Emblems of Federalism
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A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Literature in English, North America English Language and Literature 6-11-2009 A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau Jack Turner University of Washington Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Turner, Jack, "A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau" (2009). Literature in English, North America. 70. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_english_language_and_literature_north_america/70 A Political Companion to Henr y David Thoreau POLITIcaL COMpaNIONS TO GREat AMERIcaN AUthORS Series Editor: Patrick J. Deneen, Georgetown University The Political Companions to Great American Authors series illuminates the complex political thought of the nation’s most celebrated writers from the founding era to the present. The goals of the series are to demonstrate how American political thought is understood and represented by great Ameri- can writers and to describe how our polity’s understanding of fundamental principles such as democracy, equality, freedom, toleration, and fraternity has been influenced by these canonical authors. The series features a broad spectrum of political theorists, philoso- phers, and literary critics and scholars whose work examines classic authors and seeks to explain their continuing influence on American political, social, intellectual, and cultural life. This series reappraises esteemed American authors and evaluates their writings as lasting works of art that continue to inform and guide the American democratic experiment. -
Redefining Federalism NEWS&ANALYSIS
Copyright © 2005 Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, DC. reprinted with permission from ELR®, http://www.eli.org, 1-800-433-5120. 7-2005 35 ELR 10445 ELRNEWS&ANALYSIS Redefining Federalism by Douglas T. Kendall Editors’ Summary: Federalism has become a highly politicized term in envi- ronmental law, with some parties having adopted the term to signify an ideol- ogy of devolving federal authority over environmental protection back to the states. In this Article, the author argues that from the states’ perspective, the U.S. Supreme Court is using federalism both too much and too little. Too much, in striking down federal law where even the states recognize that a federal role is necessary to address a national problem. Too little, in inappropriately limit- ing state experimentation. By listening more carefully to the states, the author argues that the Court could transform its federalism jurisprudence from a source of criticism and polarization to a doctrine that should win broad support from across the political spectrum. n its current iteration, the U.S. Supreme Court’s federal- important state environmental initiatives despite consider- Iism jurisprudence presents a serious threat to environ- able ambiguity about the intent of Congress. mental protection. The Court’s efforts to reestablish This pattern of rulings suggests the Court is adopting a formalistic limits on the U.S. Congress’ power under the form of “libertarian federalism” in striking down environ- Commerce Clause in United States v. Lopez1 and Morrison mental protections at the federal, state, and local level. As- v. United States2 has led to a flurry of claims that Congress cending in concert with the Court’s jurisprudence has been has exceeded its regulatory authority in protecting sin- an effort by the libertarian right—comprised of grass-roots gle-state species under the Endangered Species Act (ESA)3 organizers such as Grover Norquist, legal activists such as and isolated waters and wetlands under the Clean Water Act Michael Greve, and legal scholars such as Prof. -
Executive Order 13132 of August 4, 1999
43255 Federal Register Presidential Documents Vol. 64, No. 153 Tuesday, August 10, 1999 Title 3Ð Executive Order 13132 of August 4, 1999 The President Federalism By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, and in order to guarantee the division of governmental responsibilities between the national government and the States that was intended by the Framers of the Constitution, to ensure that the principles of federalism established by the Framers guide the execu- tive departments and agencies in the formulation and implementation of policies, and to further the policies of the Unfunded Mandates Reform Act, it is hereby ordered as follows: Section 1. Definitions. For purposes of this order: (a) ``Policies that have federalism implications'' refers to regulations, legis- lative comments or proposed legislation, and other policy statements or actions that have substantial direct effects on the States, on the relationship between the national government and the States, or on the distribution of power and responsibilities among the various levels of government. (b) ``State'' or ``States'' refer to the States of the United States of America, individually or collectively, and, where relevant, to State governments, in- cluding units of local government and other political subdivisions established by the States. (c) ``Agency'' means any authority of the United States that is an ``agency'' under 44 U.S.C. 3502(1), other than those considered to be independent regulatory agencies, as defined in 44 U.S.C. 3502(5). (d) ``State and local officials'' means elected officials of State and local governments or their representative national organizations. -
