverend August R. Suelflow, Bob Huffstot, Round Table treas­ director of Concordia Historical Insti­ urer, spoke on Mississippi River Civil tute, St. Louis, was elected president War gunboats, " New War on Old Man of the Conference during the coming River," at the January 27 meeting. biennium. 380 Missouri Historical Review

An exhibit on the campus of Concor­ Landform on the Settlement of Greene dia Seminary, Clayton, featured scenes County," by Dr. Larry D. Fellows, from a Christmas some 75 years ago. assistant professor of geology at South­ The displays, a church with an altar west Missouri State College, Spring­ used 120 years ago, and a parsonage field. living room and store front decorated A meeting of the board of directors as the Lutherans of the late 19th preceded the regular meeting. century knew them, were open to Mrs. Lucile Morris Upton, author, viewers from mid-December through newspaper feature writer, historian, early January. and a member of the Greene County Society's Historical Markers Com­ Dade County Historical Society mittee, reviewed several historic sites and landmarks to be considered for Mrs. Henry Hoyl gave the program marking at the January 28 meeting on "The Part the Colored People of the Society in the Springfield Art Played in Dade County," at the Museum. Mr. and Mrs. Dallas D. October 20 meeting in the public Anthony, Sr., presented " Early Spring­ library at the courthouse, Greenfield. field in Pictures." From Mr. Anthony's The program for the November 17 extensive collection of pictures 30 were meeting, "Dade County in the Civil reproduced on slides and shown to War," was given by J. N. Quarles. illustrate Mrs. Anthony's talk on early At the January 19 meeting, Mrs. Springfield history. May Hughes read "The City of Lock- wood," written by Mrs. Myrtle Smith. Jackson County Historical Society Gentry County Historical Society At a board meeting held November 10 at the Grace & Holy Trinity Fifty-five members attended the Cathedral, Kansas City, a report was January 3 meeting at the Gentry given on the Society's purchase of County Library in Stanberry. A. D. the 106-year-old John B. Wornall Miller showed a film on "Scouting in home in Kansas City. Southwest U.S." and Robert Birbeck The subject for the 1965 essay con­ told "How Some Pioneers Made test, sponsored by the Society, will be History Here." Jackson County church history. The Society now has 1,557 members. Grand River Valley Historical Society Jasper County Historical Society New officers of the Society for 1965 The Society presented a group are George W. Somerville, president; honorary membership to Webb City Harry Cole, first vice president; Miss High School Class of 1927, at the Mabel L. Cranmer, second vice presi­ Class's 38th annual reunion held in dent; and Leo Hopper, secretary- the Elks Club room, Webb City, on treasurer. December 26. This is the only known high school graduating class to have Greene County Historical Society held a yearly reunion for nearly four The program for the December 17 decades. Mrs. Alice C. Rozelle, meeting at Springfield Art Museum, Society secretary, made the member­ featured "A Christmas Carol and ship presentation in behalf of Society Story," by May Kennedy McCord and president, Carl Kirchner, Carthage, a talk, "Influence of Geology and and the executive group of the Society. Historical Notes and Comments 381

Johnson County Historical Society Lexington Library and The Society has recently purchased Historical Association the 1842 Johnson County Courthouse, A photographic exhibit, "Small scene of the trial in 1870 which World Through the Looking Glass," inspired George Graham Vest's eulogy was shown January 17-24 at the to "Old Drum," for use as a museum. Association's 1846 building, now in use The historic two-story building which as the Lexington Public Library. On stands at 306 North Main Street, display were 21 color photos of Warrensburg, was sold in 1878 to microscopic organisms enlarged from trustees of the German Evangelical 25 to 50,000 times actual size. The Church. Since 1914 it has been used as exhibit was on loan from the Depart- a private home. of Arts and Sciences of International Business Machines Corporation. Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society Linn County Historical Society The constitution and by-laws of the Miss Shirley Dunavant presented newly organized Society were adopted a program entitled "Do You Remem­ at the November 12 meeting in the ber?" with pictures of Fulton and courthouse at Linneus. Officers elected Callaway County in the early days at for 1965 were A. R. James, Brookfield, the November 16 meeting in the president; George A. Coulson, St. REA Building, Fulton. Catherine, first vice president; Aubrey M. Gooch, Mead ville, second vice Kirkwood Historical Society president; Mrs. Lorrain Smith, Purdin, Mrs. Arthur P. Konzelman of the recording secretary and treasurer; St. Louis County Parks and Recreation and Mrs. John F. Boehner, cor­ Department, gave an illustrated talk responding secretary. on Jefferson Barracks Historical Park, Jay H. Gordon presented a program at the December 8 meeting in the on the life and habits of early Indians at Kirkwood City Hall. Officers elected the first meeting of the executive com­ for 1965 were William Bodley Lane, mittee on January 21. Indian arti­ president; Oscar H. Jekel, vice presi­ facts collected in Linn County were dent; and Nancy Frazer Meyer, displayed. Plans were formulated for secretary. Mrs. William F. Impey, committee work and a spring meeting. treasurer, and John W. Geppert, director, were chosen for a three year Maries County Historical Society term. Continuing directors are Mrs. The regular meeting was held Clarence H. Dawson and William January 21 in the Methodist Parish L. Berthold. Hall, Vienna. The Society continues to solicit historical documents, clip­ Lewis County Historical Society pings and photographs for display in The regular meeting, held January the local museum. Ray Parker, Dixon, 14 at Ewing Public School, featured a recently loaned to the Museum memen­ special program on Ella Ewing, a toes found among papers of his father, giantess of Gorin. Distant relatives the late John F. Parker of Dry Creek. and former neighbors of Miss Ewing were among those present who viewed Marion County Historical Society a display featuring articles pertaining At the January 13 meeting in the to her. Russell Burk, Canton, presi­ Mark Twain Hotel, Hannibal, David dent, presided at the business meeting. U. Givan, president, announced 382 Missouri Historical Review

receipt of a gift of two original City given by Charles E. Peterson, archi­ Hall lamps given to the Society by the tectural historian. city of Hannibal. Judge & Mrs. Branham Rendlen presented slides Morgan County Historical Society depicting the British Isles. The aims and purposes of a county historical society were discussed at McDonald County the preliminary organizational meeting Historical Society of the Society, January 25, at the Mrs. Wilma Hall traced the history Morgan County Library, Versailles. of the Pineville Methodist Church Mrs. Gene Bartram served as tempor­ from 1839 to the present at the ary chairman and Miss Margaret January 10 meeting of the Society in Knoop as temporary secretary. Much Pineville. Mrs. Ruth Elizabeth interest was shown in the collection Ratliff of Tulsa, spoke of her parents and preservation of written records of and maternal grandparents, McDonald the community and plans were dis­ County pioneers. Dresses worn by cussed for displaying museum items at her mother, Sabrina Price Langley, meetings. Glen Housworth, Dr. Jack were modeled. Gunn and Kenneth Erickson were On display was the history of Good­ elected to the nominating committee man, compiled by Mrs. Blanch Cook to present a slate of officers at the and her committee. The history, February 22 meeting. Members of the illustrated with photographs, included constitution and by-laws committee material on the growth, settlement and are Mrs. Bartram, Miss Knoop, Moss industry of Goodman, on Splitlog's McDonald, and Miss Johanna Mc­ building of the railroad, and the Donald. different names which have been used for the town. The book, a gift to the Pettis County Historical Society Society, will be placed in the Mc­ Officers elected at a board meeting, Donald County Library. Pioneer January 13, at the Chamber of articles were also displayed. Commerce office, Sedalia, were James Members elected to the board of T. Denny, president; Dr. J. C. Alex­ directors for a three-year term were ander, first vice president; P. Cecil Mrs. Ruby May Moore, Noel, and Mrs. Owen, second vice president; W. A. Helen Hubbard, Goodman; elected McVey, third vice president; Mrs. for a one-year term was Martin Ike L. W7arren, secretary; Karen Stauber, Noel. Mrs. Zella Mae Spears Steele, assistant secretary; Herbert W. was re-elected historian. Chairman of Mason, treasurer; and Mrs. Henry standing committies were appointed. Salveter, assistant treasurer. Directors Carl Kirchner, president of the are Dr. C. F. Scotten, W. A. McVey, Jasper County Historical Society, and Luther Luckett. and Mrs. Kirchner, were guests at Wilbur Phillips, director of the the meeting. Kansas City Museum of History and Science, talked on successful methods Missouri Historical Society for the establishment and maintenance A winter evening lecture series of museums at the annual dinner opened January 22 at Steinberg Hall, meeting of the Society, January 20, Washington University, St. Louis, at the Bothwell Hotel, Sedalia. He with an illustrated talk on "Colorful showed a color film on the history Architecture of the Old Caribbean," and development of Kansas City. Historical Notes and Comments 383

