DOCSLIB.ORG

1 REPUBLIC of ALBANIA the PRESIDENT No. 315. Prot. Tirana

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 REPUBLIC of ALBANIA the PRESIDENT No. 315. Prot. Tirana REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA THE PRESIDENT No. 315. Prot. Tirana, on 21.01.2020 Subject: Request for an opinion on the process of election of Constitutional Court members in the Republic of Albania, providing a comprehensive evidence on the activities of the President of the Republic, Parliament and the Justice Appointment Council. To: Mr. Gianni BUQUICCHIO PRESIDENT OF VENICE COMMISSION STRASBOURG, FRANCE In Attention to: RAPPORTEURS OF VENICE COMMISSION Honorable Mr. Buquicchio, Thank You for your personal commitment and the support of Venice Commission to strengthening democracy and rule of law in Albania, for almost three decades. I fully agree with your wise conclusions during 11 October 2019 Plenary Session, emphasizing that the precious and generous assistance of the Venice Commission can neither cure nor replace the lack of willingness and culture of cooperation among Albanian institutions. Since the last Opinion of the Venice Commission invested by the Albanian Parliament, regrettably there was no reflection as follow-up to your advice and recommendations. Moreover, a non-functioning Constitutional Court for more than two years, a non-functioning Supreme Court, a sui generis crisis of representation - with Government, Parliament, all Municipalities and Municipal Councils in the hands of a single political force, including almost all independent bodies, has effected in total disequilibrium of the check and balance mechanisms and to the brink of total state capture. 1 This context along with the unilateral and unconstitutional implementation of judicial reform, in flagrant violation of early Venice Commission recommendations, is patently drowning the country into unconstitutionality, illegality and towards autocracy. Had Venice Commission recommendations, key to reaching unanimous consensus on 2016 Constitutional amendments, been properly implemented, the country would have not faced such sui generis crisis. It is regrettable that the main institution responsible for the distorted implementation of justice reform is Parliament, now running under one party only. Such compelling unilateral and non-cooperative approach continued also during the process of re- establishing the Constitutional Court, in an attempt to hijack the constitutional powers of the President of the Republic and consequently capture the highest Institution of Justice. In July 2019, the Albanian Parliament requested an opinion from the Venice Commission, on the powers of the President of the Republic regarding election date, in the framework of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission set for the impeachment of the President of the Republic. On 14 October 2019, the Venice Commission submitted its Opinion No 959/2019, noting in essence, that the activity of the President does not fall within the scope of violations that may authorize an impeachment of the President. Despite this recommendation, the Albanian Parliament postponed twice the Investigation Commission deadline, seeking to continue its systematic pressure against the President to nominate in the Constitutional Court the candidates who enjoyed political support of the majority. Parliament further expanded the scope of Parliamentary Investigation Commission and rebutted the decision of the President of the Republic for his nomination of Constitutional Judges, vesting upon themselves constitutional supremacy in the process of establishing the Constitutional Court. Only two months after the Venice Commission Opinion, Parliament addresses again the Commission on 30 December 2019, for another opinion. The obvious purpose of Parliament is to make another effort to veiling their decision to impeach the President of the Republic with the logo of the Venice Commission, and to ensure political capture also of the Constitutional Court. The lack of willingness by the Albanian Parliament to cooperate with the President of the Republic is evident and well documented also in this process. The Institution of the President of the Republic learnt of Parliament’s request to the Venice Commission only through the media1. 1 The request of the Parliament to the Venice Commission is not published in the web page of the Parliament until now. 2 While examining the content of this Request, it can be deduced that Parliament’s account of facts and circumstances is inaccurate with a subjective and superficial approach. Parliament’s substantially twisted context and self-suggesting questions lead to a fake reading of the situation. All this is done in bad faith, and to dishonestly push the Venice Commission towards cloudy conclusions, to then be politically misused by the socialist majority. The President of the Republic considers that the good faith of the Venice Commission, invested for nearly 30 years to the benefit of the rule of law in Albania, cannot and should not be abused for political goals of the day, but to benefit from the best experience of European Judicial practice. In view of a serious unprecedented crisis, and while thousands of Albanian citizens are abandoning the country due to violations of their fundamental freedoms and non-functioning of the rule of law, I would like to bring to your kind attention that this Opinion of the Venice Commission will have a direct impact on the course Albania is about to take, towards democracy or installation of dictatorship! Honorable Mr. Buquicchio, Aiming at an inclusive advisory process, the President of the Republic is presenting to the Venice Commission a list of questions requiring an opinion regarding the constitutionality of actions of each body involved in the process of reestablishing the Constitutional Court. The questions are part of a comprehensive document with a true account of the process, based on official facts that prove the full dimension of unconstitutional actions followed by the Albanian Parliament, by the Chair of the Justice Appointment Council and other complicit institutions. Assuring you of my highest consideration, Sincerely, Ilir Meta 3 REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA THE PRESIDENT A. INFORMATION, OFFICIAL FACTS AND PROVES