Arts Under Attack Jahrbuch Jahrbuch Yearbook Yearbook 2017 2017 Jahrbuch Yearbook

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Arts Under Attack Jahrbuch Jahrbuch Yearbook Yearbook 2017 2017 Jahrbuch Yearbook 2017 ARTS UNDER ATTACK JAHRBUCH JAHRBUCH YEARBOOK YEARBOOK 2017 2017 YEARBOOK JAHRBUCH ARTS UNDER ATTACK Internationales Theaterinstitut Zentrum Bundesrepublik Deutschland German Centre of the International Theatre Institute 2017 JAHRBUCH YEARBOOK 2017 ARTS UNDER ATTACK Internationales Theaterinstitut Zentrum Bundesrepublik Deutschland German Centre of the International Theatre Institute 02 FREEDOM AFTER EXPRESSION To continue our focus on Europe, which has been the emphasis of our projects for the last two years, this yearbook examines social frictions and rifts that are generating increasingly difficult conditions for the creation of art. Manufacturing these highlights has revealed the contradictory nature of such an approach. Our still (and mostly) enlightened public expects candid analyses of social realities by intellectuals and artists – who also, and primarily, originate from countries that are combating open societies. But in our protected biotopes, we often carelessly offer a platform for open but also public discourse without really being able to protect those who are taking part within the public sphere of their countries. We invite them to a cultural exchange that requires them to return back home on schedule after having delivered their critical statements. If this turns out to be back to their domestic torture prisons, then the next online petition is easily and quickly written. “If we have the freedom of expression – do we have the freedom after expression?“ This is how the Swedish UN human rights expert Alfons Karabuda, citing his colleague Paul Brickhill, an Artists’ Rights activist from Harare, Zimbabwe, summed it up three years ago.1 In the midst of the European unification euphoria at the beginning of the 1990s, the French doctor and political scientist Jean-Christophe Rufin2 declared the ideology of political universalism and global economism as finished. In 1989, according to Rufin, it became clear that the primacy of EDITORIAL defining all local conflicts as surrogate ‘first world’ conflicts had ended. An ‘ideology of Limes’, which he called “diplomacy of apartheid on a world- wide scale” – and which anticipated the reality of the European fortress – bans the internal threats and barbaric moments in Europe to an ‘exterior’, EDITORIAL the Global South; it is an act of exorcism. “The ‘ideology of Limes’ allows the North, which is reunified and sees itself as a guarantor of the values of democracy and law, to forget that the path to reach its ideals remains a long one.” With a perspective onto a multipolar world from precisely this Global South, the South African cultural activist and playwright Mike van Graan determines in this yearbook “that ‘populism’ among white citizens in countries of the Global North… is only a symptom of deeper lying economic, political, military, social and cultural rifts that permeate our current world and that are founded in our collective past.” In the course of the last year, the number of registered attacks on artistic freedom has more than doubled, as the Freemuse network has determined. This includes murder, kidnapping, imprisonment and censorship. Freemuse founder Ole Reitov, in a keynote on this year’s freedom of JAHRBUCH ITI YEARBOOK JAHRBUCH ITI YEARBOOK the press day that is published here, demanded to finally invest in measures to protect artists and the freedom of artistic expression. It is a demand that the ITI World Congress supported with an unanimous resolution. “It’s not easy to discuss with someone who has a whistle in his mouth”, says Jan Klata, the theatre director from Krakow who was fired in the summer. “You can measure a country’s strength based on the condition of its art. If it has challenging art, then common values are strong enough to survive. In contrast, it is a sign of a fearful national identity if people need these public displays of shared identity.” And his discussion partner Senad Halilbasic predicts: “You need both: a national mobilisation of artistic power and simultaneously the pressure and influence from the outside. Especially those who decide what cultural politics are and aren’t can be strongly influenced from the out- side; paradoxically, far more than from the inside. One should take the situation very seriously; as soon as this system of censorship starts working, they won’t listen to anyone anymore.” Whatever we may describe and discuss in next year’s yearbook, the deeply rooted and rapid change in our societies and their discourses will continue to nourish the theatre – as long as it remains a vibrant medium of democratic consciousness, is committed and provokes. Dario Fo’s sarcastic hope – that the path to diminish theatre’s irrelevance is paved by powers-that-be who battle thespians – seems to produce the best results. Thomas Engel Director 1 UN Human Rights Council Report “The Right to Freedom of Artistic Expression and Creativity” Presentation 34th ITI World Congress – 17 – 22 November 2014, Yerevan, Armenia, https://artistsrights.iti-germany.de/news ). 