Kuyper and Apartheid: a Revisiting
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Calvinism in the Context of the Afrikaner Nationalist Ideology
ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 78, 2009, 2, 305-323 CALVINISM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE AFRIKANER NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY Jela D o bo šo vá Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia [email protected] Calvinism was a part of the mythic history of Afrikaners; however, it was only a specific interpretation of history that made it a part of the ideology of the Afrikaner nationalists. Calvinism came to South Africa with the first Dutch settlers. There is no historical evidence that indicates that the first settlers were deeply religious, but they were worshippers in the Nederlands Hervormde Kerk (Dutch Reformed Church), which was the only church permitted in the region until 1778. After almost 200 years, Afrikaner nationalism developed and connected itself with Calvinism. This happened due to the theoretical and ideological approach of S. J.du Toit and a man referred to as its ‘creator’, Paul Kruger. The ideology was highly influenced by historical developments in the Netherlands in the late 19th century and by the spread of neo-Calvinism and Christian nationalism there. It is no accident, then, that it was during the 19th century when the mythic history of South Africa itself developed and that Calvinism would play such a prominent role in it. It became the first religion of the Afrikaners, a distinguishing factor in the multicultural and multiethnic society that existed there at the time. It legitimised early thoughts of a segregationist policy and was misused for political intentions. Key words: Afrikaner, Afrikaner nationalism, Calvinism, neo-Calvinism, Christian nationalism, segregation, apartheid, South Africa, Great Trek, mythic history, Nazi regime, racial theories Calvinism came to South Africa in 1652, but there is no historical evidence that the settlers who came there at that time were Calvinists. -
Subsidiarity and a Free Society
FEATURE SUBSIDIARITY AND A FREE SOCIETY Opponents of collectivism will find a rich resource in Catholic doctrine. “The Principle of Subsidiarity is opposed to all forms of collectivism. It sets the limits for state action.” —Catechism of the Catholic Church, par. 1885 ne of the key principles of Catholic Defining Subsidiarity social thought is known as the principle The word subsidiarity derives from the word of subsidiarity. Basically, this tenet “subsidiary,” which in turn has its roots in the holds that nothing should be done by Latin word subsidium. In simple terms, subsidiarity Oa large, complex governing order when a smaller, means “help” or “assistance,” simpler order will suffice. Subsidiarity, understood implying, among other things, that in this sense, is opposed to forms of centralisation, a higher governing order such as bureaucratisation, and welfare assistance, which the modern state has an obligation ultimately deprive citizens of their responsibility to help or assist individuals and toward themselves, their families, and their societies. lower social groups to flourish, Rather, the concept supports personal freedom not to swamp or absorb them. and responsibility as much as a proper balance Despite similarities with Calvinist between the public and private spheres, resulting in the recognition of the common good inherently promoted through the spontaneous actions Dr. Augusto Zimmermann is chair in legal theory and interactions between free and responsible and constitutional law at Murdoch University School of individuals. This principle is therefore a bulwark Law, president of the Western Australian Legal Theory of limited government and personal freedom. As Association, and co-author of Global Perspectives on such, subsidiarity conflicts with the centralization Subsidiarity (Springer, 2014). -
Politicallyincorrect: the Pejoration of Political Language
North Texas Journal of Undergraduate Research, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2019 http://honors.unt.edu #politicallyincorrect: The Pejoration of Political Language Ashley Balcazar1* Abstract How is the term “political correctness” understood in the context of modern American politics, particularly in the context of the 2016 election? More specifically, what triggers perceived offensiveness in political language? At the crux of the matter is the distinction between oneself or one’s social group, those perceived as “the other,” and what one is and is not allowed to say in a social forum. This study aims to analyze common language usage and identify factors contributing to the offensification of political language in social media and the types of language in social media that trigger a sense of political outrage. We examine Facebook and Twitter memes, using API searches referring directly to the terms “PC” or “politically correct.” Dedoose, a text content-analysis package is used to identify recurring themes in online interactions that are used to criticize perceived political enemies. Results show that themes primarily related to “feminism” and “redneck” reflect cross-cutting cleavages in the political landscape primarily related to Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. We also identify significant cleavages in racial identity and quantify these statistically. Our results compliment other recent studies which aim to gauge the impact of social media on political and social polarization. Keywords Political Correctness — PC Speech — Memes — Social Media — Content Analysis 1Department of Linguistics, University of North Texas *Faculty Mentor: Dr. Tom Miles Contents became a divisive inclusion in the American English lexicon. Language is subject to the collective approval of a society, Introduction 1 yet a gulf separates conflicting perceptions of political cor- 1 Background: An Overview of the Controversy 2 rectness. -