ON THE ACTIVITY OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, THE ALBANIAN PARLIAMENT AND THE JUSTICE APPOINTMENT COUNCIL ON THE PROCESS OF ELECTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURT MEMBERS AND THE QUESTIONS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC FOR AN OPINION OF THE VENICE COMMISSION OF THE ELECTION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT2 I. Legal basis for the selection of the members of the Constitutional Court The appointment of the Constitutional Court members, the procedure, completion of vacancies, the renewal of its composition, the sequence of appointments, the appointing bodies entitled to appoint or elect, and the authorized institution for the verification, evaluation, scoring and ranking of candidates for the members of the Constitutional Court, are defined in the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, Law No 8577/2000 "On the Organization and Functioning of the Constitutional Court", as amended, Law No 115/2016 “On the Governance Bodies of the Justice System”, as amended. The constitutional amendments endorsed in the context of judicial reform on 21 - 22 July 2016, included detailed provisions on modus operandi to elect the members of the Constitutional Court would be elected, as well as to re-composition of this Court. The Constitution of the Republic, Article 125, para 1 and 2, stipulates that the Constitutional Court consists of 9 members. 3 members are appointed by the President of the Republic, 3 members are elected by Parliament and 3 members are elected by the Supreme Court. Members are selected among candidates ranked in the top 3 of the list provided by Justice Appointments Council, according to Law. Parliament elects a judge for the Constitutional Court by no less than 3/5 of all its members. 2 In the framework of the request of the Speaker of the Parliament of Albania to the Venice Commission, 4531 prot, date 30.12.2019. 4 If Parliament fails to elect a judge within 30 days from the submission of JAC list, the candidate ranked first in the list shall be considered appointed. This constitutional amendment has been of particular importance, insofar as, in the same provision of Article 179, para 2, 3 and 12, clearly specifies the period and the sequence of appointment/election of the Court members: “[…] 2. The first member to be replaced in the Constitutional Court shall be appointed by the President of the Republic, the second shall be elected by Parliament and the third shall be appointed by the Supreme Court. This shall be the sequence for all future appointments after the entry into force of this law. 3. Aiming at the regular renewal of the Constitutional Court, the new judge who shall succeed the judge whose mandate will end in 2017 shall remain in office until 2025 and the new judge who will succeed the judge whose mandate will end in 2020 shall remain in office until 2028. The other Constitutional Court judges shall be appointed for the entire duration of the mandate in accordance with the law. [...] 12. The President of the Republic shall remain as Chairperson of the High Council of Justice until the High Judicial Council is established within 8 months from the entry into force of this law. Upon the establishment of the High Judicial Council, the President shall appoint the judges of the High Court in accordance with Article 136 of the Constitution. The President of the Republic shall fill in the first vacancy in the Constitutional Court under paragraph 2 of this Article and Article 125 of the Constitution.”. These constitutional amendments
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
    Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ...........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Albania by Blendi Kajsiu Capital: Tirana Population: 2.876 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: $11,880
    Albania by Blendi Kajsiu Capital: Tirana Population: 2.876 million GNI/capita, PPP: $11,880 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic Governance 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.75 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Electoral Process 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.50 Civil Society 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 Independent Media 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 Local Democratic Governance 2.75 3.00 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 Corruption 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 Democracy Score 3.82 3.93 4.04 4.14 4.25 4.18 4.14 4.14 4.14 4.11 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cult of Personality: King Zog I and Enver Hoxha
    International Journal of Social and Educational Innovation (IJSEIro) Volume 3 / Issue 5/ 2016 The cult of personality: King Zog I and Enver Hoxha Artan Puto Faculty of History and Filology, University of Tirana, Albania [email protected] Mimoza Dhima Faculty of Foreign Languages, University of Tirana, Albania [email protected] Received 03.01.2016; Accepted 23.01. 2016 Abstract King Zog I (1895-1961), and the communist leader Enver Hoxha (1908-1985) were without doubt the most charismatic figures of the Albanian politics in the twentieth century, whose personal rule dominated the country and kept it under strict control. However, the cult of personality of the two leaders had of course their own features. They derived mainly from the specific historical periods where they lived and ruled, from the political system they represented and from the very character of the personage. Keywords: cult of personality, communist leader, nationalism, communism 1. Introduction Ahmet Zogu, the real name of the later King Zog I, was the undisputable master of the country from 1924 to 1939 when the Italian occupation put an end to the Albanian independence proclaimed in 1912. In 1925 Ahmet Zogu was elected President of Albania after a period of internal instability that continuously scourged the country since the end of the First World War in 1918. In 1928 he was self-proclaimed King Zog I with the consent of the Italians that wanted to secure through his rule their dominion in the country During his rule Albania made important achievements such as the attainment of the internal political stability and the building up of a state administration.
