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Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths. -
Annual Report Digital.Pdf
A LOOK AT YOUR ACLU Protecting and advancing the rights of everyone requires the ACLU be nimble, dynamic, strategic and multi-faceted. The ACLU is all that and more. The ACLU is known for big court cases, and we have won many, but our impact reaches far beyond the courtroom and plays out in the everyday lives of Americans. This year’s annual report shows that impact with numbers and stories from the frontlines of protecting everyone. – KATHLEEN TAYLOR, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR ACLU OF WASHINGTON In pursuit of FREEDOM, the ACLU is... The ACLU is a watchdog and champion for PRIVACY RIGHTS at all levels. In light of rapidly changing technologies, the omnipresence of Homeland Security, and the militarization of police, we must be on high alert to stay ahead. Number of police drones acquired in Washington state Number of drones deployed after ACLU-WA activated public outcry Approximate cost to install one “pan, tilt and zoom camera” Amount the Department of Homeland Security gave the Seattle Police Department to pay for its “mesh network” of surveillance cameras Days Seattleites have NOT been monitored by a “mesh network” of police cameras* that were disabled after pressure from ACLU-WA *as of Nov 1, 2014 After years of legwork changing hearts and minds about the drug war, ACLU-WA drafted Estimated annual tax revenue from marijuana sales in Washington. the initiative that ENDED SENSELESS MARIJUANA PROHIBITION. REVENUE IS EARMARKED FOR NUMBER OF MARIJUANA COURT FILINGS - AGE 21+ 5,500 Program Administration & Evaluation Public Health & Drug Prevention General Fund & Local Budgets Health Care 2012 2013 Amount Washington taxpayers spent each year on marijuana-related arrests and charges prior to legalization Sales of marijuana in the first three months after legalization The ACLU has been dedicated to LGBT RIGHTS and equality for decades. -
American Populism, Glenn Beck and Affective Media Production
ICS0010.1177/1367877916688273International Journal of Cultural StudiesJutel 688273research-article2017 International Journal of Cultural Studies 1 –18 © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1367877916688273 10.1177/1367877916688273 journals.sagepub.com/home/ics Article American populism, Glenn Beck and affective media production Olivier Jutel University of the South Pacific, Fiji Abstract This article examines the centrality of affective media production to contemporary American populism with a case study of the right-wing broadcaster Glenn Beck. The rise of far-right media and Donald Trump in social media spaces demonstrates the convergence of the economic and political logic of affect. In soliciting the affective and collaborative labour of users, affective media necessarily deploys discourses of social transformation, autonomy and critical knowingness. Beck’s show exemplifies this logic with Beck functioning as a leader of the Tea Party movement who perform ‘free labour’ for Fox News and Beck’s own media empire, while experiencing this as a form of revolutionary education. Where this audience movement speaks to the political ontology of affective media is in the return of a fetishistic ‘symbolic efficiency’. In foreshadowing Trump, Beck articulates an antagonistic division of the social with a populist community of jouissance and individuation both threatened and constituted by the rapacious enemy. Keywords affect, fetishism, jouissance, parrhesia, populism, Donald Trump The rise of conservative populism in the US in the last decade, from the Tea Party to Donald Trump’s presidency, has demonstrated the subsumption of politics to the logic of affective media production. While the politics of this strain of populism is thoroughly retrograde, it speaks to the centrality of desire, enjoyment and antagonism in the increasingly universal nexus of affective media and politics. -
Social Networks for Hate Speech Commercial Talk Radio and New Media
CSRC WORKING PAPER JULY 2012 AN OCCASIONAL SERIES AVAILABLE IN ELECTRONIC FORMAT SOCIAL NETWORKS FOR HATE SPEECH COMMERCIAL TALK RADIO AND NEW MEDIA CHON A. NORIEGA AND FRANCISCO JAVIER IRIBARREN WITH ROSS LENIHAN, ANDREW YOUNG, AND HÉCTOR PEÑA RAMÍREZ FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center • 193 Haines Hall • Los Angeles, CA 90095-1544 Phone: 310-825-2642 • Fax: 310-206-1784 • E-Mail: [email protected] The center’s books and journals are sold at www.store.chicano.ucla.edu Editor: Chon A. Noriega • Senior Editor: Rebecca Frazier • Developmental Editor: Rebecca Epstein • Production: William Morosi MISSION STATEMENT The UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center supports interdisciplinary, collaborative, and policy-oriented