Phelps County Historical Society Pony Express Mrs. Dorothy J. Caldwell, assistant Historical Association editor of the Missouri Historical The Association is engaged in the Review, presented slides on historic preservation of the historic 1858 Patee sites of Missouri at the December 6 House, the building which once housed meeting in the new Geological Survey both the offices of the Hannibal and Building, Buehler Park, Rolla. Mem­ St. Joseph Railway and the Pony bers viewed the historical site marker Express in St. Joseph. The four-story to be placed at the new Rolla post House, at one time known as the office, site of the home of Rolla finest hotel "West of the Mississippi," founder, E. W. Bishop. was made a National Historic Land­ The Society has recently repaired marks Site in 1961. The Association is the roof of the old stone County Jail so interested in locating original material that the building can be used for pertaining to Patee House, the Pony the storage of large museum items. Express and the Hannibal and St. The Society's collection of the Rolla Joseph Railway, to become part Daily News has been bound to date. of a permanent display in the building.

Phoebe Apperson Hearst St. Charles County Memorial Association Historical Society The Association sponsored a local Members attending the "Howdy history "Workshop" as a contribu­ Neighbor" party held January 28 in tion to the American Landmarks Memorial Hall at Blanchette Park, Celebration on October 4, at Hearst St. Charles, dressed in plaid shirts, Memorial School near Anaconda. blue jeans, gingham dresses and aprons Lecturers were Mrs. Fred Mauntel, and enjoyed a pot-luck dinner. Dr. Washington; Dr. E. B. Trail, Berger; Homer Clevenger, chairman of the Dorothy O. Moore, St. Clair; Bruce First State Capitol Restoration Com­ Debo, Waynesville; Mrs. W. A. Bing- mission, introduced Senator Don aman, Gerald; and Ralph Gregory, Owens of Gerald, who reported on the Florida. Lee Reed, St. Clair, demon­ restoration of the First State Capitol strated the use of pioneer tools and and adjoining buildings at St. Charles. the making of wood shingles. George Feltz spoke about Indian The annual meeting was held artifacts in St. Charles County. December 10, in the home of Mr. and Proceeds from the annual book fair Mrs. Leslie Reed, St. Clair. Trustees and antique show have been used for elected for a three-year term were the restoration of Eckert's Tavern to Dorothy O. Moore and Ralph Gregory. be opened this spring as the Society's museum. Pike County Historical Society Edward A. Glenn, Jr., Louisiana, St. Francois County discussed "Political Figures in Pike Historical Society County History," at the January 19 Officers chosen for 1965 are: Martin meeting in the First Christian Church, Eichenlaub, Bonne Terre, president; Louisiana. Leo Howdeshell, Elsberry, Leonard Schramm, Farmington, first former president, presented to the vice president; Lottie Huff, Farming- Society the historic gavel used by the ton, second vice president; Mrs. Way- late Champ Clark of Bowling Green man D. Crow, Knob Lick, secretary; when he was Speaker of the House and Howard Emerson, Farmington, in Washington, D.C. treasurer. 384 Missouri Historical Review

Saint Joseph Historical Society cation to current life; Georgia Greene presented a paper on the history of At the annual meeting of the Society held October 5, 1964, at the Pony Munsell Chapel; Fern Vaughn gave Express Museum, each member highlights of the life of early pioneer brought a treasured object from the Joe Vard Wood; and M. F. Williams past for display. Dr. and Mrs. Man­ related the story of the first balloon in ning E. Grimes exhibited their col­ Shannon County. Special music and lection of items used in the early films were included in the program. practice of medicine. Bartlett Boder was elected president of the Society Stoddard County Historical Society for the 16th consecutive year. Other James E. Moss, associate editor of officers re-elected were Glenn Setzer the Missouri Historical Review, spoke and J. H. McCord, vice presidents; on the role of local historical societies Earl C. Brown, treasurer; Mrs. F. V. and gave a brief account of the State Hartman, secretary; and Mrs. Clark Historical Society at the organizational Goodell, assistant secretary. Board meeting held in the circuit courtroom members are Nancy Sandehn, Mrs. of the Stoddard County courthouse, Ardyth Arnold, Gary Chilcote, Leon­ Bloomfield, on November 12. Miss ard Gasper, and Herbert Jones. Dale Teachout, Dexter, presided at Mrs. Bartlett Boder read a report on the meeting and Mrs. Gene Hendricks early Missouri banking, prepared by served as temporary secretary. Mr. Boder, at the January 13 meeting at the Pony Express Museum. Mrs. Vernon County Historical Society Henry D. Bradley exhibited her At the organizational meeting held in collection of Oriental historical dolls. the Farm & Home Savings Associa­ Recent gifts of books to the Society tion, Nevada, November 15, the are now on file at the Missouri Valley following officers were elected: J. P. Trust Company, St. Joseph. Brophy, president; John Pickett, vice president; Mrs. Roy Hill, recording St. Louis Westerners secretary; Patrick T. Brophy, corres­ George R. Brooks, director of the ponding secretary; and Mrs. Yrana Missouri Historical Society, spoke on Reid, treasurer. Directors are Floyd "Robert Campbell—A Sucess Story of Fowler, Mrs. W. L. Brown, Orland the Old West," at the January 15 Martin, James M. Denman, James H. dinner meeting at Garavelli's Restau­ Gulliford, Mrs. Elsie Gilbert, Joe C. rant, St. Louis. Kraft, Boyd Ewing, Franklin Norman, At the February 19 meeting Nich­ and Mrs. Charles Logan. olas Joost, head of the humanities The Bushwhacker Museum, formerly division, Southern Illinois University, the Vernon County Jail building, Carbondale, spoke on "One Way To located one block north of the court­ Write a Western: Willa Cather, 1 house square in Nevada, will be Death Comes For The Archbishop.' opened formally Saturday, May 1. A project of the Vernon County Shannon County Historical Society Historical Society, currently managed About 70 persons attended the by J. P. Brophy, president of the January 6 meeting at the home of Society, and Joe C. Kraft, chairman Dr. and Mrs. Robert Lee, Eminence. of the board of directors, the museum Claude Hibbard spoke on the colorful will concentrate on western Missouri's phases of early history and its appli­ Bushwhacker era of the Civil War. The Historical Notes and Comments 385 cell room will be preserved in its Kansas City; and William E. Eldridge, present state. One room has been set Chip Keeper, Liberty. aside for the Society's office and headquarters. Westport Historical Society The Society held open house at the old jail building on November 28 and Robert W. Richmond, archivist for 29 so that residents could view the the Kansas State Historical Society, building prior to restoration. More spoke on "The Lighter Side of Kansas than 1500 people attended. History," at the November 20 meeting J. P. Brophy, John Pickett and at the Westport Presbyterian Church. three other members of the Society, Officers elected for the coming year are visited the Bates County Museum in Conrad Eckert, president; Arthur Butler on November 30. Lowell, Howard N. Monnett, and Paul N. Johnstone, Jr., vice presidents; Mrs. Virginia Gramms, recording sec­ Westerners, Kansas City Posse retary; Mrs. W. F. Christopher, Dr. Kenneth LaBudde, librarian corresponding secretary; William at the University of Missouri, Kansas Wilder, treasurer; Mrs. L. F. Smith, City, spoke on "Glimpses into Amer­ historian; Mrs. O. H. Christopher, ica's Past: A Brief Look at Midwestern history research; and Judge Ayers Ante-Bellum and Post-Civil War Blocher, counselor. Directors are Rus­ Homes," at the annual Christmas sell Bettis, Bert M. Hall, Jr., Lee dinner, December 8, at Hotel Bellerive, Hopkins, Wilbur Phillips, and Mrs. Kansas City. Lucile Reynolds. Byron Wolfe, Kansas City artist, guest speaker at the January 12 meeting, showed slides of some of his White River Valley western paintings and told of the Historical Society research that goes into his work. About ninety members and guests The following officers were re-elected attended the regular fall meeting held for 1965: Robert L. Luck, Sheriff; October 24 at the School of the John G. Dowgray, Jr., Chief Deputy Ozarks, Hollister. Vice presidents Sheriff; Joe Klassen, Deputy Sheriff; Dr. O. Myking Mehus and j Mrs. Don R. Ornduff, Registrar of Brands; Kenneth D. Ford arranged for the pro­ Fred L. Lee II, Tallyman, all of gram of folk music and square dancing.