Neo-Calvinism” Is an Expression Which Was First Used by Max Weber in His Contributions to the Sociology of Religion
Christian Social Thought in the Dutch Neo-Calvinist Tradition Bob Goudzwaard From: Walter Block and Irving Hexham (eds) Religion, Economics and Social Thought: Proceedings of an International Conference Vancouver, Fraser Institute 1986 pp. 251-279 (Chapter Seven). “Neo-Calvinism” is an expression which was first used by Max Weber in his contributions to the sociology of religion. He used it to describe the revival of the social and political teachings of John Calvin which took place, especially in the Netherlands, during the last part of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. The roots of that revival lie mainly in the so-called Réveil movement, which had its origin in the first half of the nineteenth century in Protestant - not only Calvinistic - circles in Switzerland. That movement stressed the significance of a living Christian faith: biblical studies, and prayer for the reformation of the Church and the renewal of society. The most important Dutch representative of that Réveil was Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801- 1876). Deeply influenced by German thinkers Von Haller and Julius Stahl, who were primarily within the Romantic tradition, Groen gradually developed his own approach to the social and political problems of his time, although he always remained a true “son of the Réveil!” His main published work was a major study of the spirit of the French Revolution, Unbelief and Revolution. He saw the Revolution and its ideals as the driving force behind the modern unbelief of his age. However, Abraham Kuyper (1837-1920) must be seen as the founding father of Dutch neo-Calvinism. -
The State of Our Federalism Michael S
The State of Our Federalism Michael S. Greve The Oldest Question of American Constitutional Law Federalism has been called “the oldest question of American constitutional law.” And so it is. Federalism was the central question of our constitutional founding. It has been a constant theme of our politics ever since, and it has been a central, highly contentious question in every critical era in our history—the Civil War and Reconstruction; the Progressive Era; the New Deal; and the Civil Rights Era. We are now living through another critical period. The country is broke, and our political institutions seem incapable of finding solutions. And as always, federalism is playing a prominent role in a heated political debate. You’ve heard the story line: an overbearing, out-of-touch, out-of-control government in Washington, D.C. has aggrandized itself and trampled state and local governments underfoot. To restore fiscal sanity and democratic government, we should restore federalism’s balance. We should respect the Tenth Amendment, return power to the states, and so bring government closer to the people. All of the Republican contenders for the presidency advocate this program, with varying degrees of enthusiasm. I agree with their analysis and prescription—up to a point. Washington has indeed assumed far too much power over local affairs. In many policy areas, decentralization would improve our policies and our politics. I also agree that our problems have a potent constitutional dimension. And yet: I will try to persuade you that our federalism problem is a great deal more complicated. “Federalism” in the sense of decentralization and state authority is not just a solution. -
Federalism in Eastern Europe During and After Communism
James Hughes Federalism in Eastern Europe during and after Communism Book section Original citation: Originally published in Fagan, Adam and Kopecký, Petr, (eds.) The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. Routledge, London, UK. ISBN 9781138919754 © 2018 Routledge This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/69642/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Federalism in Eastern Europe during and after Communism James Hughes Chapter 10 Forthcoming in Adam Fagan and Petr Kopecky eds. The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics. Routledge 2017 One of the earliest political visionaries of federalism in Eastern Europe,interwar Polish leader Józef Piłsudski, famously remarked to former socialist comrades that “we both took -
1 Decentralization and Centralization in a Federal System : the Case Of