research on issues critical to the Chicano community. The center’s press disseminates books, working papers, and the peer-reviewed Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies. CSRC WORKING PAPER JULY 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION The impact of Geller’s and other U.S. blogs with an anti-Islam message came under question following This study analyzes how social networks that Today’s new media provide opportunities for individuals and organizations to share and spread infor- the attacks by Anders Behring Breivik, who killed form around the hosts of commercial talk radio mation more quickly and more democratically than seventy-seven people in Norway in July 2011. The New York Times reported that Breivik had been shows can propagate messages targeting vulner- ever before. Data gathered for the Pew Internet and American Life Project show that 77 percent of adults “deeply influenced” by several blogs, including Jihad able groups. -
Online Partisan Media, User-Generated News Commentary, and the Contested Boundaries of American Conservatism During the 2016 US Presidential Election
The London School of Economics and Political Science Voices of outrage: Online partisan media, user-generated news commentary, and the contested boundaries of American conservatism during the 2016 US presidential election Anthony Patrick Kelly A thesis submitted to the Department of Media and Communications of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, December 2020 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD de- gree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other per- son is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99 238 words. 2 Abstract This thesis presents a qualitative account of what affective polarisation looks like at the level of online user-generated discourse. It examines how users of the American right-wing news and opinion website TheBlaze.com articulated partisan oppositions in the site’s below-the-line comment field during and after the 2016 US presidential election. To date, affective polarisation has been stud- ied from a predominantly quantitative perspective that has focused largely on partisanship as a powerful form of social identity. -
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The Newsletter of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy www.mackinac.org FALL 2010 Center Upends State Incentive for Suspicious Film Studio Deal n her 2010 State of the State address last February, She could not have known that four months later, Michigan Gov. Jennifer Granholm dramatically a firestorm fueled by Mackinac Center findings would I listed the new business endeavors in the lead to an attorney general investigation, a felony state she saw as instrumental to the charge, a lawsuit, the resignation of a key Lansing state’s economic recovery. Her speech staffer and possibly the loss of a state senate bid. read like an economic victory lap for the Mackinac Center Fiscal Policy Director Michael administration. D. LaFaive and Communications Specialist Kathy Many of the new projects highlighted had Hoekstra were tipped off that the Hangar42, being been offered generous state tax breaks from refurbished at a former Lear plant in Walker, the Michigan Economic Development Corp. Mich., may not have been worth the $45 million and Michigan Film Office. Among other projects, it reportedly sold for. Digging into the deal’s inner Granholm referenced “Hangar42,” a new film studio in workings, they learned that the building had sat Kent County. In doing so, she drew Mackinac Center on the market for months while listed for under analysts’ attention to a large state incentive deal. see “Film Studio” Page 6 Exploiting a Window of Opportunity t’s not every day that a signature idea of a think tank becomes the title of a best-selling novel. So whenI we got wind earlier this year that radio and television talk show host Glenn Beck was working on a political thriller with the Overton Window as its main plot element, we knew we had a unique window of opportunity. -
2011 State of the News Media Report