Men of God Homosexual and Catholic Identity Negotiation, Through Holland‟S Catholic Priests Kyle Alexander SIT Study Abroad
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Men of God Homosexual and Catholic Identity Negotiation, Through Holland‟s Catholic Priests Kyle Alexander SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Comparative Methodologies and Theories Commons, and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies Commons Recommended Citation Alexander, Kyle, "Men of God Homosexual and Catholic Identity Negotiation, Through Holland‟s Catholic Priests" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1092. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1092 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MenHomosexual of and God Catholic Identity Negotiation, Through Holland‟s Catholic Priests Kyle Alexander Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for The Netherlands: International perspectives on sexuality & gender, SIT Study Abroad, Spring 2011 University Affiliation: Fordham University, Departments of Psychology and Sociology Author: Alexander, Kyle Academic Director: Kevin Connors, Advisor: Balázs Boross Europe, Netherlands, Amsterdam Men of God 2 Consent to Use of Independent Study Project (ISP) Student Name: Kyle Alexander Title of ISP: Return of the Faithful. Examining the Contemporary Dutch Gay, Catholic Male. Program and Term: Netherlands: International perspectives on sexuality & gender. Fall 2010 1. When you submit your ISP to your Academic Director, World Learning/SIT Study Abroad would like to include and archive it in the permanent library collection at the SIT Study Abroad program office in the country where you studied and/or at any World Learning office. -
Feminist Linguistic Theories and “Political Correctness” Modifying the Discourse on Women? Christèle Le Bihan-Colleran University of Poitiers, France
Feminist Linguistic Theories and “Political Correctness” Modifying the Discourse on Women? Christèle Le Bihan-Colleran University of Poitiers, France Abstract. This article proposes a historical perspective looking at the beginnings of feminist linguistics during the liberation movements and its link with the “politically correct” movement. Initially a mostly ironical left-wing expression, it was used by the right notably to denounce the attempt by this movement to reform the language used to describe racial, ethnic and sexual minorities. This attempt at linguistic reform rested on a theoretical approach to language use, with borrowings from feminist linguistic theories. This led to an association being made between feminist linguistic reforms and “political correctness”, thereby impacting the changes brought to the discourse about women. Keywords: feminist linguistic theories, political correctness, language, discourse, sexism Introduction In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a debate over what came to be known as the “politically correct” movement [1] erupted in the United States first and then in Britain. It focused notably on the linguistic reforms associated with this movement. These reforms aimed at eradicating all forms of discrimination in language use in particular through the adoption of speech codes and anti- harassment guidelines, so as to modify the discourse about racial and ethnic minorities but also women, and thereby bring about social change by transforming social attitudes. However, these attempts at a linguistic reform were viewed as a threat to freedom of speech by its detractors who used the phrase “political correctness” to denounce the imposition of a form of “linguistic correctness”. Conversely, their use of the phrase “political correctness” was widely viewed as an attack on the progress made by minorities as a result of the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. -
(Legal Gazette A) Vol 668 No 44217
Government Gazette Staatskoerant REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA REPUBLIEK VAN SUID AFRIKA Regulation Gazette No. 10177 Regulasiekoerant February Vol. 668 12 2021 No. 44217 Februarie PART 1 OF 2 LEGAL NOTICES A WETLIKE KENNISGEWINGS ISSN 1682-5845 N.B. The Government Printing Works will 44217 not be held responsible for the quality of “Hard Copies” or “Electronic Files” submitted for publication purposes 9 771682 584003 AIDS HELPLINE: 0800-0123-22 Prevention is the cure 2 No. 44217 GOVERNMENT GAZETTE, 12 February 2021 IMPORTANT NOTICE: THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING WORKS WILL NOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR ANY ERRORS THAT MIGHT OCCUR DUE TO THE SUBMISSION OF INCOMPLETE / INCORRECT / ILLEGIBLE COPY. NO FUTURE QUERIES WILL BE HANDLED IN CONNECTION WITH THE ABOVE. Table of Contents LEGAL NOTICES / WETLIKE KENNISGEWINGS BUSINESS NOTICES • BESIGHEIDSKENNISGEWINGS National / Nasionaal .................................................................................................................................. 14 COMPANY NOTICES • MAATSKAPPYKENNISGEWINGS National / Nasionaal .................................................................................................................................. 18 ORDERS OF THE COURT • BEVELE VAN DIE HOF National / Nasionaal .................................................................................................................................. 19 GENERAL • ALGEMEEN National / Nasionaal ................................................................................................................................. -