Relief From Asthma

Facts and Remedies In Grandma's Day, compiled by the Cape Girardeau County Historical Society (1961) p. 30. Sufferers from asthma should get a muskrat skin and wear it over their lungs, with the fur side next to their body. It will bring certain relief; or soak blotted paper in saltpetre water, then dry, burning at night in the patient's bedroom. Don't try to get along without flannel underclothing in the winter. 386 Missouri Historical Review

COMMEMORATIVE EVENTS

Lincoln U. Observes by a church service, dinner, business Founders Day meeting and the dedication of a marble slab bearing the inscription, "Central Attorney Frankie M. Freeman, St. Wesleyan College—1864." Louis, a member of the U. S. Civil Service Commission, was guest speaker Churches January 17, at the Founders' Day observance at Lincoln University, Jef­ A five-day Centennial Bible Confer­ ferson City. Lincoln University, found­ ence beginning November 22, marked ed in 1866, was the result of a belief the 100th anniversary of Memorial of Missouri veterans of the Civil Presbyterian Church, South Skinker War stationed in Texas that there Blvd., St. Louis. Services were con­ should be in Missouri an institution ducted by the congregation's only two dedicated to the education of freed living former pastors, Dr. W7alter E. slaves. Lincoln University now offers McClure, Colorado Springs, Colorado, undergraduate work to all persons and Dr. J. Allan Blair, Charlotte, qualified to attend. North Carolina. The Immanuel United Church of Christ at Holstein observed its 125th Marker Erected anniversary with special services on For Central Wesleyan October 11, 18 and 25, with noon and The 100th anniversary of the evening meals served on the 25th. founding of Central Wesleyan College, Central Wesleyan Orphan Home and St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Kan­ College Methodist Church was held sas City, founded in 1857, the "mother in Warrenton, August 1 & 2. A recep­ parish" of Episcopal churches in the tion and program were held in the R-3 city, observed its 108th anniversary, School cafeteria, followed the next day February 2, with a Candlemas service.

The Pepper Was Potent Missouri Intelligencer (Franklin), November 13, 1824. Having tried several methods of preserving hams from the ravages of bugs and flies, and all having failed, I concluded to try the effect of pepper. I ground some black pepper fine and put it in a box, and as soon as the hams were well smoked, I took them down and dusted the pepper over the raw part and over the back, and hung them up in the smoke house again. This I have tried two seasons and neither flies nor bugs touch them. I am well satisfied in my own mind, that it is a sure remedy, and deserves to be generally knowTn. I was induced to try the experiment from the circumstance of knowing that ground pepper mixed with sweetened water and the yolk of an egg would kill flies. Historical Notes and Comments 387

HONORS AND TRIBUTES

President Truman Honored registered national historical landmark Former President Harry S. Truman at a public ceremony, November 23. received an honorary membership in George B. Hartzog, Jr., director of the the Fleet Reserve Association at a U. S. National Park Service and December 15 dinner at Hotel Bellerive, William H. Moore, president of the Kansas City. The association consists Terminal Railroad Association of St. of 60,000 career enlisted men of the Louis, unveiled a U.S. Department of Navy and Marine corps, both active Interior plaque to be permanently and retired. The award, presented by mounted on a bridge pier. The the national president, George Bernatz, bridge is owned and operated by Washington, was the highest bestowed the Terminal Railroad. by the Association on persons not otherwise eligible for membership, but who have made distinguished Westminster College Holds service to the Association. Truman Memorial Service had "consistently supported the organ­ For Winston Churchill ization's activities by personal appear­ ances and the endorsement of its objec­ On January 24 Westminster College, Fulton, paid tribute to the late tives on local and national levels." Winston Churchill in the gymnasium in which he made his Iron Curtain Eads Bridge Dedicated speech, March 5, 1946. Robert L. D. As National Landmark Davidson, president of Westminster The 90-year-old Eads Bridge, St. College, delivered the main address Louis, was formally dedicated as a at the memorial service.

ERRATA Judge Roy D. Williams, Boonville, president of the State Historical Society of Missouri, has kindly called our attention to an error on page 267 of the January Review. Missouri squires are not appointed by the governor. They are elected to membership in the Missouri Academy of Squires by Academy members. On page 268 Laurance M. Hyde, judge of the Supreme Court of Missouri, is listed erroneously as a United States senator. Judge Hyde served as chief justice of the Missouri Supreme Court, 1949-1951 and 1960-1962. 388 Missouri Historical Review

GIFTS

DR. LESLIE ANDERS, Warrensburg, donor: Typescript: "Civil War Diary of Henry Harrison Sawyer."

BOONE COUNTY COURT, Columbia, donor: Two large, framed pictures of Roger North Todd, Boone County Circuit Clerk and Recorder, 1821-46, and Robert L. Todd, Boone County Circuit Clerk and Recorder, 1846-67.

ETTA MAY GIBBANY, Jefferson City, donor: A copy of her book, The Career of Glover Hancock Copher, Master Surgeon, and Religious Journalism, Its History, Function and Content, by Walter Wright Gibbany.

MRS. NANNIE JINKENS, Hermitage, donor: Typescripts: Cemetery records of the Guier Cemetery near Cross Timbers, and the Mullins Burial Plot near Wheatland.

HERBERT S. JONES, St. Joseph, donor: Copy of "Missouri—O Promised Land, A Historical Narrative," by the donor.

REVEREND HERBERT G. KRAMER, S.M., San Antonio, Texas: Four booklets: "The Bonnot's Mill Region," by Jacob Kramer; "Mary- Help Church, according to souvenirs of Mrs. Veronica Franken Kramer;" "Gleanings on Maria Hilf or Mary Help Church;" and "The Early Clergy of Maria Hilf Church."

REVEREND JOSEPH LORENZ, Bonnot's Mill, donor: Booklet: Our Lady of Help Church, Frankenstein, Mo., 1863-1963.

DR. CLAIR V. MANN, Rolla, donor: A history and 4 blue prints of the old Phelps County courthouse, Rolla.

MRS. MARY BANKS PARRY, Columbia, donor: Physician's Visiting Journals (1855 & 1858) belonging to Dr. Lynn Stanton Banks, Columbia, Boone County, Missouri. Letters, deeds, accounts of the William Rogers and Lynn S. Banks families pertaining to Boone, Lewis, and Marion Counties, Missouri, and Jessamine County, Kentucky. Minutes of the South District Association of Baptists of Kentucky (1821' 1822, 1828, 1829, 1830). Minutes of the Baptist Blue River Association of Indiana (1825 & 1827). Minutes of the Bethel Baptist Association, Marion County, Missouri (1841). Back issues of the Missouri Historical Review. Historical Notes and Comments 389

ANNE BLANCHE RUTLEDGE, Perryville, donor: Typescript: "Old York Chapel," by Anne Blanche Rutledge, a series of three articles about the early Methodists in the Abernathy Settlement, Cape Girardeau County.

MRS. WILLIS B. SAMPSON, Albany, donor: A copy of a historical painting of Gentry County by the late Glade Pruden.

SESSION OF THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, Columbia, donor: Six volumes of official Session Minutes of the First Presbyterian Church, Columbia, dated September 14, 1828-April 27, 1926.

MRS. ILENE SIMS YARNELL, Versailles, donor: Typescripts: Records of Arnhold, Griesel and Howard Cemeteries in Camden County, and Bible records of George W. Dowler, Cooper County, and Laura Belle (Ivy) Dowler, Moniteau County.

