Conservatism in America Syllabus
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A POLITICAL THEORY of POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin I. Introduction There Has Recently Been a Resurgen
A POLITICAL THEORY OF POPULISM* Daron Acemoglu Georgy Egorov Konstantin Sonin When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest polit- ician seeking reelection chooses ‘‘populist’’ policies—that is, policies to the left of the median voter—as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests re- Downloaded from spond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the polit- ician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies. JEL Codes: D71, D74. I. Introduction There has recently been a resurgence of ‘‘populist’’ politicians in several developing countries, particularly in Latin America. at MIT Libraries on April 24, 2013 Hugo Cha´vez in Venezuela, the Kirchners in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Alan Garcı´a in Peru, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador are some of the examples. The label populist is often -
Neoconservatives Among Us? Astudy of Former Dissidents' Discourse
43 L 62 Neoconservatives Among Us? A Study of Former Dissidents’ Discourse* JENI SCHALLER Abstract: Neoconservative political thought has been characterized as “distinctly American”, but could there be fertile ground for its basic tenets in post-communist Europe? This paper takes an initial look at the acceptance of the ideas of American neo- conservative foreign policy among Czech elites who were dissidents under the communist regime. Open-ended, semi-structured interviews with eight former dissidents were con- ducted and then analyzed against a background of some fundamental features of neocon- servative foreign policy. Discourse analysis is the primary method of examination of the texts. Although a coherent discourse among Czech former dissidents cannot be said to ex- ist, certain aspects reminiscent of American neoconservative thought were found. Key words: neoconservatism, Czech dissidents, foreign policy, discourse analysis I. INTRODUCTION Neoconservatism, as a strain of political thought in the United States, has been represented as “distinctly American” and Irving Kristol, often considered the “godfather” of neoconservatism, emphatically states “[t]here is nothing like neoconservatism in Europe” (Kristol 2003: 33). Analyst Jeffrey Gedmin writes that the “environment for neoconservatism as such is an inhospitable one” in Europe, especially Germany (Gedmin 2004: 291). The states of Cen- tral Europe, in contrast to many of the established continental EU members, represent a rather more pro-American stance. With groups of former dissi- dents whose political leanings are in part informed by the American anti- communist, pro-democracy policies of the 1970s and 1980s, could there be a more hospitable environment for neoconservative ideas in a Central Euro- pean state such as the Czech Republic? The Czech dissident community was not as extensive or well-organised as that in Poland or even Hungary, largely due to the post-1968 “normalisation” in Czechoslovakia. -
An International Journal for Students of Theological and Religious Studies Volume 36 Issue 3 November 2011
An International Journal for Students of Theological and Religious Studies Volume 36 Issue 3 November 2011 EDITORIAL: Spiritual Disciplines 377 D. A. Carson Jonathan Edwards: A Missionary? 380 Jonathan Gibson That All May Honour the Son: Holding Out for a 403 Deeper Christocentrism Andrew Moody An Evaluation of the 2011 Edition of the 415 New International Version Rodney J. Decker Pastoral PENSÉES: Friends: The One with Jesus, 457 Martha, and Mary; An Answer to Kierkegaard Melvin Tinker Book Reviews 468 DESCRIPTION Themelios is an international evangelical theological journal that expounds and defends the historic Christian faith. Its primary audience is theological students and pastors, though scholars read it as well. It was formerly a print journal operated by RTSF/UCCF in the UK, and it became a digital journal operated by The Gospel Coalition in 2008. The new editorial team seeks to preserve representation, in both essayists and reviewers, from both sides of the Atlantic. Themelios is published three times a year exclusively online at www.theGospelCoalition.org. It is presented in two formats: PDF (for citing pagination) and HTML (for greater accessibility, usability, and infiltration in search engines). Themelios is copyrighted by The Gospel Coalition. Readers are free to use it and circulate it in digital form without further permission (any print use requires further written permission), but they must acknowledge the source and, of course, not change the content. EDITORS BOOK ReVIEW EDITORS Systematic Theology and Bioethics Hans -
Centennial Bibliography on the History of American Sociology
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Sociology Department, Faculty Publications Sociology, Department of 2005 Centennial Bibliography On The iH story Of American Sociology Michael R. Hill [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub Part of the Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, and the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons Hill, Michael R., "Centennial Bibliography On The iH story Of American Sociology" (2005). Sociology Department, Faculty Publications. 348. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub/348 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Department, Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Hill, Michael R., (Compiler). 2005. Centennial Bibliography of the History of American Sociology. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association. CENTENNIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY Compiled by MICHAEL R. HILL Editor, Sociological Origins In consultation with the Centennial Bibliography Committee of the American Sociological Association Section on the History of Sociology: Brian P. Conway, Michael R. Hill (co-chair), Susan Hoecker-Drysdale (ex-officio), Jack Nusan Porter (co-chair), Pamela A. Roby, Kathleen Slobin, and Roberta Spalter-Roth. © 2005 American Sociological Association Washington, DC TABLE OF CONTENTS Note: Each part is separately paginated, with the number of pages in each part as indicated below in square brackets. The total page count for the entire file is 224 pages. To navigate within the document, please use navigation arrows and the Bookmark feature provided by Adobe Acrobat Reader.® Users may search this document by utilizing the “Find” command (typically located under the “Edit” tab on the Adobe Acrobat toolbar). -