2 Rufin, Jean-Christophe: Das Reich und die Neuen Barbaren, Volk und Welt: Berlin 1993. 03 FREEDOM AFTER EXPRESSION In Fortsetzung der Beschäftigung mit Europa, seit zwei Jahren unser Projektschwerpunkt, fragen wir in diesem Jahrbuch nach gesellschaftlichen Friktionen und Brüchen, die das Herstellen von Kunst unter zunehmend schwierigere Bedingungen setzen. Das Verfertigen dieser Schlaglichter hat die Widersprüchlichkeit eines solchen Ansatzes deutlich gemacht. Unsere immer noch weit- gehend aufgeklärte Öffentlichkeit erwartet freimütige Analysen gesellschaftlicher Wirklichkeiten von Intellektuellen und Künstler*innen – auch und vor allem aus Ländern, die einer offenen Gesellschaft den Kampf angesagt haben. Doch in unseren geschützten Biotopen bieten wir oft viel zu leichtfertig eine Plattform für den offenen, aber auch öffentlichen Diskurs, ohne diejenigen wirklich schützen zu können, die diesen Diskurs im Angesicht der Öffentlichkeit ihrer Länder austragen. Wir laden zu kulturellem Austausch ein, der dazu verpflichtet, nach der kritischen Stellungnahme fristgemäß in die Heimat zurückzukehren. Ist dies bedauerlicherweise der heimische Folterknast, ist die nächste Online-Petition schnell geschrieben. „If we have the freedom of expression – do we have the freedom after expression?“ brachte es der schwedische UN-Menschenrechtsexperte Alfons Karabuda, seinen Kollegen Paul Brickhill, Artists Rights Aktivist aus Harare, Simbabwe zitierend, schon vor drei Jahren auf den Punkt .1 Mitten in der europäischen Einigungseuphorie Anfang der 1990er-Jahre erklärte der französische Arzt und Politikwissenschaftler Jean- Christophe Rufin 2 die Ideologie des politischen Universalismus und des globalen Ökonomismus für beendet. 1989 wurde, so Rufin, das Ende des EDITORIAL Primats der Definition aller lokalen Konfliktlagen als Stellvertreterkonflikte der ,Ersten Welt‘ offensichtlich. Eine ‚Ideologie des Limes’, die er als „Diplomatie der Apartheid im Weltmaßstab“ bezeichnet – und die die Realität einer Festung Europa voraussah – verbannt in Europa die inneren Gefahren und Barbarismen durch den Exorzismus in ein ,Draußen‘, den Globalen Süden. „Die Ideologie des Limes gestattet es dem Norden, der sich EDITORIAL wiedervereinigt und als Wahrer der Werte von Demokratie und Recht sieht, zu vergessen, dass der Weg bis zu seinen Idealen noch lang ist.“ Mit dem Blick aus eben jenem Globalen Süden auf eine multipolare Welt stellt der südafrikanische Kulturaktivist und Dramatiker Mike van Graan in diesem Jahrbuch fest, dass ‚Populismus‘ unter weißen Bürger*innen in Ländern des Globalen Nordens „nur ein Symptom der tieferlie- genden ökonomischen, politischen, militärischen, sozialen und kulturellen Brüche [ist], die sich durch unsere heutige Welt ziehen und die in unserer kollektiven Vergangenheit gründen.“ Mehr als verdoppelt hat sich innerhalb eines Jahres die Anzahl der registrierten Angriffe auf die künstlerische Freiheit weltweit, stellt das Netzwerk Freemuse fest. Dazu gehören Mord, Entführung, Verhaftung, Bedrohung und Zensur. Freemuse-Gründer Ole Reitov hat in einer hier JAHRBUCH ITI YEARBOOK abgedruckten Keynote zum diesjährigen Tag der Pressefreiheit die UNO dringlich aufgefordert, endlich auch in Maßnahmen für den Schutz der Künstler*innen und der Freiheit des künstlerischen Ausdrucks zu investieren. Eine Forderung, der sich der ITI Weltkongress mit einer einstimmigen Resolution angeschlossen hat. „Es ist nicht einfach, mit Leuten zu diskutieren, die eine Trillerpfeife im Mund haben“, meint Jan Klata, der im Sommer gefeuerte Intendant aus Krakau. „Man kann die Stärke eines Landes an der Beschaffenheit seiner Kunst messen. Wenn es eine herausfordernde Kunst gibt, sind die gemeinsamen Werte stark genug, um zu überleben. Es ist hingegen ein Zeichen einer verängstigten nationalen Identität, wenn Leute diese öffentlichen Feste der Zusammengehörigkeit brauchen.“ Und sein Diskussionspartner Senad Halilbasic prognostiziert: „Man braucht beides: eine nationale Mobilisierung künstlerischer Kräfte, aber gleichzeitig den Druck und den Einfluss von außen. Besonders diejenigen, die entscheiden, was Kulturpolitik ist und was nicht, können stark von außen beeinflusst werden, paradoxerweise sehr viel mehr als von innen. Man sollte die Situation sehr ernst nehmen, denn sobald dieses System der Zensur erst einmal funktioniert, werden sie auf niemanden mehr hören.“ Was auch immer wir im Jahrbuch des nächsten Jahres beschreiben und diskutieren werden, der so tiefgreifende wie rasante Wandel unserer Gesellschaften
Recommended publications
  • Germany, International Justice and the 20Th Century