DONALD ZUERL, Fulton, donor: Typescript: "The Battle of Moore's Mill," by Hugh P. Williamson.

The Horses Were Not Rewarded History of Franklin County (1888), p. 219. At these wedding festivities one of the curious customs, to which great interest was attached, was called "running for the bottle." This was a race on horseback from the house of the bride to that of the groom, the winner in which was rewarded with a bottle of whiskey. It is probably safe to assert, however, that the horses, which had done most of the hard work of the race, were not permitted to partici­ pate in the tonic and exhilirating effects of the intoxicant.

A Future Dream Independence, The Jackson Examiner, January 10, 1902. The telephone will get a busy man's attention when he would absolutely refuse to give time in any other way. The little bell at his desk rings and he does not know whether it is Sam Jones who wants to ask him for a job or the governor of Missouri who wants to talk politics over the long distance line. ... If by pressing a button one could see the person at the other end of the line the insistent little bell would often remain unanswered. It has been reported that such a device is possible but it is not likely that it will come into immediate practical use. . . . 390 Missouri Historical Review

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS

Camdenton, Central Mo. Leader December 29, 1964—"History of Rockdale Union Church."

Columbia Missourian January 8, 1965—"Missouri's Mansion to House One of Youngest First Ladies," by Jerry East Giffen, reviewed a short history of past first ladies and featured Mrs. Warren E. Hearnes, the 25th governor's wife to live in the historic governor's mansion. December 9—The George Dometrorch Home near Columbia, once the home of a young pioneer, William Cochran, was described and its history related in the article, " 144-Year-Old House."

Kansas City Star November 17, 1964—Jean Dunnington examined the Ozark Mountain area speech in "Ozarkian Liked Sound of His Distinctive Words," illustrated by Thomas Hart Benton's "Gateside Conversation." December 20—A brief article noting the first recorded Christmas gifts in Atchison County, 1843, was entitled "When a Widowed Squaw Made Christmas History on the Frontier." December 27—An article by C. J. Cary, "Her Memories Enriched by Tales Spun by Twain's Favorite Cousin," recalled incidents in the life of Samuel Clemens. January 12, 1965—"He was Free as a Bird and Just as Cold," by Arnold B. Crank, described flying in the old open cockpit airplanes. A picture of a restored American Eagle biplane, manufactured in Kansas City in 1929, was used with the article. January 31—Paul Stubblefield described "The Goat," Joplin's auto fire wagon installed in June 1907, and believed to be the first motorized fire truck in the nation in the article entitled, "Joplin's Niche in Fire History Safe."

Kansas City Times November 4, 1964—"Old Union Depot [Kansas City] Was Something Special, Too," by Calvin Manon. November 6—A short biography of Ralph Johnstone, "Kansas Citian a Short-Lived Aviation Pioneer," by Carl Cahill. November 14—A two-part article, "Preserving Missouri's History," gave the historical background and told of efforts to save the old Vernon County jail at Nevada, to be used as the Bushwhacker Museum by the local historical society, and the Patee House, headquarters for the Pony Express, St. Joseph. January 1, 1965—"Guerrilla War, Poverty Plagued City," by Calvin Manon, recalled the Civil War in Kansas City on New Year's Day, 1865. January 7—The daily life and dangers on a western cattle drive were related in "Cattle Stampede Was Terror on Hoof to W7addies." January 19—The article, "Two Carried Home-Town Tribute to Truman," by Frank W. Rucker, described the delivery of the Bible used for the inauguration Historical Notes and Comments 391 of U.S. President Harry S. Truman, by Rucker, at that time co-publisher and general manager of the Independence Examiner, and Homer M. Clements, then superintendent of schools of Jackson County and president of the county library board. Rucker and Clements traveled to Washington with the Bible, a rare two-volume edition purchased by the Independence Chamber of Commerce for $5,000, presented it to Mr. Truman and, after the inauguration, returned it to Independence.

Marshall, Daily Democrat-News November 7, 1964—"Saline County Bar Association Has Long And Honorable Record," a report by Edna Giger, circuit clerk. November 9—A history, " Blosser Home Here For Crippled Children Has Made Fine Record," by Elizabeth Martin. November 17—A reprint of the "Address Given In Dedication of Historic Plaque at Arrow Rock," by Dave Thompson, historian for the National Park Service, St. Louis, told of the historic significance of the town. November 18—An illustrated article, "Recollections Of C. E. M'Bride Reveal Rugged Football of 1901." November 19—"U.S. Post Office In Marshall Was First Established In 1840," by O. M. Clouser. November 21 & 23—A historical series of the Miami area was written by Mr. and Mrs. Charles D. Peterman. December 3 & 7—A series on the history of the Sweet Springs area by Mona Hagan Terrell. December 7—"Intrepid Hannah Cole Braved All Dangers Of Life In Wilder­ ness," was the reprint of a talk given by Mrs. Ira Leiter, Sedalia, at the Brigadier- General Thomas A. Smith Chapter of the United States Daughters of 1812, which met November 28. December 9—"History of Home for Women Here [the Georgia Brown Blosser Home for the Aged]," by H. H. Harris. December 19—The history of Jefferson, by Mrs. Ralph A. Ahrens, was entitled "Only Marker Of DAR Identifies Location Of First County Seat." December 23 & 24—A series on the Union Community history was written by Robert G. Miller. December 24—"New Frankfurt Promoted From Settlement To Town In 1858," by Gerald R. Gerhard. An article, "Much Focus On Van Meter As National Service Pilot Park," by Henry W. Hamilton, related the history of Van Meter State Park located north of Marshall, and noted the importance of the area as an archaeological research center for the study of Missouri Indians. December 2#—" Cambridge First Occupied In 1845 And Laid Out in 1848," by Mrs. Ralph Ahrens. December 28, 29, 30, 31, 1964, & January 2, 1965—A series on the history of Gilliam by Mrs. Ralph A. Ahrens. January 2 & 5, 1965—A history of the Orearville community by Mrs. Kenneth W. Bure. January 4, 11, & 16—General history of Saline County, a series by William H. Lyon, Jr. 392 Missouri Historical Review

January 23 & 26—Two parts of the history of recreation in Saline County were written by Ray McClure.

Poplar Bluflf, Daily American Republic July 3, August 8, September 12, October 12 and November 7, 1064—A series on Butler County History, written by George R. Loughead, president of the Butler County Historical Society, appeared under the following titles: Background for the Division of Wayne County," "The Formation of Butler County," "William O. Butler, of Kentucky," "First Term of the Butler County Court," and "The Circuit Court."

St. Charles Journal January 14, 1965—Black Hawk and his visits to the area of Fort Zumwalt, War of 1812 St. Charles County fort, were featured in " Black Hawk the Avenger," by Edna McElhiney Olson. January 21—Mrs. Edna McElhiney Olson told of the discovery of the original records of St. Charles Trinity Episcopal Church, established in 1836, and of their publication by Mrs. Olson, with an index by Dayton Canady.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat November 15, 1964—George R. Brooks, in "Riverfront Memorial," related the history of the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Association and the building of the St. Louis Gateway Arch. November 22—An illustrated article, "Creole Architecture," by Jack Zehrt, described the 1770 Louis Bolduc home in Ste. Genevieve. December 25—An illustrated article, "Remembrance of An Old-Fashioned Christmas," by Lucinda Herron, described the holiday display sponsored by the Missouri Historical Society in St. Louis, "Christmas in the 1890s." January 25, 1965—" 'Iron Curtain' Speech Made History, Churchill's West­ minster Visit Will Never Be Forgotten," by Walter E. Orthwein.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch November 14, 1964—"Part of Stage Coach Station Still Standing Near Hannibal." November 22—An illustrated report by Richard M. Jones, "Historic Home Refurbished," described the Eugene Field House in St. Louis, a public museum maintained by the St. Louis Board of Education. December 1—A report on the Mount Zion Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church appeared under the title, "Congregation Near Elsberry Replacing 130- Year-Old Church." The collection and study of Franz Schwarzer zithers by University of Missouri, Columbia, English instructor, Thomas M. Davis, were featured in the article, "Student of History of Zither In State Seeks Museum Room," by Ingrid Reininga. December 27—An illustrated article, "Ungrand Finale at the Grand," related a short history of the recently demolished Grand Theater in St. Louis. January 6, 1965—A brief history of the St. Joseph Lead Company by Wayne Leeman was entitled "St. Joe Lead's Future Termed Bright, Nearly Failed in 1864." Historical Notes and Comments 393

January 12—An article by Sally Bixby Defty, "State Colonels Wear Miles of Gold Braid," described the uniform of the Governor's honorary colonels and recalled uniforms of the past. January 24—An article by Clarissa Start, "100 Projects for 100th Anniver­ sary," related the plans for the centennial celebration of the founding of Kirkwood.

