La Raza: the Community Newspaper That Became a Political Platform
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DOCUMENT RESUME Chicano Studies Bibliography
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 119 923 ric 009 066 AUTHOR Marquez, Benjamin, Ed. TITLE Chicano Studies Bibliography: A Guide to the Resources of the Library at the University of Texas at El Paso, Fourth Edition. INSTITUTION Texas Univ., El Paso. PUB DATE 75 NOTE 138p.; For related document, see ED 081 524 AVAILABLE PROM Chicano Library Services, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, Texas 79902 ($3.00; 25% discount on 5 or more copies) EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HC-$7.35 Plus Postage DESCRIPTORS Audiovisual Aids; *Bibliographies; Books; Films; *library Collections; *Mexican Americans; Periodicals; *Reference Materials; *University Libraries IDENTIFIERS Chicanos; *University of Texas El Paso ABSTRACT Intended as a guide to select items, this bibliography cites approximately 668 books and periodical articles published between 1925 and 1975. Compiled to facilitate research in the field of Chicano Studies, the entries are part of the Chicano Materials Collection at the University of Texas at El Paso. Arranged alphabetically by the author's or editor's last name or by title when no author or editor is available, the entries include general bibliographic information and the call number for books and volume number and date for periodicals. Some entries also include a short abstract. Subject and title indices are provided. The bibliography also cites 14 Chicano magazines and newspapers, 27 audiovisual materials, 56 tape holdings, 10 researc°1 aids and services, and 22 Chicano bibliographies. (NQ) ******************************************14*************************** Documents acquired by ERIC include many informal unpublished * materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort * * to obtain the best copy available. -
Brown Youth, Black Fashion and a White Riot by Margarita Aragon
Brown Youth, Black Fashion and a White Riot By Margarita Aragon Table of Contents Preface: The Zoot Suit Riots………………………………………………………...2 I. Introduction: Made in America…………………………………………………..3 II. Sources……………….……………………………………………………………4 III. Background………………………………………………………………………7 IV. “Terrific as the Pacific, Frantic as the Atlantic”: From hipsters to pachucos, the zoot-suit from coast to coast…………………………………….....12 V. Zoot Suits and Service Stripes…………………………………………………21 VI. The Riots…………………………………………………………….…………27 VIII. Conclusion: Dismantling the Machine………………………….………….34 References………………………………………………………………...………..37 Brown Youth, Black Fashion, and a White Riot Preface: The Zoot Suit Riots In the 1940’s a large generation of Mexican American1 youth were coming of age in Los Angeles. Born and raised in the segregated, working class outskirts of urban America, they were captivated by black jazz culture and a number of them, who became known as pachucos, adopted the extravagant zoot-suit style. Importantly, unlike their parents, this generation was not content to adhere to the city’s strict racial barriers. To dominant white Los Angeles, unaccustomed to seeing Mexicans –much less Mexicans deliberately dressed to stand-out - in downtown shopping and entertainment districts, pachuco came to mean a Mexican delinquent. The pair of words rapidly became correlated to redundancy. In a self-generating spiral of escalation, the repressive policing of Mexican Americans provided the media fodder for stories about zoot suit crime, which they printed in an exaggerated and salacious manner. The crime wave stories ironically convinced that the public that the police were not in control, thus generating pressure for even heavier handed policing tactics. The hysteria peaked when a young Mexican national was found dead in August at a reservoir the press labelled the Sleepy Lagoon. -
Style Sheet for Aztlán: a Journal of Chicano Studies
Style Sheet for Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies Articles submitted to Aztlán are accepted with the understanding that the author will agree to all style changes made by the copyeditor unless the changes drastically alter the author’s meaning. This style sheet is intended for use with articles written in English. Much of it also applies to those written in Spanish, but authors planning to submit Spanish-language texts should check with the editors for special instructions. 1. Reference Books Aztlán bases its style on the Chicago Manual of Style, 15th edition, with some modifications. Spelling follows Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th edition. This sheet provides a guide to a number of style questions that come up frequently in Aztlán. 2. Titles and Subheads 2a. Article titles No endnotes are allowed on titles. Acknowledgments, information about the title or epigraph, or other general information about an article should go in an unnumbered note at the beginning of the endnotes (see section 12). 2b. Subheads Topical subheads should be used to break up the text at logical points. In general, Aztlán does not use more than two levels of subheads. Most articles have only one level. Authors should make the hierarchy of subheads clear by using large, bold, and/or italic type to differentiate levels of subheads. For example, level-1 and level-2 subheads might look like this: Ethnocentrism and Imperialism in the Imperial Valley Social and Spatial Marginalization of Latinos Do not set subheads in all caps. Do not number subheads. No endnotes are allowed on subheads. -