Conservatism and the Quest for Community
Conservatism and the Quest for Community William Schambra he age of obama has been an age of revival for the Progressive Tideal of a “national community.” It is a vision rooted in two core beliefs: that direct, local associations and channels of action are too often overwhelmed by the differences among communities and the fractious character of American public life; and that rather than strengthening the sources of these differences, modern government should seek to overcome them in the service of a coherent national ambition. By dis- tributing the same benefits, protections, and services to all Americans, fellow feeling and neighborliness can be fostered among the public; combined with the power of the national government and professional expertise, this communal sentiment can then become a valuable weapon for attacking America’s most pressing social problems. A century ago, this ideal was a central tenet of the Progressive agenda — which sought, as Progressive icon Herbert Croly put it in 1909, the “subordination of the individual to the demand of a dominant and constructive national purpose.” It was an important goal of the New Deal, which President Franklin Roosevelt described in 1933 as “extending to our national life the old principle of the local community.” It was the essence of the liberal agenda of the 1960s, which President Lyndon Johnson called an effort to “turn unity of interest into unity of purpose, and unity of goals into unity in the Great Society.” And it was at the core of Barack Obama’s campaign for the presidency in 2008, which promised to over- come petty differences and, as Obama put it in one campaign speech, to Wil l i a m Sch a m br a is the director of the Hudson Institute’s Bradley Center for Philanthropy and Civic Renewal. -
Robert A. Nisbet
A public intellectual ROBERT A. NISBET Note: This presentation is based on the theories of Robert Nisbet as presented in his works. A more complete summary of his theories (as well as the theories of other macro-theorists) can be found in Macrosociology: The Study of Sociocultural Systems, by Frank W. Elwell. If you would like to receive a .pdf file of the chapter on Nisbet please write me at [email protected] and put Nisbet.pdf in the subject line. A Short Biography Robert Alexander Nisbet was born on September 30, 1913 in Los Angeles, the oldest of three boys born to Henry and Cynthia Nisbet. He began at the University of California at Berkeley in 1932. A Short Biography His association with Berkeley proved both long and fruitful. He completed his Bachelor’s degree in 1936, his M.A, in 1937, and his Ph.D. in 1939. A Short Biography Upon obtaining his Ph.D. he accepted an instructor’s position at Berkeley, subsequently rising through the ranks to full professor there in 1953. A Short Biography Nisbet served in World War II, enlisting in the Army in 1943 and serving in the Pacific eventually achieving the rank of staff sergeant. A Short Biography In 1953 he left Berkeley to become the founding dean of the College of Letters and Science at the new Riverside campus of the University of California, later becoming vice chancellor there in 1960. A Short Biography In 1963 he left academic administration, believing that “administrative work, sufficiently prolonged, has a sterilizing effect upon the creative or the scholarly mind.” A Short Biography After 30 years, Nisbet retired from the University of California in 1972, first accepting a position at the University of Arizona, and then moving on to the Albert Schweitzer Chair at Columbia University in 1974 working with Robert K. -
Harrison Stetler Thesis
“A skilled surgeon presiding at the birth of a new culture”: Christopher Lasch on the Politics of Post-Industrial Society Senior Thesis by Harrison Stetler Advisor: Professor Rebecca Kobrin Second Reader: Professor Casey Blake April 2016 Department of History Columbia University 16, 520 Words Acknowledgements: Writing this thesis has been an extraordinarily trying and rewarding experience, which I would not have been able to complete without an inordinate amount of help and support from friends and family. I owe a great debt to all my fellow students and to Professor Kobrin for providing an immense amount of support over the past year. I would also like to thank Professor Blake for guiding me through this study of Lasch’s thought. Likewise, I owe a debt of gratitude to a number of other teachers—Professors Mark Mazower, Adam Tooze, Mark Lilla, and Nicholas Dames, in particular—who have participated in a number of smaller yet indispensible ways throughout this long process. For letting me rant incessantly about Christopher Lasch, I am not sure whether I should apologize to or thank my friends. Thank you to my suitemates—Mark, Jackson, Kal, Derek, and Gerry—in particular. Thank you to Ruby, my intellectual soul mate, for venturing with me— through Adorno, Melville, and Flaubert—along our path to mystical modernism. I see this essay as a partial capstone to that journey. Thank you to Max for preventing me from thinking that “this is not the land of truth.” Thank you to Elena for humoring me during many a procrastination break outside of Butler. -
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY's MARCH to the RIGHT Cliff Checs Ter
Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 29 | Number 4 Article 13 2002 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cliff checS ter Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the Accounting Law Commons Recommended Citation Cliff cheS cter, EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT, 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 1663 (2002). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT Cover Page Footnote Cliff cheS cter is a political consultant and public affairs writer. Cliff asw initially a frustrated Rockefeller Republican who now casts his lot with the New Democratic Movement of the Democratic Party. This article is available in Fordham Urban Law Journal: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol29/iss4/13 EXTREMELY MOTIVATED: THE REPUBLICAN PARTY'S MARCH TO THE RIGHT by Cliff Schecter* 1. STILL A ROCK PARTY In the 2000 film The Contender, Senator Lane Hanson, por- trayed by Joan Allen, explains what catalyzed her switch from the Grand Old Party ("GOP") to the Democratic side of the aisle. During her dramatic Senate confirmation hearing for vice-presi- dent, she laments that "The Republican Party had shifted from the ideals I cherished in my youth." She lists those cherished ideals as "a woman's right to choose, taking guns out of every home, campaign finance reform, and the separation of church and state." Although this statement reflects Hollywood's usual penchant for oversimplification, her point con- cerning the recession of moderation in Republican ranks is still ap- ropos. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #52 Why the European Union Strengthens the State: Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University Center for European Studies, Harvard University 27 Kirkland Street, Cambridge MA 02138 Tel.: 617-495-4303, x205 / Fax: 617-495-8509 e-mail: [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, NY (1-4 September 1994) Most contemporary theories of international cooperation treat states as unitary actors and, therefore, focus primarily on the functional benefits of cooperation or the collective action problems states confront in realizing it.1 Less attention is paid to the impact of international negotiations and institutions on domestic politics, or to the consequences for international cooperation. This essay offers a theory of when and how international cooperation redistributes domestic power resources between state and society. Redistribution, it is argued, generally empowers national executives, permitting them to loosen domestic constraints imposed by legislatures, interest groups, and other societal actors. These shifts in domestic 'influence have important consequences for the nature of international cooperation. More specifically, I advance three arguments, each of which challenges existing understandings of international cooperation. First, international negotiations and institutions reallocate political resources by changing the domestic institutional. -
The Reality Behind the Rhetoric Surrounding the British
‘May Contain Nuts’? The reality behind the rhetoric surrounding the British Conservatives’ new group in the European Parliament Tim Bale, Seán Hanley, and Aleks Szczerbiak Forthcoming in Political Quarterly, January/March 2010 edition. Final version accepted for publication The British Conservative Party’s decision to leave the European Peoples’ Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED) group in the European Parliament (EP) and establish a new formation – the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) – has attracted a lot of criticism. Leading the charge have been the Labour government and left-liberal newspapers like the Guardian and the Observer, but there has been some ‘friendly fire’ as well. Former Conservative ministers - so-called ‘Tory grandees’ - and some of the party’s former MEPs have joined Foreign Office veterans in making their feelings known, as have media titles which are by no means consistently hostile to a Conservative Party that is at last looking likely to return to government.1 Much of the criticism originates from the suspicion that the refusal of other centre-right parties in Europe to countenance leaving the EPP has forced the Conservatives into an alliance with partners with whom they have – or at least should have – little in common. We question, or at least qualify, this assumption by looking in more detail at the other members of the ECR. We conclude that, while they are for the most part socially conservative, they are less extreme and more pragmatic than their media caricatures suggest. We also note that such caricatures ignore some interesting incompatibilities within the new group as a whole and between some of its Central and East European members and the Conservatives, not least 1 with regard to their foreign policy preoccupations and their by no means wholly hostile attitude to the European integration project. -
Environmental and Social Stress Factors
Urban Research in the Developing World: From Governance to Security Richard Stren Project on Urbanization, Population, Environment, and Security. Supported by the U.S. Agency for International Development through a cooperative agreement with the University of Michigan Population Fellows Programs Comparative Urban Studies Project Occasional Paper No. 16 WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, 1998 1 RICHARD STREN Urban Research in the Developing World: From Governance to Security Richard Stren Director, Center for Urban and Community Studies University of Toronto Toronto, Canada Introduction: Building an Urban Research Agenda Against the backdrop of a major demographic shift from rural to urban in most parts of the world (a shift that has already been largely accomplished in Europe, North America, and much of Latin America), the research literature on urban questions has shown a number of distinct patterns over the years. One pattern is the continuing influence of international disciplinary perspectives. In spite of the fact that urban questions cut across disciplines, and that solutions to urban problems involve ideas and coalitions of interests that are usually very broad and projects that are very practical, researchers--and the research literature--tend to be specialized. Thus, an economist in Bombay is likely to choose themes and a methodological approach to her urban problems that are more similar to her economist colleagues in Santiago than to her sociological colleagues in Delhi. In spite of some tendencies toward interdisciplinary research in urban studies worldwide, the disciplines--which are organized at a global level with common standards of approach, journals, conferences, and professional behavior--are still very powerful.