Shelbyville, Shelby County Herald November 4, 1964—The history of Pleasant Prairie Presbyterian Church near Bethel was compiled by Mrs. Lawrence Mason and Mrs. Jennie Burckhardt for the church's 98th anniversary.

Stover, Tri-County Republican November 5, 1964—A history of the First Baptist Church of Stover appeared under the title, "Baptists To Dedicate New Educational Building Sunday."

Tarkio Avalanche November 5, 1964-January 28, 1965—A series on Atchison County history, by Dick Altman, appeared in weekly installments.

Washington Citizen November 1 & 15, 1964—The eighth and ninth installments of an autobiog­ raphy translated from the German by Ralph Gregory, concluded the series entitled "The Life of Frederick Muench." November 15—A short biography and a brief history of early Franklin County settlers and local steamboating activity were related in an illustrated article, "3,000 Steamers Once Operated On Old Muddy." December 13—"There Was Interest in Building a Hospital Here at Turn of Century," by Father Herman Joseph Fister, O.F.M. Part of the history of St. Francis Hospital, Washington. January 17, 1965—"Governor's Mansion Is Old But Roomy," by Missouri Press, related some of the history surrounding that historic building.

Washington Missourian November 12 & 19, 1964, & January 7, 1965—Articles on the history of St. Fran­ cis Borgia church, hospital and school, Washington, were written by Father Herman Joseph Fister, O.F.M. December 10—A drawing and history of the old 1869 Stone Hill Wine Company building were presented in the article, "Old Winery Headquarters Building in Hermann." The company was reportedly the second largest winery in the United States at one time. December 24—"First Ironworks West of Mississippi River Was Located at Maramec Spring Park." December 31—A picture sketch featured an 1850 stone house near Noser's Mill, south of Beaufort, owned today by William Schmuke. 394 Missouri Historical Review

MISSOURI HISTORICAL DATA IN MAGAZINES

Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Winter, 1964: "Marmaduke Attacks Pine Bluff [Ark.]," by Edwin C. Bearss; "Missouri State Depredations In Arkansas [1864]: A Case Of Restitution," by Burton J. Williams; "Jesse James In Arkansas: The War Days," by Barry Roland Weaver.

Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, January, 1965: "George Hearst in Missouri," by Ralph Gregory; "Anne Ewing Lane," by William G. B. Carson; "Conrad Weber and His Family: Settlers on an Historic Carondelet Site," by Lloyd Espenschied; "Olden Times in Carondelet," by Alzire K. H. Blow; "In Society [St. Louis, 1887]," by Clara Mitchell; "The Changing Skyline: Diver­ sified St. Louis Industry on Letterheads [pictorial]."

Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, January, 1965: "Concordia's Ante- Bellum Years in Saint Louis, 1849-1861," by Carl S. Meyer.

The Jesuit Bulletin, October, 1964: "Jesuits In Kansas City," by Hugh M. Owens, s. J.

Kingdom of Callaway Historical Society Bulletin, January, 1965: "History- of the Fulton Public Library," by Frieda Mittwede.

Kirkwood Historical Review, December, 1964: "Kirkwood High School, 1911- 1922, Part II," by Cara B. Dawson.

Museum Graphic, Fall, 1964: "Early Medical College Days [St. Joseph]," by Bartlett Boder; "Myra Lewis Stallard," by Mary L. Boder; "The Red Man Arrives In Northwest Missouri," by Roy E. Coy.

New Mexico Historical Review, July, 1964: "William Carr Lane, Diary" [Part I], edited by William G. B. Carson. , October, 1964: "William Carr Lane, Diary" [PartiI], edited by William G. B. Carson.

New York Westerners Brand Book, Vol. 11 (1964) No. 3: "Home Was Where They Went: Pioneer Families of the Early Midwest," by W7alter Hart Blumenthal; "Tom Fitzpatrick, 1848," edited by Alvin M. Josephy, Jr.

Ozarks Mountaineer, December, 1964: "More Authentic Folk Tales from the Sparta [Missouri] Neighborhood."

Shannon County Historical Review, January, 1965: "Munsell Chapel [near Emin­ ence]," by Georgia Greene; "Dear Old Church House," poem by William A. French; "Munsell Memories," by Kate Schupp; "The Future of the Rural Churches," by Reverend James Wingo; "Tribute to the Country Church," Historical Notes and Comments 395

by Mrs. Cecil Jolliff; "Happy Days at Helm [Country School]," by John P. Williams; "There Was A Man: Joe Vard Wood," by Fern Vaughn; "Echoes From The Past;" "History of The Chilton Family," by J. J. Chilton;" Pioneers of the Hills," poem by Katie Ellerman Jenkins; and "M. F. Williams: An­ ecdotes and Pleasantries."

White River Valley Historical Quarterly, Fall, 1964: "Early History of Stone County, Missouri," by Charles L. Henson; "Tales of the Past," by Roy E. Stout; "The [John R.] Thomas Family," by Mrs. Frank W. Martin; "Exper­ iences as a Prisoner in the Civil War [Page Woods]," by F. J. Woods; "Gallant Spirit [Anna Lou Griffith]," by Mary Scott Hair.

n?*

Sale of Slaves Canton North-East Reporter, January 8, 1856.

On Tuesday last, the first day of January, Mr. H. Roberts, administrator of the estate of Nelson, dec'd, sold five slaves at Monticello on twelve months credit for the following sums:

One woman (crippled) 29 years old $401 One girl 14 years old 882 One boy 19 years old 1100 One boy 23 years old 1090 One boy 12 years old 865

When The Wheels Stopped Turning Memphis Democrat, July 16, 1942. It is said thirty percent of the gasoline stations in Missouri have recently closed because of loss of business due to tire rationing, and a further decrease in business is expected as present tires become worn out. The State Highway Depart­ ment, which depends on the tax on gasoline to build new roads and maintain those already in existence, is also hard hit and is not making contract for any new roads. 396 Missouri Historical Review

IN MEMORIAM

MRS. GEORGE F. TROXELL BELL, JOSEPH HARDY, St. Louis: Mrs. George F. Troxell died in August 21, 1890-October 12, 1964. Columbia on December 26, 1964. BOEHMER, JULIUS, Fenton: Decem­ Mrs. Troxell was born at Brownville, ber 25, 1871-April 12, 1964. Nebraska, December 4, 1866, the daughter of George Marion Alexander BRADFORD, SLATER LENOIR, Kansas and Martha Barry Alexander. She City: April 15, 1877-August 22, 1964. attended the University of Missouri and was married in Columbia on CARTER, JOHN H., Webster Groves: September 18, 1888, to George F. August 13, 1900-May 22, 1964. Troxell, for many years a Columbia businessman. CHAMBERS, J. WILBUR, DDS., Mer­ cedes, Texas: March 1, 1891-May Mrs. Troxell was a leader in numer­ 10, 1964. ous civic projects in Columbia. She served as a member of the Columbia CLAPPER, GRADON, Cowgill: Novem­ Library Board and was active in the ber 16, 1903-September 8, 1964. work of the First Presbyterian Church. She was a 50-year member of the COCKRELL, ETHYLN, Princeton: Sep­ John S. Marmaduke Chapter, United tember 6, 1876-October 22, 1963. Daughters of the Confederacy, a member of the Columbian Chapter of COIL, PAUL E., M.D., Mexico: the Daughters of the American Revo­ March 29, 1880-September 30, 1964. lution, and a charter member of the Boone Chapter of the Order of the DICKSON, DR. FRANK D., Kansas Eastern Star. Her other memberships City: November 11, 1882-January included the Columbia Garden Club, 19, 1964. Women's Democratic Club, American Legion Auxiliary, Boone County War DIERKER, RALPH E., St. Charles: Mothers, Friends of Arrow Rock, January 19, 1893-August 31, 1964. Boone County Historical Society, and FORD, MARSHALL E., Maryville: Tuesday Club. She had been a March 17, 1870-August 9, 1964. member of the State Historical Society of Missouri since 1941. GLEASON, MISS FRANCES E., Leb­ In 1956 Mrs. Troxell was chosen anon: September 1, 1872-October Woman of Achievement by the Quota 21, 1964. Club of Columbia and became an honorary member of the club in 1962. GREENE, LYNNE B., M.D., Colum­ bia: November 28, 1881-October 14, In 1964 she was chosen Woman of 1964. Distinction by Theta Sigma Phi, professional fraternity for women in HOLMES, CHARLES L., Jefferson City: journalism at the University. August 22, 1891-May 5, 1964. Mrs. Troxell is survived by two daughters, Mrs. E. J. Deal, Columbia, JONES, A. LOY, Shelbina: October and Mrs. Pierre T. Gautier, St. Louis, 6, 1899-January 23, 1965. President of and a son, A. R. Troxell, Columbia. the Shelby County Historical Society. Historical Notes and Comments 397