    Paul Betts Dept .of History University of Sussex NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: DRAFT VERSION: THE FINAL DRAFT OF THIS ESSAY WILL APPEAR IN A SPECIAL ISSUE OF HISTORY AND MEMORY IN APRIL, 2005, ED. ALON CONFINO Germany, International Justice and the 20th Century The turning of the millennium has predictably spurred fresh interest in reinterpreting the 20th century as a whole. Recent years have witnessed a bountiful crop of academic surveys, mass market picture books and television programs devoted to recalling the deeds and misdeeds of the last one hundred years. It then comes as no surprise that Germany often figures prominently in these new accounts. If nothing else, its responsibility for World War I, World War II and the Holocaust assures its villainous presence in most every retrospective on offer. That Germany alone experienced all of the modern forms of government in one compressed century – from constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, fascism, Western liberalism to Soviet-style communism -- has also made it a favorite object lesson about the so-called Age of Extremes. Moreover, the enduring international influence of Weimar culture, feminism and the women’s movement, social democracy, post-1945 economic recovery, West German liberalism, environmental politics and most recently pacifism have also occasioned serious reconsideration of the contemporary relevance of the 20th century German past. Little wonder that several commentators have gone so far as to christen the “short twentieth century” between 1914 and 1989 as really the “German century,” to the extent that German history is commonly held as emblematic of Europe’s 20th century more generally.1 Acknowledging Germany’s central role in 20th century life has hardly made things easy for historians, however.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Netzdg As Role Model Or Cautionary Tale? Implications for the Debate on Social Media Liability
    Fordham Intellectual Property, Media and Entertainment Law Journal Volume 31 XXXI Number 4 Article 4 2021 The German NetzDG as Role Model or Cautionary Tale? Implications for the Debate on Social Media Liability Patrick Zurth Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich (LMU), [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/iplj Part of the International Law Commons, and the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Patrick Zurth, The German NetzDG as Role Model or Cautionary Tale? Implications for the Debate on Social Media Liability, 31 Fordham Intell. Prop. Media & Ent. L.J. 1084 (2021). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/iplj/vol31/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Intellectual Property, Media and Entertainment Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The German NetzDG as Role Model or Cautionary Tale? Implications for the Debate on Social Media Liability Cover Page Footnote Dr. iur., LL.M. (Stanford). Postdoctoral Fellow at the Chair for Private Law and Intellectual Property Law with Information- and IT-Law (GRUR-chair) (Prof. Dr. Matthias Leistner, LL.M. (Cambridge)) at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, Germany. Thanks to Professor David Freeman Engstrom, Abhilasha Vij, Jasmin Hohmann, Shazana Rohr, and the editorial board of the Fordham Intellectual Property, Media and Entertainment Law Journal for helpful comments and assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • The Byline of Europe: an Examination of Foreign Correspondents' Reporting from 1930 to 1941
    Illinois State University ISU ReD: Research and eData Theses and Dissertations 3-8-2017 The Byline of Europe: An Examination of Foreign Correspondents' Reporting from 1930 to 1941 Kerry J. Garvey Illinois State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, Journalism Studies Commons, and the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation Garvey, Kerry J., "The Byline of Europe: An Examination of Foreign Correspondents' Reporting from 1930 to 1941" (2017). Theses and Dissertations. 671. https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd/671 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ISU ReD: Research and eData. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ISU ReD: Research and eData. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BYLINE OF EUROPE: AN EXAMINATION OF FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS’ REPORTING FROM 1930 TO 1941 Kerry J. Garvey 133 Pages This thesis focuses on two of the largest foreign correspondents’ networks the one of the Chicago Tribune and New York Times- in prewar Europe and especially in Germany, thus providing a wider perspective on the foreign correspondents’ role in news reporting and, more importantly, how their reporting appeared in the published newspaper. It provides a new, broader perspective on how foreign news reporting portrayed European events to the American public. It describes the correspondents’ role in publishing articles over three time periods- 1930 to 1933, 1933-1939, and 1939 to 1941. Reporting and consequently the published paper depended on the correspondents’ ingenuity in the relationship with the foreign government(s); their cultural knowledge; and their gender.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a History of the Serial Killer in German Film History