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: a Personal Memory
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: A Personal Memory by Carlos Calbillo c/s 116th Annual Meeting The four major themes of “Chicanismo” are generally considered to be: (1) the power of the March 1–3, 2012 creative earth and labor upon it; (2) political transformation through collective efforts; Become a TSHA (3) strong familial ties extending back into Mesoamerican pre-history; and (4) spiritually- Member and Omni Houston Hotel influenced creative artistic imagination as reflected in the visual ARTS. Receive FREE Keynote Address: Civil Rights in Texas ell, what a long and strange trip it was, or should I say, and white ministers, priests, a rabbi or two in attendance, I Whas been. Carlos Guerra is gone, Lupe Youngblood became curious to see if I could find any Latinos in the large Registration* by Darlene Clark Hine, Ph.D., Northwestern University is gone, Poncho Ruiz, El Tigre, Ernie Valdés. And Mateo crowd. To my surprise, I found only one, other than me. Vega, if not gone, is certainly missing in action or something I walked up to him after the march and introduced like that. These names are some of the brothers; there were myself to Leonel J. Castillo. He would eventually become also sisters that I worked with in the movement beginning the first Latino in Houston elected to city-wide office as city in, for me, April 1968. controller. Subsequently, he became the first Latino com- Sessions Speakers Exhibitors The Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s was es- missioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, sentially a grassroots community insurrection and rebellion appointed by President Jimmy Carter. -
Chicano Nationalism: the Brown Berets
CHICANO NATIONALISM: THE BROWN BERETS AND LEGAL SOCIAL CONTROL By JENNIFER G. CORREA Bachelor of Science in Criminology Texas A&M University Kingsville, TX 2004 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE July 2006 CHICANO NATIONALISM: THE BROWN BERETS AND LEGAL SOCIAL CONTROL Thesis Approved: Dr. Thomas Shriver Thesis Adviser Dr. Gary Webb Dr. Stephen Perkins Dr. A. Gordon Emslie Dean of the Graduate College ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................1 II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ………………………………………………………7 Informants and Agent Provocateurs .........................................................................8 Surveillance, Dossiers, Mail Openings, and Surreptitious Entries ……………….14 Violent Strategies and Tactics ……………………………………………………20 III. METHOD OLOGY……………………………………………………………….29 Document Analysis ................................................................................................30 Telephone Interviews .............................................................................................32 Historical Analysis .................................................................................................34 IV. FINDINGS .............................................................................................................36 Mexican -American History ...................................................................................36 -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
Chicano English‐ Language Policy
Chicano English‐ Language Policy By Leona Wüllner & Ricarda Kleemeier Table of Content • Introduction • History and language attitudes • Chicano English • Attitudes towards CE General facts • Many countries have a language policy designed to favour or discourage the use of a particular language or set of languages • Language Policy= what a government does either officially through legislation, court decisions or policy to determine how languages are used, cultivate language skills needed to meet national priorities or to establish the rights of individuals or groups to use and maintain languages • Although nations historically have used language policies – to promote one official language at the expense of others – many countries now have policies designed to protect and promote regional and ethnic languages whose viability is threatened Hispanic Americans • the fastest growing minority • three major groups: 1.Cubans 2.Puerto Ricans 3.Chicanos Hispanic Population (2006) Hispanic Origin by Type: 2006 Type of origin Number Percent Total 444,252,278 100.0 Mexican 28,339,354 64.0 Puerto Rican 3,987,947 9.0 Cuban 1,520,276 3.4 Dominican 1,217,225 2.8 Central American 3,372,090 7.6 South American 2,421,297 5.5 Other Hispanic 3,394,089 7.7 Cubans: • ca. 60% live in Miami • ca. 20 % live in New York & New Jersey • second –generation Cubans speak English fluently Puerto Ricans: • ca. 60% live in New York • many members are bilingual • second generation speaks two kinds of English: PRE and/or BEV Chicanos: • largest proportion of the Hispanic -