LIVINGSTON, HAROLD T., Bristow, SHREVE, MRS. VORIA B., Kennewick, Oklahoma: December 22, 1888-Sep- Washington: December 6, 1906-May tember 10, 1964. 3, 1964.

MANN, MRS. JOSEPHYNE P., St. SHY, JOSEPH J., Chillicothe: June Louis: March 19, 1908-August 24, 30, 1888-February 22, 1963. 1964. SMITH, MRS. HARRY BATES, Rich­ MCCARTNEY, J. C, Liberty: Decem­ mond: October 15, 1883-May 23, 1964. ber 28, 1882-September 29, 1964. WALTER, DR. JULIUS, Affton: Jan­ uary 3, 1881-January 4, 1963. MCKEE, LOUIS, Deepwater: De­ cember 28, 1881-February 19, 1962. WARD, E. J., Columbia: January 2, 1898-December 28, 1964. PARKER, GEORGE W., St. Louis: June 15, 1878-June 19, 1963. WHITE, MRS. REBECCA, Potosi: May 6, 1874-July 27, 1964. PETERS, FRED C, Miami Beach, Florida: June 30, 1900-July 18, 1964. W7ILLIAMS, CECIL O., Independence: October 13, 1893-November 24, 1964. POERTNER, FRED W., St. Charles: January 5, 1891-October 8, 1963. WOODHULL, DR. STEPHEN C, Mex­ ico: October 16, 1874-December 10, RUEDIGER, CAPT. D. W., Hermann: 1964. November 29, 1908-August, 1961. WRIGHT, MRS. EMORY H., Blue SAMPSON, WILLIS B., Albany: May Springs: January 1, 1888-December 18, 1897-November 17, 1964. World 10, 1964. War I veteran, mechanic, farmer, operated Sampson Insurance Agency, YOUNG, MRS. W. S., Bradenton, and one of the first presidents of the Florida: November 5, 1898-September Gentry County Historical Society. 9, 1964. 398 Missouri Historical Review

BOOK REVIEWS Joseph Charless, Printer in the Western Country. By David Kaser (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963). 160 pp. Index, illustrations, bibliography. $4.50. The contributions of this typical pioneer editor to the history of Missouri is primarily the fact that he was the first publisher in the area and for seven years the only one. Born in Ireland in 1772, Charless learned the printing trade there, and during the time that printers were constantly under governmental scrutiny he departed for a more freedom-loving country. By 1795 Charless had his own bookstore and printing press in Pennsylvania, had made contacts with such men as Mathew Carey, another refugee from Ireland, Ben Franklin, and Ben's grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache, better known for his vicious editorial attacks on President George Washington. Named Charles at birth, he soon found that Americans didn't pronounce this as a bi-syllable, and so he added the "s". This is a significant account of Charless' printing career, his work in spreading books throughout Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, and later Missouri, his work in publishing the first book of laws for the Louisiana Territory, and his role in the formative period of Missouri. By 1803 he had reached Kentucky and several years later wanted to move on westward. Contacted by Meriwether Lewis, territorial governor, Charless reached St. Louis in 1808 to become "Printer to the Territory," a position needed by early publishers to survive financially. His major contribution to Missouri journalism took place on July 12, 1808, when Charless began the Missouri Gazette. In a community of 1,400 he had secured 174 subscribers for the first paper in the territory. Typical of the pioneer editors before him and many to follow as the press moved westward, Charless was plagued by the irregular mail service, lack of adequate paper supply, the ever-present delinquent subscribers, political pressures as well as physical and verbal attacks from his foes. For twelve years, until 1820, Charless served in this capacity. Dr. Kaser notes that "Pressures were no longer subtle, threats were no longer implied, and attacks upon him became overt rather than concealed as they had been before. The frontier was peopled by men of action, men who were accustomed to overcoming any Historical Notes and Comments 399 barriers that stood in their way, where there were wild animals, mountain ranges, bands of savage Indians, or newspaper editors." Until 1815, Charless enjoyed a monopoly. That year his political enemies were instrumental in starting the Western Journal, later named the Enquirer. Thomas Hart Benton became its editor in 1818 and the two editors carried on "a vitriolic although not unentertaining war of wits and words." Charless' valedictory ap­ peared September 13, 1820, when the paper was sold to James C. Cummings. Before his death in 1834, Charless also engaged in the drug and medicine business, operated a boarding house and livery stable, and held other jobs to meet his financial needs. David Kaser, a graduate of Houghton College, and University of Notre Dame, and with a doctorate from the University of Michigan, was with the Washington University Libraries in St. Louis from 1956-60. Now director of the Joint University Libraries in Nash­ ville, Dr. Kaser has presented the story of the pioneer editor, his problems, his failures and successes, and above all, his importance in the history of a state. Not limiting his study to Charless' editorial duties, the author has provided an important appendix which provides seven pages of his imprints, plus an excellent bibliography. Kaser concludes that Charless "would no doubt like to have been remembered primarily for his work as a printer in the Western Country," reflecting, no doubt, the influence of Ben Franklin, who always said he wanted to be remembered as "A Printer."

University of Missouri William H. Taft

The City Beautiful Movement in Kansas City. By William H. Wilson (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1964). 171 pp. Index, illustrations, bibliography. $3.95.

This is the story of how several men, not always working in concert but with the same general objective, labored in the late decades of the last century and early this one to establish the system of parks and boulevards that has given Kansas City a national reputation for civic beauty. Those leaders were William Rockhill Nelson, founder of the Kansas City Star; George Kessler, a landscape architect; A. R. Meyer, head of a smelting company and the president of the city's first park board; Delbert James HafT, general counsel to the park board who drew up many legal papers that became law, and Thomas H. Swope, the realtor who gave the 1,334 acre park to the city. 400 Missouri Historical Review

The author also gives credit to James Pendergast, first of the big political bosses of Kansas City, who usually swung his weight on the side of civic progress, and Jarvis Hunt, a Chicago architect who designed the present Union Station of Kansas City. Wilson, a native Missourian with three degrees from the University of Missouri and now assistant professor of history at the University of Alaska, comments in his introduction, "A city is not beautiful by accident. It is, by design or indifference, an ugly, unplanned array of buildings and streets that becomes beautiful only when men strive to transform its deformities." The author states the "City Beautiful Movement" remade Kansas City from an ugly boom town into one with miles of graceful boulevards and parkways flanked by attractive resi­ dential sections, acres of parks with recreational activities and neighborhood playgrounds. The movement's inception was a quiet one, but finally came out into the open in 1872 when James M. Cook, a landowner, offered to sell the city 40 acres of unimproved land for park purposes. The sale did not materialize but it prompted numerous editorials, public discussions and debates that lasted years. William Rockhill Nelson's Star was only eight months old when he took up the fight for a park and boulevard system in a first editorial May 19, 1881. The ebullient, controversial and fighting founder of the Star never let up after that until the battle was won, and the author comments that while Nelson cannot be given credit for initiating the movement he must be given "heavy credit for the ultimate realization." One complete chapter is devoted to Nelson and his fight for parks, boulevards, paved streets, play­ grounds and other civic goals. The biographical portrayal of Nelson as "bluff, gruff, fearless and bent on civic good" is both excellent and accurate. Nelson's fight was a long one. He soon launched an editorial crusade for a park board modeled after that in Chicago. Others took up the fight. Someone said such a board was unconstitutional, but the voters approved the 1889 charter that authorized such an agency. About the first park board, the author writes, "The driving, dynamic force of the board was its president, August Robert Meyer, an ideal type of nineteenth century businessman with a rich person­ ality that combined enthusiasm, gentility and charm." Creation of the park board was the big step towards a park and boulevard system because here was a legal agency that now had the statutory power to move forward and get things done. Historical Notes and Comments 401