    FOCUS ON GERMAN STUDIES 14 51 “Warte, warte noch ein Weilchen...” – Towards a History of the Serial Killer in German Film History JÜRGEN SCHACHERL Warte, warte noch ein Weilchen, dann kommt Haarmann auch zu dir, mit dem Hackehackebeilchen macht er Leberwurst aus dir. - German nursery rhyme t is not an unknown tendency for dark events to be contained and to find expression in nursery rhymes and children’s verses, such as I the well-known German children’s rhyme above. At first instance seemingly no more than a mean, whiny playground chant, it in fact alludes to a notorious serial killer who preyed on young male prostitutes and homeless boys. Placed in this context, the possible vulgar connotations arising from Leberwurst become all the more difficult to avoid recognizing. The gravity of these events often becomes drowned out by the sing-song iambics of these verses; their teasing melodic catchiness facilitates the overlooking of their lyrical textual content, effectively down-playing the severity of the actual events. Moreover, the containment in common fairy tale-like verses serves to mythologize the subject matter, rendering it gradually more fictitious until it becomes an ahistorical prototype upon a pedestal. Serial killer and horror films have to an arguably large extent undergone this fate – all too often simply compartmentalized in the gnarly pedestal category of “gore and guts” – in the course of the respective genres’ development and propagation, particularly in the American popular film industry: Hollywood. The gravity and severity of the serial murder phenomenon become drowned in an indifferent bloody splattering of gory effects.
    [Show full text]
  • Introducing the Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression's
    66th IFLA Council and General Conference - IFLA/FAIFE Open Session - August 16, 2000, Jerusalem, Israel By Mette Newth, project leader 0. Introduction Allow me to first express my pleasure at being here. The original idea of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina database project was conceived by the Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression in Spring of 1997, and strongly supported by Mr. Frode Bakken, then Chairman of The Norwegian Library Association. Right from the start we hoped for co-operation with IFLA and the then emerging IFLA/FAIFE Office. All the more pleasurable to be here today, knowing that IFLA through the IFLA/FAIFE Office will be a close partner in the future development of this unique and ambitious project. A project aiming to collect and make electronically available bibliographic data on all books and newspapers censored world wide through the ages, as well as literature published on freedom of expression and censorship. Libraries remain the true memory of humanity. Our project is created in honour of the vast number of men and women whose writings for various reasons were censored through human history, - many of their books now lost forever – their ideas and thoughts in no way available to the public. Thus we regard the database also as a monument to the fundamental right of free access to information. Let me briefly introduce the Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression: founded in 1995 by 15 major Norwegian organisations within the media field as an independent centre of documentation and information. NFFE still remains a fairly unique constellation of organisations, representing as it does authors and translators, booksellers, libraries and publishers, journalists and editors as well as HR organisations such as P.E.N and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Censorship and Subversion in German No-Budget Horror Film Kai-Uwe Werbeck
    The State vs. Buttgereit and Ittenbach: Censorship and Subversion in German No-Budget Horror Film Kai-Uwe Werbeck IN THE LATE 1980S AND EARLY 1990S, WEST GERMAN INDIE DIRECTORS released a comparatively high number of hyper-violent horror films, domestic no-budget productions often shot with camcorders. Screened at genre festivals and disseminated as grainy VHS or Betamax bootlegs, these films constitute anomalies in the history of German postwar cinema where horror films in general and splatter movies in particular have been rare, at least up until the 2000s.1 This article focuses on two of the most prominent exponents of these cheap German genre flicks: Jörg Buttgereit’s controversial and highly self- reflexive NekRomantik 2 (1991) and Olaf Ittenbach’s infamous gore-fest The Burning Moon (1992), both part of a huge but largely obscure underground culture of homebrew horror. I argue that both NekRomantik 2 and The Burning Moon—amateurish and raw as they may appear—successfully reflect the state of non-normative filmmaking in a country where, according to Germany’s Basic Law, “There shall be no censorship.”2 Yet, the nation’s strict media laws—tied, in particular, to the Jugendschutz (protection of minors)—have clearly limited the horror genre in terms of production, distribution, and reception. In this light, NekRomantik 2 and The Burning Moon become note- worthy case-studies that in various ways query Germany’s complex relation to the practice of media control after 1945. Not only do both films have an inter- esting history with regard to the idiosyncratic form of censorship practiced in postwar (West) Germany, they also openly engage with the topic by reacting to the challenges of transgressive art in an adverse cultural climate.