Rev. Sociol. Polit. vol.1 no.se Curitiba 2006 Decentralization and centralization in a federal system: the case of * democratic Brazil Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida University of São Paulo Abstract: This paper discusses the contradictory impulses towards decentralization and centralization in Brazil during the 1990s and early 2000s. After discussing the analytical issues related to the specific nature of decentralization in federal systems, the paper examines two sets of policy issues: those regulating the fiscal relations between national and sub-national governments and those redefining responsibilities for social services provision (basic education, health care, social assistance). Against conventional academic wisdom, it sustains that although there has been some re-centralization of fiscal decisions and of targeted income transfer programs, a clear re-centralization tendency cannot be siad to exist. Decentralization and centralization trends coexist propelled by different forces, with different motives and different outcomes. Keywords: centralization; de-centralization; democratization; fiscal relations; social welfares. After a decade of steadfast decentralization is Brazilian federation undergoing a process of re-centralization? Academic conventional wisdom, both within and outside Brazil, seems to say that indeed it is. Decentralization was a major issue of the Brazilian democratization agenda, during the 80s. The bureaucratic-authoritarian regime (1964-1984) concentrated decisions, financial resources and administrative capacities at federal level. The country became an extreme case of centralized federalism1, almost undistinguishable from a unitary polity. Therefore, it was only too natural that democratic opposition to military rule took decentralization as one of its most cherished aims, together with social justice, rule of law and citizens participation. Decentralization to the local level was argued for in the name of democracy as much as in the name of governmental efficiency and efficacy. -
Federalism and Decentralization – a Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics Joint Discussion Paper MAGKS Göttingen Series in Economics Kassel Aachen by the Universities of Siegen Marburg Aachen · Gießen · Göttingen Kassel · Marburg · Siegen Gießen ISSN 1867-3678 No. 21-2008 Lorenz Blume and Stefan Voigt Federalism and Decentralization – A Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators This paper can be downloaded from http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/makro/forschung/magkspapers/index_html%28magks%29 Coordination: Bernd Hayo • Philipps-University Marburg Faculty of Business Administration and Economics • Universitätsstraße 24, D-35032 Marburg Tel: +49-6421-2823091, Fax: +49-6421-2823088, e-mail: [email protected] Federalism and Decentralization – A Critical Survey of Frequently Used Indicators1 Lorenz Blume * and Stefan Voigt # Abstract: The economic effects of federalism are unclear: some papers find that federalism has strong positive effects on a number of economically relevant variables, others find negative effects. The results often crucially hinge upon the proxies for federalism used. In this paper, we critically survey the existing indicators for both federalism and fiscal decentralization. We argue that federalism is a constitutional institution whereas decentralization is (the outcome of) a policy choice and that the two ought to be systematically distinguished because decentralization can also occur in non-federally structured states. We further argue that institutional details are very important with regard to federalism and that dummy variables usually capture only very specific aspects of the institutional details. We use factor analysis to test whether the latent variables behind the observed indicators support these assumptions. -
Federalism and Families
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 143 JUNE 1995 No. 6 ARTICLES FEDERALISM AND FAMILIES ANNE C. DAILEYt TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................. 1788 I. THE LOCALIST STRAND IN CONSTITUTIONAL FEDERALISM 1794 A. Localism Under Dual Federalism ................. 1796 B. The Paradigm of Procedural Federalism: Process and InstitutionalModels .......................... 1805 C. The Reemergence of Substantive Federalism: United States v. Lopez ............................ 1816 D. Localism and Family Law ...................... 1821 II. FAMILIES AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIC CHARACTER . 1825 A. Families in Liberal Theory .................... 1826 t Associate Professor, University of Connecticut School of Law. B.A. 1983, Yale College;J.D. 1987, Harvard Law School. I would like to thank Matthew Adler, Steven Ecker, Richard Kay, Stephen Morse,Jeremy Paul,Judith Resnik, Tanina Rostain, Vicki Schultz, Nomi Stolzenberg, Kathleen A. Sullivan, and participants at the University of Pennsylvania Legal Studies Workshop for their helpful comments and criticisms. Heather Stuart and Marc Ubaldi provided valuable research assistance. (1787) 1788 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 143: 1787 B. Liberal Citizenship and Civic Character ............ 1835 C. Civic Characterand ParentalAuthority ............ 1850 1. The Relational View of the Situated Self ....... 1851 2. The Communal View of the Situated Self ..... 1856 III. A LOCALIST THEORY OF FAMILY LAW .............. 1860 A. The -
Abraham Kuyper