California's A.Jnjabi- Mexican- Americans
CULTURE HERITAGE Amia&i-Mexicon-Americans California's A.Jnjabi Mexican Americans Ethnic choices made by the descendants of Punjabi pioneers and their Mexican wives by Karen Leonard he end of British colonial rule in India and the birth of two new nations-India and Pakistan-was celebrated in California in T 1947 by immigrant men from India's Punjab province. Their wives and children celebrated with them. With few exceptions, these wives were of Mexican ancestry and their children were variously called "Mexican-Hindus," "half and halves," or sim ply, like their fathers, "Hindus," an American misno mer for people from India. In a photo taken during the 1947 celebrations in the northern California farm town of Yuba City, all the wives of the "Hindus" are of Mexican descent, save two Anglo women and one woman from India. There were celebrations in Yuba City in 1988, too; the Sikh Parade (November 6) and the Old-Timers' Reunion Christmas Dance (November 12). Descend ants of the Punjabi-Mexicans might attend either or The congregation of the Sikh temple in Stockton, California, circa 1950. - -_ -=- _---=..~...;..:..- .. both of these events-the Sikh Parade, because most of the Punjabi pioneers were Sikhs, and the annual ChristmaB dance, because it began as a reunion for descendants of the Punjabi pioneers. Men from In dia's Punjab province came to California chiefly between 1900 and 1917; after that, immigration practices and laws discriminated against Asians and legal entry was all but impossible. Some 85 percent of the men who came during those years were Sikhs, 13 percent were Muslims, and only 2 percent were really Hindus. -
WHAT IS Mecha
The official national symbol of MEChA is an eagle holding a machete-like weapon and a stick of dynamite. WHAT IS MEChA The acronym MEChA stands for "Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan." or "Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan." MEChA is an Hispanic separatist organization that encourages anti-American activities and civil disobedience. The radical members of MEChA who refer to themselves as "Mechistas," romanticize Mexican claims to the "lost Territories" of the Southwestern United States -- a Chicano country called Aztlan. In its national constitution, MEChA calls for self-determination by its members to liberate Aztlan. MEChA's national constitution starts out: "Chicano and Chicana students of Aztlán must take upon themselves the responsibilities to promote Chicanismo within the community, politicizing our Raza with an emphasis on indigenous consciousness to continue the struggle for the self-determination of the Chicano people for the purpose of liberating Aztlán." These anti-American "Mechistas" live with the false illusion that they are being racially discriminated against because they are Latinos while totally dismissing the idea that maybe it is their ideology that is being discriminated against. At the MEChA National Conference on March 15 - 18, 2001, the official "MEChA Philosophy" was ratified. An excerpt from the document states: "as Mechistas, we vow to work for the liberation of Aztlan." The MEChA Clubs on each of the Santa Barbara high school campuses are not the only ones. MEChA groups exist on 90 percent of the public high school, college and university campuses in the Southwestern United States. WHAT IS AZTLAN? The myth of Aztlan can best be explained by California's Santa Barbara School District's Chicano Studies textbook, "The Mexican American Heritage" by East Los Angeles high school teacher Carlos Jimenez. -
RACE and the NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia De Los Muertos in Two California Dailies