Overview By Tom Rosenstiel and Amy Mitchell of the Project for Excellence in Journalism By several measures, the state of the American news media improved in 2010. After two dreadful years, most sectors of the industry saw revenue begin to recover. With some notable exceptions, cutbacks in newsrooms eased. And while still more talk than action, some experiments with new revenue models began to show signs of blossoming. Among the major sectors, only newspapers suffered continued revenue declines last year—an unmistakable sign that the structural economic problems facing newspapers are more severe than those of other media. When the final tallies are in, we estimate 1,000 to 1,500 more newsroom jobs will have been lost—meaning newspaper newsrooms are 30% smaller than in 2000. Beneath all this, however, a more fundamental challenge to journalism became clearer in the last year. The biggest issue ahead may not be lack of audience or even lack of new revenue experiments. It may be that in the digital realm the news industry is no longer in control of its own future. News organizations — old and new — still produce most of the content audiences consume. But each technological advance has added a new layer of complexity—and a new set of players—in connecting that content to consumers and advertisers. In the digital space, the organizations that produce the news increasingly rely on independent networks to sell their ads. They depend on aggregators (such as Google) and social networks (such as Facebook) to bring them a substantial portion of their audience. And now, as news consumption becomes more mobile, news companies must follow the rules of device makers (such as Apple) and software developers (Google again) to deliver their content. -
Melodrama After the Tears
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2016 Tears of Testimony: Glenn Beck and the Conservative Moral Occult Loren, Scott Abstract: ARRAY(0x561290902930) Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-148375 Book Section Published Version Originally published at: Loren, Scott (2016). Tears of Testimony: Glenn Beck and the Conservative Moral Occult. In: Loren, Scott; Metelmann, Jörg. Melodrama After the Tears. New Perspectives on the Politics of Victimhood. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 247-260. Tears of Testimony: Glenn Beck and the Conservative Moral Occult Scott Loren […] moral consciousness must be an adventure, its recognition must be the stuff of heightened drama. – Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination On 15 October 2009, the talk show host Glenn Beck cried on national televi- sion.1 Of course, crying on television is nothing new. Think of the tears shed on daytime soaps; think of Oprah. Beck’s tears, however, were shed neither on a soap opera nor on Oprah. This spectacle of suffering took place on an evening news program available to over one hundred million US households. He was moderating the program, as he had been every night for nearly a year. While there may always be occasion to cry given the general content of the nightly news, more disorienting than a newscaster crying on national television was the proclaimed reason for Beck’s tears: namely, nostalgia for simpler times in America. In the sense used here, the notion of America elicited by the word “America” refers not to the continental geography known as America, nor simply to the United States of America in its physical, political and historical specificity, but to a fantasmatic projection at once Amsterdambound to material and historical specificity while also free from it. -
The Disinformation Age
Steven Livingston W. LanceW. Bennett EDITED BY EDITED BY Downloaded from terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/1F4751119C7C4693E514C249E0F0F997THE DISINFORMATION AGE https://www.cambridge.org/core Politics, and Technology, Disruptive Communication in the United States the United in https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms . IP address: 170.106.202.126 . , on 27 Sep 2021 at 12:34:36 , subject to the Cambridge Core Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.126, on 27 Sep 2021 at 12:34:36, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/1F4751119C7C4693E514C249E0F0F997 The Disinformation Age The intentional spread of falsehoods – and attendant attacks on minorities, press freedoms, and the rule of law – challenge the basic norms and values upon which institutional legitimacy and political stability depend. How did we get here? The Disinformation Age assembles a remarkable group of historians, political scientists, and communication scholars to examine the historical and political origins of the post-fact information era, focusing on the United States but with lessons for other democracies. Bennett and Livingston frame the book by examining decades-long efforts by political and business interests to undermine authoritative institutions, including parties, elections, public agencies, science, independent journalism, and civil society groups. The other distinguished scholars explore the historical origins and workings of disinformation, along with policy challenges and the role of the legacy press in improving public communication. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core. W. Lance Bennett is Professor of Political Science and Ruddick C. -
Social Networks for Hate Speech Commercial Talk Radio and New Media