Cpj's 2017 Kuyper Lecture
CPJ’S 2017 KUYPER LECTURE Rediscovering Sphere Sovereignty in the Age of Trump Dr. Charles Glenn April 27, 2017 Grand Rapids, Michigan Most Americans have never heard of Abraham Kuyper. If they have, they are likely to associate his name with “sphere sovereignty.” This concept first gained prominence during the seven-decade political struggle in the Netherlands to allow parents to select schools corresponding to their religious convictions. • Is sphere sovereignty still relevant? And, indeed, is Kuyper still relevant, except as an example of a statesman/theologian? • Can his ideas help us find our way in the present confusing moment in political and social life in this and other Western democracies? • How do they illuminate the profound divisions so apparent in the recent elections, and can they offer a way forward? I will argue that, in fact, they do offer a principled approach to policy-making, especially in my own field of education. Despite obvious differences, the present situation in the United States – and indeed in the Netherlands and other European countries – shares with the period when Kuyper began to be influential a significant feature: popular revulsion against the condescension and intolerance of a Liberal elite toward the values and interests of many of their fellow-citizens. A primary locus of this conflict, in nineteenth-century Netherlands (and Belgium and France, Germany and Spain) as in twenty-first century United States, was public schooling. The situation came to a boil in 1878, when a new generation of Dutch Liberals came to power, committed to government intervention in popular schooling and explicitly hostile to confessional schools. -
Antisemitism 2.0”—The Spreading of Jew-Hatredonthe World Wide Web
MonikaSchwarz-Friesel “Antisemitism 2.0”—The Spreading of Jew-hatredonthe World Wide Web This article focuses on the rising problem of internet antisemitism and online ha- tred against Israel. Antisemitism 2.0isfound on all webplatforms, not justin right-wing social media but alsoonthe online commentary sections of quality media and on everydayweb pages. The internet shows Jew‐hatred in all its var- ious contemporary forms, from overt death threats to more subtle manifestations articulated as indirect speech acts. The spreading of antisemitic texts and pic- tures on all accessibleaswell as seemingly non-radical platforms, their rapid and multiple distribution on the World Wide Web, adiscourse domain less con- trolled than other media, is by now acommon phenomenon within the spaceof public online communication. As aresult,the increasingimportance of Web2.0 communication makes antisemitism generallymore acceptable in mainstream discourse and leadstoanormalization of anti-Jewishutterances. Empirical results from alongitudinalcorpus studyare presented and dis- cussed in this article. They show how centuries old anti-Jewish stereotypes are persistentlyreproducedacross different social strata. The data confirm that hate speech against Jews on online platforms follows the pattern of classical an- tisemitism. Although manyofthem are camouflaged as “criticism of Israel,” they are rooted in the ancient and medieval stereotypes and mental models of Jew hostility.Thus, the “Israelization of antisemitism,”¹ the most dominant manifes- tation of Judeophobia today, proves to be merelyanew garb for the age-old Jew hatred. However,the easy accessibility and the omnipresenceofantisemitism on the web 2.0enhancesand intensifies the spreadingofJew-hatred, and its prop- agation on social media leads to anormalization of antisemitic communication, thinking,and feeling. -
Neo-Calvinism” Is an Expression Which Was First Used by Max Weber in His Contributions to the Sociology of Religion
Christian Social Thought in the Dutch Neo-Calvinist Tradition Bob Goudzwaard From: Walter Block and Irving Hexham (eds) Religion, Economics and Social Thought: Proceedings of an International Conference Vancouver, Fraser Institute 1986 pp. 251-279 (Chapter Seven). “Neo-Calvinism” is an expression which was first used by Max Weber in his contributions to the sociology of religion. He used it to describe the revival of the social and political teachings of John Calvin which took place, especially in the Netherlands, during the last part of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. The roots of that revival lie mainly in the so-called Réveil movement, which had its origin in the first half of the nineteenth century in Protestant - not only Calvinistic - circles in Switzerland. That movement stressed the significance of a living Christian faith: biblical studies, and prayer for the reformation of the Church and the renewal of society. The most important Dutch representative of that Réveil was Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801- 1876). Deeply influenced by German thinkers Von Haller and Julius Stahl, who were primarily within the Romantic tradition, Groen gradually developed his own approach to the social and political problems of his time, although he always remained a true “son of the Réveil!” His main published work was a major study of the spirit of the French Revolution, Unbelief and Revolution. He saw the Revolution and its ideals as the driving force behind the modern unbelief of his age. However, Abraham Kuyper (1837-1920) must be seen as the founding father of Dutch neo-Calvinism. -