    [Show full text]
  • International Enemy Images in Digital Games
    Who Are the Enemies? The Visual Framing of Enemies in Digital Games1 BRANDON VALERIANO Reader School of Law and Politics Cardiff University PHILIP HABEL Lecturer School of Social and Politics Sciences University of Glasgow 1 We thank Andrew Stevens, Lauren Pascu, and Eduard Alveraz for research assistance. We thank Andrew Stevens, Dan Nexon, Tom Apperly, Matt Barr, Lindsay Hoffman, Greg Perreault, and Daniel Franklin for comments and suggestions. Digital games are among the most popular forms of entertainment media. Despite their ubiquity, the fields of political science and International Relations and political communication have generally overlooked the study of digital games. We take up this void by examining the international enemies depicted in combat games---specifically, first person shooter (FPS) games—which can speak to the process in the construction of international threats in society. Our review of framing the enemy gleans perspectives from multiple disciplines including International Relations, political communication, and digital gaming. Our empirical analysis traces the evolution of images in digital games from 2001 to 2013 to reveal the identity of the enemies and protagonists, and to examine the context of the game—including the setting for where each game takes place. We find that Russians are a popular form of enemy in FPS games even after considering terrorists as a broad category. Our review of the literature and our empirical analysis together present a foundation for the future study of digital games as a process of framing of enemies and transmission of threats. 2 Today digital games are ubiquitous---on our phones, tablets, laptops, and on dedicated gaming consoles and personal computers.2 Games offer an experience that is distinct and novel from other forms of entertainment in that they are possible avenues of transmission of attitudes and beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • MEADES Phd Thesis
    PLAYING AGAINST THE GRAIN RHETORICS OF COUNTERPLAY IN CONSOLE BASED FIRST-PERSON SHOOTER VIDEOGAMES A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Alan Frederick Meades School of Arts, Brunel University February 2013 1 ABSTRACT Counterplay is a way of playing digital games that opposes the encoded algorithms that define their appropriate use and interaction. Counterplay is often manifested within the social arena as practices such as the creation of incendiary user generated content, grief-play, cheating, glitching, modding, and hacking. It is deemed damaging to normative play values, to the experience of play, and detrimental to the viability of videogames as mainstream entertainment products. Counterplay is often framed through the rhetoric of transgression as pathogen, as a hostile, infectious, threatening act. Those found conducting it are subject to a range of punishments ranging from expulsion from videogames to criminal conviction. Despite the steps taken to manage counterplay, it occurs frequently within contemporary videogames causing significant disruption to play and necessitating costly remedy. This thesis argues that counterplay should be understood as a practice with its own pleasures and justifying rhetorics that problematise the rhetoric of pathogen and attenuate the threat of penalty. Despite the social and economic significance of counterplay upon contemporary videogames, relatively little is known of the practices conducted by counterplayers, their motivations, or the rhetorics that they deploy to justify and contextualise their actions. Through the use of ethnographic approaches, including interview and participant observation, alongside the identification and application of five popular rhetorics of transgression, this study aims to expose the meanings and complexities of contemporary counterplay.