CSRC WORKING PAPER NO. 2 JULY 2012 AN OCCASIONAL SERIES AVAILABLE IN ELECTRONIC FORMAT SOCIAL NETWORKS FOR HATE SPEECH COMMERCIAL TALK RADIO AND NEW MEDIA CHON A. NORIEGA AND FRANCISCO JAVIER IRIBARREN WITH ROSS LENIHAN, ANDREW YOUNG, AND HÉCTOR PEÑA RAMÍREZ FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center • 193 Haines Hall • Los Angeles, CA 90095-1544 Phone: 310-825-2642 • Fax: 310-206-1784 • E-Mail: [email protected] Editor: Chon A. Noriega • Senior Editor: Rebecca Frazier • Developmental Editor: Rebecca Epstein • Production: William Morosi MISSION STATEMENT The UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center supports interdisciplinary, collaborative, and policy-oriented research on issues critical to the Chicano community. The center’s press disseminates books, working papers, and the peer-reviewed Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies. For more information visit www.chicano.ucla.edu. CSRC WORKING PAPER JULY 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION The impact of Geller’s and other U.S. blogs with an anti-Islam message came under question following This study analyzes how social networks that Today’s new media provide opportunities for individuals and organizations to share and spread infor- the attacks by Anders Behring Breivik, who killed form around the hosts of commercial talk radio mation more quickly and more democratically than seventy-seven people in Norway in July 2011. The New York Times reported that Breivik had been shows can propagate messages targeting vulner- ever before. Data gathered for the Pew Internet and American Life Project show that 77 percent of adults “deeply influenced” by several blogs, including Jihad able groups. Working with recorded broadcasts who use the Internet use it every day (2011). -
Loud and Clear: Effects of Homogenous and Extreme Partisan Media Diets
Loud and Clear: Effects of Homogenous and Extreme Partisan Media Diets Douglas M. Allen and Devra C. Moehler The Annenberg School for Communication University of Pennsylvania [Please do not cite or circulate without permission from the authors] This version: August 20, 2013 Keywords: Public Opinion; Media Effects (Other); Political Psychology; Participation; Quantitative - Survey The explosion of cable television and talk radio programming allows individuals to selectively consume opinionated media from only one side of the political spectrum. Observers worry that media fragmentation along partisan lines polarizes the citizenry. However, unbalanced media consumption may also mobilize individuals to participate in the electoral process. We test the effects of exposure to 73 news and entertainment programs on individuals’ issue polarization and campaign participation using the 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey. We construct a measure of the homogeneity and ideological extremity of a person’s total media diet. Within- subjects and matching analyses indicate that lopsided partisan media diets increase campaign participation, but not polarization. Consumption of loud and clear partisan programming may enhance participatory democracy without sacrificing deliberative democracy. Abstract: 122 words Manuscript: 8415 words Acknowledgements: We are deeply indebted to the guidance and thoughtful feedback provided by Susanna Dilliplane, Ted Brader, Matt Levendusky, Marc Meredith, and Andrew Therriault. Correspondence concerning this article -
Political Polarization & Media Habits
NUMBERS, FACTS AND TRENDS SHAPING THE WORLD FOR RELEASE October 21, 2014 FOR FURTHER INFORMATION ON THIS REPORT: Amy Mitchell, Director of Journalism Research Rachel Weisel, Communications Associate 202.419.4372 www.pewresearch.org RECOMMENDED CITATION: Pew Research Center, October 2014, “Political Polarization and Media Habits” www.pewresearch.org PEW RESEARCH CENTER www.pewresearch.org About This Report This report is part of a series by the Pew Research Center aimed at understanding the nature and scope of political polarization in the American public, and how it interrelates with government, society and people’s personal lives. Data in this report are drawn from the first wave of the Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel, conducted March 19-April 29, 2014 among 2,901 web respondents. The panel was recruited from a nationally representative survey, which was conducted by the Pew Research Center in early 2014 and funded in part by grants from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the generosity of Don C. and Jeane M. Bertsch. This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals. Find related reports online at pewresearch.org/packages/political-polarization/ Principal Researchers Amy Mitchell, Director of Journalism Research Jeffrey Gottfried, Research Associate Jocelyn Kiley, Associate Director, Research Katerina Eva Matsa, Research Associate Research Team Graphic Design Carroll Doherty, Director of Political Research Diana