Politics of Identity
v Politics of Identity What Next after Multiculturalism May 2015 Summary Vít Novotný1 The failure of multiculturalism has been declared by many. Yet few have come up with alternatives to how Europe’s ethnic and religious groups can co-exist in our liberal democracies. This InFocus argues that Europe can benefit from the genuine desire that many immigrants have, to identify with the constitutions of their new home countries while maintaining elements of their own culture. European and national policymakers should elaborate on the existing concept of interculturalism, and they could learn from the US and Canadian approaches to integration. Europe’s centre-right political parties have a particular role not only in opening politics to immigrants and their descendants but also in forging strong national and European allegiances that are compatible with group belonging.1 Introduction The jihadist terror attacks in Paris and Copenhagen in early 2015 starkly reminded us that not all is well with the integration of Muslims into European societies. Paradoxically, the public demonstrations in France that followed the attacks injected a degree of optimism into European public life. These moving and encouraging public displays demonstrated beyond doubt that France continues to be a country of liberty. The 3.7 million people who were on the streets also proved, in their support for tolerance and freedom of speech, that liberal democracy is not dead. 1 I am grateful to Roland Freudenstein for his extensive comments that significantly improved the argument of this paper. I would also like to thank Michael Benhamou for his remarks. Nevertheless, if anyone still had doubts, European liberal democracy is facing a number of external and internal tests. -
“Men of Influence”– the Ontology of Leadership in the 1914 Boer
Journal of Historical Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1 March 2004 ISSN 0952-1909 “Men of Influence” – The Ontology of Leadership in the 1914 Boer Rebellion SANDRA SWART Abstract This paper raises questions about the ontology of the Afrikaner leader- ship in the 1914 Boer Rebellion – and the tendency to portray the rebel leadership in terms of monolithic Republicans, followed by those who shared their dedication to returning the state to the old Boer republics. Discussions of the Rebellion have not focused on the interaction between leadership and rank and file, which in part has been obscured by Republican mythology based on the egalitarianism of the Boer commando. This paper attempts to establish the ambitions of the leaders for going into rebellion and the motivations of those who followed them. It traces the political and economic changes that came with union and industrialization, and asks why some influential men felt increasingly alienated from the new form of state structure while others adapted to it. To ascertain the nature of the support for the leaders, the discussion looks at Republican hierarchy and the ideology of patri- archy. The paper further discusses the circumscribed but significant role of women in the Rebellion. This article seeks to contribute to a wider understanding of the history of leadership in South Africa, entangled in the identity dynamics of mas- culinity, class and race interests. ***** Man, I can guess at nothing. Each man must think for himself. For myself, I will go where my General goes. Japie Krynauw (rebel).1 In 1914 there was a rebellion against the young South African state. -
White Privilege and Cultural Racism Effects on the Counselling Process
2 White Privilege and Cultural Racism Effects on the Counselling Process Nia Addy Abstract White privilege is an insidious and elusive concept that, when discussed, often generates strong reactions of denial, guilt, shame, discomfort, and defensiveness (Arminio, 2001). This article attempts to provide a précis of what is meant by white privilege and how it manifests in New Zealand society. White privilege and cultural racism are then examined in relation to the counselling process. The necessity is discussed for white counsellors to develop an awareness of their own racial identity in order to better understand and address the impact of race issues on both their sense of self and their work. Most White people, in my experience, tend not to think of themselves in racial terms. They know they are White, of course, but mostly that translates into being not Black.… Whiteness, in and of itself, has little meaning. (Dalton, 2005, p. 15) The “invisible whiteness of being”, as described by D. W. Sue (2006, p. 15), creates a tangled and sticky web of racial dominance and cultural racism. In Western societies, white people are socialised into occupying a position of power and privilege, and by so being, there is little drive or incentive to address issues of white racial identity and the unearned advantages of having light skin (Dyer, 1997; Lago, 2006; Sue, 2006; Tuckwell, 2002, 2006). Thus whiteness is unquestioningly seen as the human norm, and race is something applied to non-white peoples. In other words, “Other people are raced, we are just people” (Dyer, 1997, p.