abraham kuyper De Vrije Universiteit op weg naar de samenleving A. Kuyper (1837–1920) was van 1880 tot 1901 hoogleraar in de Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid en buitengewoon hoogleraar Nederlandse taal- en letterkunde in de Faculteit der Letteren. George Harinck Abraham Kuyper is zo’n twintig jaar actief geweest als hoogleraar van de Vrije Universiteit. In zijn geval kunnen we gerust zeggen: maar twintig jaar. Want als we deze periode vergelijken met de jaren dat hij mede leiding gaf aan de andere instituten waarvan hij als de voor- naamste architect kan worden aangemerkt, dan valt de korte duur van zijn universitaire betrekking op. De in 1892 gevormde Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland laat ik buiten beschouwing, ook al was hij een belangrijke vormgever van deze denominatie: formeel gaf hij er geen leiding aan. Maar zijn kerkelijk weekblad De Heraut redigeerde hij een halve eeuw, vanaf 1870 tot op zijn sterfbed in 1920. Van het antirevolu- tionaire dagblad De Standaard was hij bijna vijf decennia hoofdredac- teur, van 1872 tot 1919. Hij had, om het in zijn eigen woorden te zeggen, ‘een halve eeuw’ (vanaf 1869) leiding gegeven aan de antirevolutionai- re actie toen hij het voorzitterschap van de Antirevolutionaire Partij per 1 januari 1919 neerlegde. Kuypers kracht werd soms zijn zwakte: hij organiseerde, bond samen en dreef voort als geen ander en slaagde daarin beter dan wie ook, maar het leiderschap kreeg hem in de greep: hij kon de teugels niet of niet tijdig uit handen geven. En zelfs waar openlijk weerstand werd geboden tegen zijn leiding, zoals in de Antire- volutionaire Partij, bleef hij dwarsliggen en tegenspel bieden, zodat hij binnen zijn eigen partij eindigde als de opposant die hij aanvankelijk naar buiten toe was geweest — al ontbeerde hij inmiddels de kracht van de stormram die hij in zijn jonge jaren was. -
Kuyper and Apartheid: a Revisiting
Kuyper and Apartheid: A revisiting Patrick Baskwell (Brandon, Florida, USA)1 Research Associate: Department of Dogmatics and Christian Ethics University of Pretoria Abstract Was Abraham Kuyper, scholar, statesman, and university founder, the ideological father of Apartheid in South Africa? Many belief so. But, there are others, amongst them George Harinck of the Free University in Amsterdam, who don’t think so. The article argues that there is an element of truth in both opinions. Kuyper did exhibit the casual racism so characteristic of the Victorian era, with its emphasis on empire building and all that it entailed. Kuyper was also directly responsible, ideologically, for the social structure in the Netherlands known as “verzuiling” or “pillarization” in terms of which members of the Catholic, Protestant, or Socialist segments of society had their own social institutions. This pillarizing, or segmenting, of society was, however, always voluntary. This is not true of the pillarizing or segmenting of South African society known as Apartheid. While there are similarities between Apartheid and “verzuiling”, especially in their vertical partitioning of the individual’s entire life, the South African historical context, the mediation of Kuyper’s ideas through South African scholars, the total government involvement, and therefore, the involuntary nature of Apartheid, point to their inherent dissimilarity. Apartheid was simply not pure Kuyper. Hence, while the effects of Kuyper’s ideas are clearly discernable in Apartheid policy, the article aims at arguing that Kuyper cannot be considered the father of Apartheid in any direct way. 1. INTRODUCTION In a recent article, George Harinck, director of the Historisch Documentatiecentrum voor het Nederlands Protestantisme (1800-current) at the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, the Netherlands, describes the beginnings of his research for a book on Abraham Kuyper. -
Friday Evening Keynote Address Mark A
Friday Evening Keynote Address Mark A. Noll Journal of Markets & Morality Volume 5, Number 1 (Spring 2002), 137–156 Copyright © 2002 A Century of Christian Social Teaching: The Legacy of Leo XIII and Mark A. Noll Abraham Kuyper Wheaton College Looking back as we can now, at the end of the twentieth century, to the end of the nineteenth century, we are able to see much more clearly why the Christian social teachings of Abraham Kuyper and Leo XIII were themselves so insight- ful.1 It is not just that the pope’s Rerum Novarum of 1891 and the many other social encyclicals of his long and distinguished pontificate were words in sea- son from and for a Catholic Church wracked by more than thirty-five years of revolution, strife over dogma, Kulturkampf, and local Italian crises. Nor was it only that Abraham Kuyper’s great lecture in November 1891 on “The Social Problem and the Christian Religion” or his consideration of “Calvinism and Politics” in his 1898 Stone Lectures at Princeton offered what was, for Protestants in the 1890s, that rarest combination of sensitivity to the dispos- sessed with fidelity to a confession. It was not only, to repeat, that these were timely interventions. They were also prescient pronouncements. Their address to current events contained foundational reasoning that has been profitably extrapolated during the century that followed and in conditions and circum- stances that no one in the 1890s could have foreseen. Of course, what Kuyper and the pope said was not flawless; each had his blindspots and his weak- nesses.