Without the creative abilities of Kessler, the author observes, "the shape of Kansas City would have been less attractive and less perfect. Kessler's genius was the blend of an exceptional education, an extraordinary imagination and vision." Kessler's grand plans found many opponents and it barely slipped through the city coun­ cil, 5 to 4, with Jim Pendergast voting for it; thus Kansas City's first big political boss is given a major measure of credit for the City Beautiful. In 1895 the park board received its necessary fiscal power when the voters amended the charter to give the board power to finance its purchases. Pendergast and Joseph B. Shannon were on a citizens association that helped push this amendment through. Swope then donated his big acreage to the park system which the author says was "the most spectacular change in planners' fortunes." It was probably the biggest single impetus that sent the City Beautiful movement from a crawl into a sprint. However, the opponents had not been idle. The Star inveighed against the "bats and moles" and the "mossbacks." It even named several of them, who were business and professional leaders in the city. There were legal roadblocks, speeches, publicity, advertising, and almost every avenue used over the years by opponents of the plan. Nelson brought the full force of his vitriolic editorial attack against the opposition. Swope fell out with the Star over the fight and the paper lambasted him less than two years after it had almost deified him. "Effective resistance to Kansas City's park and boulevard plan was over by 1900," the author states. "The objectors were never able to do more than conduct delaying operations despite their bold tactics against the plan in courts, council chambers and public hearings." Although the City Beautiful Movement now was virtually a victory, there was one other facet that fitted into the picture ... a new and very different Union Station. The second station in city history was built in 1878 in the West Bottoms to handle the 1880 population of 59,000 of the area. By 1900 the population increased to over 200,000. In 1888 the Star began complaining that the railroad station was too small. Thus the snowflake began to gather momentum. First, there was wrangling over a new site. Then the 1903 flood that inundated the West Bottoms seemed to decide the question. In 1909 the people voted 24,522 against 708 for a new station, and once again Jim Pendergast threw his weight behind the proposal although he had valuable holdings, including 402 Missouri Historical Review

two saloons, in the West Bottoms which had been mentioned as a possible new site. Jarvis Hunt, a Chicago architect, was selected to draw the plans for a new building. He looked at the project from both an esthetic and utilitarian viewpoint, and the resulting structure is regarded today as one of the outstanding railroad terminals in the world. The author's entertaining and informative treatise also men­ tions many other parks that grew out of the grand plan. He mentions Azariah Budd, who donated the land for Budd park; Robert Gillham, the engineer for whom Robert Gilfham road is named; J. C. Nichols, the visionary real estate leader; and others. As with all great projects involving many dynamic leaders, someone is inevitably neglected. Kessler was that person. He became an international figure after his phenomenal successes in Kansas City. The author mentions the monuments, boulevards, Kelson art gallery, and other recognitions for the leaders, but for Kessler he concludes, "The irony of this slight to one of the great city planners of his time is that Kessler, who always opposed anything in the character of cemeterial memorials in public parks, would have preferred no monument at all." A short driveway on the west flank of Liberty Memorial lull, across from Union Station, is named for Kessler. Only that! Kansas City should hang its head in shame for such ingratitude. This book is good reading and the author manages to weave a lot of Kansas City history into his esoteric pattern. The Kansas City Star Lew Larkin

Action Before Westport, 1864. By Howard N. Monnett (Kansas City, Mo.: Westport Historical Society, 1964). 202 pp. Index, bibliography, appendix, illustrations. $10.00. Fifty-eight years ago Paul B. Jenkins authored the first book- size treatment of the battle fought before Westport on October 19-23, 1864. Now, in the year of its centennial, Howard N. Monnett brings forth the first full account. Here is found the story of one of several great cavalry raids of the American Civil War. Monnett spent thirty years in the preparation and writing of this book. Fortunate is the fact that he grew up on the battlefield, drew considerable inspiration from some of the people who were there, developed a love for the history of that period and possessed the talent to research and record. Historical Notes and Comments 403

After General Sterling Price's two invasions into his native state, Missourians in jest would say that Missouri had five seasons: "spring, summer, fall, Price's raid, and winter." The fall of 1864 was no exception, albeit the last. Brilliance, bungling, gallantry and tragedy all found their way here, but not cowardice. In splendid word pictures you may join in the prelude in and around Lexington and Independence. You may see Colonel Thomas Moonlight's tough fighting along the Little Blue River and General Alfred Pleasonton's break through General John S. Marmaduke's lines at Byram's Ford. Their action forms a classic study of river crossing tactics. The climax is the resounding clash of cavalry in the charge just South of where Wornalls Lane crosses Brush Creek, now a part of Kansas City, Missouri, remembered as one of the severe struggles recorded in U. S. Military annals. In the inevitable withdrawal General Joseph O. Shelby, an authentic beau sabre of the Confeder­ acy, shielded Price from complete disaster as he retreated down the Missouri-Kansas-Arkansas line to Texas, only to find his Army completely shattered. Here too is the swan song for two famous Civil War Union Gen­ erals and their Armies: Samuel R. Curtis and The Army of the Border, and W. S. Rosecrans and The Army of the Department of the Missouri. This cavalry raid, ending as it did in disaster for Price, kindled a controversy that persisted for years to come. Did Price needlessly throw away his Army? Was it an inexcusable waste of life to satisfy the pride of an inept and impotent Price? The Civil War on the Missouri-Kansas border begun by John Brown in Osawatomie ten years before comes to an end with the Battle of Westport. This fact forms the chief argument advanced by him who holds a brief proclaiming great historical significance for the Battle of Westport. Author Jenkins pronounced it to be the "Western Gettysburg." Author Monnett denies this conclusion and wisely lets the reader decide. The book adds a seasoned log to the fire kindled in more recent years by Bruce Catton and others to illuminate the importance of the War fought in the West. It is fervently hoped that this effort will inspire similar updatings of the battles of Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. Particularly so now that a century has passed and all the evidence is in. Springfield, Missouri John K. Hulston 404 Missouri Historical Review

Overland In 1846. Diaries and Letters of the California' Oregon Trail. Edited by Dale Morgan (Georgetown, Calif.: Talisman Press, 1963). Two volumes, 825 pp. Index, maps, notes, illustrations. $20.00. The year 1846 claims a unique significance in our Western frontier experience, lt is a remarkable and exciting year in national history, infused with the spirit of Manifest Destiny and marked by the settlement of the Oregon question, the Mormon migration into the West, Fremont's explorations and the military conquests in the Southwest, the Mexican War, and especially by the vast over­ land emigration from Missouri to California and Oregon. It was a "Year of Decision," which, in the opinion of Bernard De Voto, "best dramatized the expansion of the United States to the Pacific and the emergence of a continental nation." With the publication of Overland in 1846, Dale Morgan, a leading authority on the history of the Oregon and California trails, presents newly discovered diaries, letters and rare newspaper reports regarding overland emigration in 1846. In his excellent introduction Morgan demonstrates the "staggering complexity" of the overland emigration which he describes as "unlike any earlier one" yet "in some respects representative of all overland migra­ tions." Through diligent research Morgan has discovered in archives, libraries, and among personal possessions important new material. He emphasizes the new discoveries and does not reproduce the well-known travel accounts. Morgan writes that the 1846 migration was "self-willed, con­ tentious, and cantankerous . . . large, sprawling, energetic, confused, and confusing," and, because Morgan allows the emigration to describe itself through the documents, these characteristics make a strong impression upon readers. It is often difficult to relate one diary or letter to another, and the continuity of events is frequently obscure. Although the arrangement of the materials ma)' appear jumbled at first glance, there is an overall pattern and progression An excellent index brings together the names and events which are scattered throughout the two volumes. Volume one is composed primarily of diaries including those of William Taylor, Nicholas Carriger, Virgil Pringle, and the journal of Thomas Holt, who aided distressed emigrants on the Applegate cutoff. Two incomplete diaries complement each other, recording George McKinstry's journey from Independence to the North Platte and James Mathers' trip from North Platte to San Jose Historical Notes and Comments 405