RACE AND THE NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia de los Muertos in two California dailies Regina M. Marchi News coverage of multicultural celebrations has been categorized as stereotypical and apolitical*portraying racial minorities in festive, non-threatening ways that appeal to Anglo audiences without challenging the political system that oppresses people of color. Analyzing 10 years of Martin Luther King Day and Day of the Dead celebration coverage in the Los Angeles Times and the San Francisco Chronicle, this paper concludes that a significant number of celebration stories discuss serious political issues affecting people of color in ways that contradict the assumptions of racial equality and peaceful coexistence generally associated with multi- cultural projects. Because of the ‘‘sphere of consensus’’ status of these ‘‘soft’’ news stories, non-elite sources and oppositional perspectives are prominent in ways that are not typical of ‘‘hard’’ political news. KEYWORDS multiculturalism; non-elite sources; public rituals; race in the news; racial stereotypes; soft news; sphere of consensus Introduction News coverage of multicultural celebrations is widely considered to be apolitical because of its focus on children, family entertainment, and ‘‘exotic’’ cultural performances that stand out from the everyday conventions of mainstream Anglo Americans. Such news falls within the journalistic realm of the ‘‘sphere of consensus,’’ which Dan Hallin defines as ‘‘the region of motherhood and apple pie: in its bounds lie those social objects not regarded by journalists and by most of the society as controversial’’ (1994, p. 53). Typically accompanied by photos, news on ethnic festivals such as Chinese New Year, Native American pow-wows, or Cinco de Mayo has evolved from relatively rare (pre-1980s)1 to routine fare at newspapers across the United States. -
THE VISUAL ARTS of LINDA VALLEJO: Indigenous Spirituality, Indigenist Sensibility, and Emplacement
THE VISUAL ARTS OF LINDA VALLEJO: Indigenous Spirituality, Indigenist Sensibility, and Emplacement Karen Mary Davalos Analyzing nearly forty years of art by Linda Vallejo, this article argues that her indigenist sensibility and indigenous spirituality create the aesthetics of disruption and continuity. In turn this entwined aesthetics generates emplacement, a praxis that resists or remedies the injuries of colonialism, patriarchy, and other systems of oppression that displace and disavow indigenous, Mexican, and Chicana/o populations in the Americas. Her visual art fits squarely within the trajectory of Chicana feminist decolonial practice, particularly in its empowerment of indigenous communities, Mexicans, and Chicana/os in the hemisphere. Key Words: Emplacement, hemispheric studies, aesthetic practice, spiritual mestizaje, decolonial imaginary, indigenous epistemology. Born in Los Angeles and raised by three generations of Mexican- heritage women, Linda Vallejo creates an oeuvre that is easy to understand as feminist and indigenist. Ancestral women, including three great-grandmothers, grandmothers, her mother, and several great aunts, were the artist’s first sources of feminist and indigenous knowledge. Vallejo describes one great- grandmother as “una indígena” because she was short, had dark skin, and wore trenzas and huaraches; she was also very strong, even fierce, having worked in the fields as she migrated north (Vallejo 2013).1 The appellation indicates the way in which Vallejo understands knowledge and subjectivity as emerging from material conditions, social forces, and affect, rather than biology. Vallejo is also a world traveler. Because of her father’s military service, she visited “all the major museums of Europe, many of them as a very young girl” (Vallejo 2013). -
The Chicano Movement and the Latino/Native American Connection Bradford Smith April 10, 2016
The Chicano Movement and the Latino/Native American Connection Bradford Smith April 10, 2016 Description This piece takes a brief look at the historical and current intersections of Latino and Native American identityin the United States. Keywords Chicano NAFTA Aztlan Reconquista Mexican Cession Key Points “Latino” is an ethnic group overlapping with many racial identities, including Native American The 20th century Chicano Movement popularized Latino celebration of indigenous heritage Since the mid-1990s, the number of Latinos in the US identifying as Native American has tripled Reconquista has caused some level of controversy between Chicano activists and Native American tribes The Latino ethnic group is a convergence of people of many races and ethnicities, including the descendants of white European settlers, enslaved black Africans, Asian laborers of various ethnicities, and native peoples of Central and South America. Given this fact, it is perhaps not surprising that there should be rather strong connections between Native Americans, broadly defined as native peoples of North and South America, and Latinos, despite the fact that they are often considered separate from each other in everyday discourse. As this shared history has been more widely recognized and accepted by the Latino population, there has been an increasing push to openly identify with one's indigenous roots. Perhaps the first widespread acceptance of this ideology came from the Chicano Movement that began to take hold after World War II. This was a movement primarily centered around the relationship between Mexican Americans and the white American majority, “addressing issues such as farm workers’ rights, land tenure, educational reform, political representation, the war in Vietnam, and ‘police brutality’” (Escobar).