    [Show full text]
  • Wagner for the ~'Aster Ol..E£.Ience
    AN AESTliACT OF' THE. THESIS OF' Richard L..!- Wagner for the ~'aster oL..e£.ience _ in Soc~l SCience£ presented on July 18, 1977 Title: __ The Allied tiilitary Government ~;ostal -1m Abstract approved: I~ With the collapse of the German government in May 1945, the victorious Allied powers became the rulers of Cermany. It was necessary to take control of all aspects of civil govern­ ment immediately. A vital part of this ~overnment was the postal system. The Allied ~ilitary Government set up the communication network needed in several steps, beginning with limited local services, and extending through special services until, on April 1, 1946, international mail was again permitted to and from Germany. This thesis traces this pattern of reestablishment. T,ocal ser­ vices and problems are examined, the special postal cards for displaced persons, civilian internees, prisoners of war, and members of the German Wehrmacht are explained, and the steps leading to the reopening of international mail are detailed. Close examination and attention is paid to the problems of censorship and screening of mail. The disposal of mail im­ pounded at the end of the war and transfer of mail between the different occupation zones and how these challenges were met by censorship authorities are presented in detail. The repatriation of displaced persons, civilian internees, prisoner of war, armed forces personnel, and other refugees through special communication programs is traced step by step, with attention focused on the many aspects of these programs. Finally, an examination of the special problem of postal issues, authorized, provisional, and unauthorized, is presented.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lasting Legacy of the Red Army Faction
    WEST GERMAN TERROR: THE LASTING LEGACY OF THE RED ARMY FACTION Christina L. Stefanik A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2009 Committee: Dr. Kristie Foell, Advisor Dr. Christina Guenther Dr. Jeffrey Peake Dr. Stefan Fritsch ii ABSTRACT Dr. Kristie Foell, Advisor In the 1970s, West Germany experienced a wave of terrorism that was like nothing known there previously. Most of the terror emerged from a small group that called itself the Rote Armee Fraktion, Red Army Faction (RAF). Though many guerrilla groupings formed in West Germany in the 1970s, the RAF was the most influential and had the most staying-power. The group, which officially disbanded in 1998, after five years of inactivity, could claim thirty- four deaths and numerous injuries The death toll and the various kidnappings and robberies are only part of the RAF's story. The group always remained numerically small, but their presence was felt throughout the Federal Republic, as wanted posters and continual public discourse contributed to a strong, almost tangible presence. In this text, I explore the founding of the group in the greater West German context. The RAF members believed that they could dismantle the international systems of imperialism and capitalism, in order for a Marxist-Leninist revolution to take place. The group quickly moved from words to violence, and the young West German state was tested. The longevity of the group, in the minds of Germans, will be explored in this work.
    [Show full text]
  • Countering Online Hate Speech Through Legislative Measure: The
    COUNTERING ONLINE HATE SPEECH THROUGH LEGISLATIVE MEASURE: THE ETHIOPIAN APPROACH IN A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE by Temelso Gashaw LLM/MA Capstone Thesis SUPERVISOR: Professor Jeremy Mcbride Central European University © Central European University CEU eTD Collection 5th of June 2020 Abstract It is almost self-evident that the phenomenon of online hate speech is on the rise. Meanwhile, governments around the world are resorting to legislative measures to tackle this pernicious social problem. This Capstone thesis has sought to offer an overview of the legislative responses to online hate speech in four different jurisdictions and unravel their implication on the right to freedom of expression. Using a comparative methodology, the research describes how the regulation of social networking platforms in relation to hate speech is being approached by the Council of Europe, German, the United States of America and Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It tests the hypothesis that legal frameworks for moderation of user-generated online content can have a more detrimental effect for freedom of speech in semi-democratic countries like Ethiopia than in developed liberal democracies. Findings of this project regarding the recently enacted Ethiopian Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention proclamation will offer some guidance for The Council of Ministers in the course of adopting implementing regulation. CEU eTD Collection i Table of Contents Abstract .....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Advent of the Internet
    The advent of the internet – and the wider digital environment – has enabled new forms of free expression, organisation and association, provided unprecedented access to information and ideas, and catalysed rapid economic and social development. It has also facilitated new forms of repression and violation of human rights, and intensified existing inequalities. Global Partners Digital (GPD) is a social purpose company dedicated to fostering a digital environment underpinned by human rights and democratic values. We do this by making policy spaces and processes more open, inclusive and transparent, and by facilitating strategic, informed and coordinated engagement in these processes by public interest actors. In this submission, we focus on the third set of questions asked by the Committee, “What is the role of social media in relation to free speech and threats to MPs?” and “How, if at all, should it be regulated?”. We have analysed and answered these questions on the basis of the international human rights framework and, where relevant, the European human rights framework. In doing so, we also touch upon the first two sets of questions which look at the relationship between the right to freedom of expression and other human rights. We also review the proposals in the government’s Online Harms White Paper given its relevance to the Committee’s inquiry. In answering this question, we look at the responsibilities that social media companies have under the international human rights framework rather than any moral obligations. As such, the starting point for determining the role that social media companies have when it comes to issues of free speech and threats to MPs is the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (the UNGPs) for they set out the agreed international framework when it comes to human rights and the private sector.
    [Show full text]