Mission. The diary kept by Hiram Miller following the California Trail from Independence to the Black Hills and continued by James Frazier Reed until his expulsion from the Donner Party, is important as the only known daily record kept within the Donner Party until Patrick Breen began his account of that party when it became snowbound in the Sierras. Breen's classic account and the diaries of the Donner Relief complete volume I. A copy of the highly significant T. H. Jefferson map of the emigrant road from Independence to San Francisco is inserted in an end pocket of volume I. Volume II is made up of letters written along the trail from Independence to the Pacific and newspaper reports which often took the form of a letter. Morgan's illuminating notes make enjoyable reading, some of which are succinct essays in themselves, and add greatly to the volumes. State Historical Society of Missouri James E. Moss

BOOK NOTES Toward a More Excellent Ministry. Edited by Richard R. Caemmerer and Alfred O. Fuerbringer (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1964). 153 pp. Not indexed. $3.00. The volume was published in commemoration of the 125th anniversary of the founding of Concordia Seminary, St. Louis. Essays written by eleven Concordia Seminary professors describe the meaning of the holy ministry as a group of seminary teachers see it. Another volume is planned to tell in detail the story of the Seminary.

"The Masonic World" of Ray V. Denslow. Edited by Lewis C. "Wes" Cook (Missouri Lodge of Research, 1964), 223 pp. Indexed. This volume is a compilation of selections from the late Mr. Denslow's reviews published in the Proceedings of Grand Lodge of Missouri, A. F. & A. M., 1933-1960. A biography of Mr. Denslow is included in the preface. Mr. Denslow was born at Spickard, Missouri, March 6, 1885, and lived at Trenton, Missouri, until his death, September 10, 1960. He became the fraternal correspondent for the Grand Commandery Knights Templar and the Grand 406 Missouri Historical Review

Council of Royal and Select Masters of Missouri in 1923. He also assumed the duties of fraternal correspondent for the Grand Chapter of Royal Arch Masons of Missouri the same year that he launched "The Masonic World." He founded the Royal Arch Mason magazine in 1942. In 1946 his son, William R. Denslow, became business manager of the magazine which, under their combined direction, became and remains one of the most accurate and comprehensive Masonic magazines published.

St. Louis Catholic Journalism Prior to the Civil War, by Sister M. Lilliana Owens, S.L., Ph.D. (St. Louis: Catholic Central Bureau Press, 1964), 21 pp. Not indexed. 25 £ This softbound booklet traces the growth of the Catholic Press in St. Louis from its beginning in 1839 to the Civil War. Although the late 1820s and early 1930s witnessed an extraordinary Catholic growth, Catholic journalism in early St. Louis met with very limited success. The Catholic Banner reportedly started in 1839 by Thomas Mullen, left few if any historical traces. The Catholic Cabinet, appearing from 1843-45 and The Catholic News Letter, 1845-48, faced disappointment and collapse. The Shepherd of the Valley, 1850-54; The St. Louis Leader, 1855-58; and The Western Banner, 1858-61 were each short-lived projects. Little journalistic training, poor reception, limited finances and involvement in political affairs contributed to eventual failure of the Catholic press in the ante­ bellum period. Published in connection with St. Louis' bicentennial celebration, this pamphlet is dedicated to all conscientious St. Louis journalists. The text first appeared in the historical section of the Social Justice Review, October, 1964.

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The Retort Venomous Warsaw Times, February 6, 1908.

"So this is your widely advertised dollar table d'hote dinner, is it?" said the indignant would-be diner, as he pushed aside an entree which he could not mas­ ticate. "Why, this is the last place in the world I would recommend to friends." "Don't blame you sir," said the sad-faced waiter. "Send your enemies here." HISTORIC MISSOURI COURTHOUSES

PHELPS COUNTY COURTHOUSE

Construction of the Greek Revival-style Phelps County Court­ house in Rolla began in 1860 and was completed soon after the Civil War. At a meeting of the county court, August 5, 1859, Edmund W. Bishop was appointed superintendent of public buildings and the sum of $8,000 was appropriated for the courthouse. In the summer of 1860 the contract for the building was let to Andrew Malcom, native of Scotland, and P. Lynch. Bricks for the structure were the first burned in the region. The exterior was completed before the Civil War, but construction ceased during the war. The building was used for a time as a hay and grain storehouse for Union Army cavalry horses and later as a Union hospital. After the war the interior walls were plastered and the building was com­ pleted for use as a courthouse. During the construction period the courts occupied a temporary frame building erected at a cost of S700.

The two-story rectangular courthouse, with native stone ("cot­ ton-rock") quoins and foundation, is still in use. Built on the central hall plan, stairways are located on the east and west. The circuit courtroom occupies half of the second floor. Numerous changes have been made in the structure. The cupola was removed in the 1940s; two vault wings were added in 1881; and a jail wing was added in 1912. Phelps County was organized, November 13, 1857, and named for John S. Phelps of Springfield, U.S. Congressman from Missouri, 1845-1863, and governor of Missouri, 1877-1881. The first courts were held at the home of John Dillon, some five miles northeast of Rolla. On January 21, 1858, the county seat was located at the home of Edmund W. Bishop and E. Q. Harding, a two-story log structure which also served as a railroad office for the southwest branch of the Pacific Railroad. Courts were held here and at the Dillon home until the temporary courthouse was built in Rolla. Bishop, founder of Rolla, gave fifty acres of land for the location of the seat of justice at the Rolla site. HISTORIC ST. LOUISANS

William Carr Lane

William Carr Lane, noted physician and public official, was the first mayor of St. Louis, elected in 1823 and re-elected through 1828, elected again in 1838 and through 1840. To him is given the credit for establishing a strong municipal government, the foundation for a great city. Born near Brownsville, Pennsylvania, on December 1, 1789, the second son of Presley Carr and Sally Stephenson Lane, Lane inher­ ited from his politically-minded father, a state legislator and speaker of the house, a zeal for public office. His early formal education in in the local country school and two terms in college was supplemented by a rudimentary knowledge of law which he obtained while working in his brother's prothonotary office in 1809. When his interest veered to medicine, he studied under Dr. John Collins of Louisville, Ken­ tucky, in 1811, served as surgeon's mate at Fort Harrison, Indiana, 1813-1814, and attended the University of Pennsylvania, 1815-1816. After a short term as post surgeon in the upper Mississippi River region and marriage to Mary Ewing, a native of Vincennes, Indiana, he settled at St. Louis in 1819. The medical profession soon proved unprosperous, so Lane entered politics and was elected a trustee of the town. Red hair, a lofty stature and splendid physique made him a notable figure. His popularity and integrity won the confidence of the people who annually elected him mayor. Lane also served as aide-de-camp in 1821 under Governor Alexander McNair, quartermaster-general of Missouri in 1822, two-year terms as a representative in the state legislature in 1826, 1830 and 1832, and surgeon for the troops in the Black Hawk War in 1832. He served for three years in the medical department of Kemper College, beginning in 1841. Lane's home life was never completely happy. In contrast to his vigorous and dynamic personality, his wife was very shy and hated to be among strangers. Of his eight children, only two daughters reached maturity. In 1852, soon after the death of his 15-year-old son, Lane accepted the office of civil governor of the newly conquered territory of New Mexico, an office which he held less than a year. His last years at home were marred by family illness and the turmoil of the Civil War. A high tempered pro-Southerner and an uncompromising believer in states' rights, Lane quarreled with many of his best friends and found his own family's sentiments divided. He died January 6, 1863.