    [Show full text]
  • 2014-2024 Management Plan Prespa National Park in Albania
    2014-2024 Management Plan Prespa National Park in Albania MANAGEMENT PLAN of the PRESPA NATIONAL PARK IN ALBANIA 2014-2024 1 2014-2024 Management Plan Prespa National Park in Albania ABBREVIATIONS ALL Albanian Lek a.s.l. Above Sea Level BCA Biodiversity Conservation Advisor BMZ Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, Germany CDM Clean Development Mechanism Corg Organic Carbon DCM Decision of Council of Ministers DFS Directorate for Forestry Service, Korca DGFP Directorate General for Forestry and Pastures DTL Deputy Team Leader EUNIS European Union Nature Information System GEF Global Environment Facility GFA GFA Consulting Group, Germany GNP Galicica National Park GO Governmental Organisation GTZ/GIZ German Agency for Technical Cooperation, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (Name changed to GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit) FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature The World Conservation Union FUA Forest User Association Prespa KfW Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau - Entwicklungsbank/German Development Bank LMS Long Term Monitoring Sites LSU Livestock Unit MC Management Committee of the Prespa National Parkin Albania METT Management Effectiveness Tracking Tool MoE Ministry of Environment of Albania MP Management Plan NGO Non-Governmental Organisation NP National Park NPA National Park Administration NPD National Park Director (currently Chief of Sector of Directorate for Forestry Service, Korca) PNP National
    [Show full text]
  • Albania Life #32 (#2 1985)
    The electronic version of the book is created by http://www.enverhoxha.ru CONTENTS Editorial 1 Official Announcement 4 Medical Bulletin 9 The Funeral 10 The Funeral Oration, by Ramiz Alia 12 The Plenum of the Central Committee 26 Official Messages of Condolence 27 National Mourning 29 An Interview with Enver Hoxha 30 Memorial Meeting 34 British Press - Lies and Speculation, by Steve Day . 35 Albanian News 37 Current Literature 41 Albanian Society Meetings 44 More Unpublished Correspondence 45 Future Meetings 46 Film Show 47 EDITORIAL We are devoting this issue of ALBANIAN LIFE to Enver Hoxha, who died on April 11th. A telegram of condolences was sent to Albania by the Secretary, and this and the reply are printed below. Extra copies of this Memorial Issue are available from the Secretary at 50p, including postage. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Enver Hoxha was bom on October 16th, 1908 in the southern Albanian town of Gjirokastra. After receiving primary education in his native town, he attended the French high school in Korça, where he became involved in the revolut• ionary movement. After graduating from the high school in 1930, he was awarded a scholarship to university by the Albanian govern• ment and in the following year at the age of 23 he enrolled in the School of Engineering at the University of Montpell• ier in France. While at university, Hoxha joined the Communist Party of France and, as a result of his political activities,in February the Albanian government suspended his scholarship, so that he was forced to move to Paris to find work.
    [Show full text]
  • The Contribution of the Venice Commission on to the Albanian Legal System Dr
    International Journal of Law and Interdisciplinary Legal Studies | 5 JP1. DK15-8106 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE VENICE COMMISSION ON TO THE ALBANIAN LEGAL SYSTEM DR. JONIDA MEHMETAJ1 ABSTRACT In their legal activity, states are often assisted by international actors to draft their legislative acts in line with international standards. One of these bodies is the Venice Commission, a Council of Europe body that, through its Opinions and legal advice, assists and supervises states in complying with the principles of democracy. The present study addresses the case of Albania and its relationship with the Commission. It seeks to identify the impact of the Opinions announced by the Commission on Albania and the issues for which it was necessary to submit a request for an Opinion. A recent case in which the Venice Commission has lent its expertise to Albania is the undertaking of a reform of the justice system. In this difficult process, the Venice Commission’s recent Opinions have served as a guide for taking appropriate steps and for adopting a reform that guarantees an efficient and impartial justice system. Key words: Opinions, Contribution, Venice Commission, Albania, Justice reform INTRODUCTION The European Commission for Democracy Through Law, otherwise known as the Venice Commission, has continuously contributed to Albania through its Opinions on legal issues. Albania’s relationship with the Venice Commission has been long-lived, since the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in 1995 expressed a favourable Opinion on Albania's application for membership in the Council of Europe (Parliamentary Assembly, 1995). The ratification of the Statute of the Council of Europe on 13 July 1995 and its entry into force on that day enabled Albania to become a member of the Council of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • National Myths in Interdependence
    National Myths in Interdependence: The Narratives of the Ancient Past among Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia after 1991 By Matvey Lomonosov Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts CEU eTD Collection Advisor: Professor Maria Kovács Budapest, Hungary 2012 Abstract The scholarship on national mythology primarily focuses on the construction of historical narratives within separate “nations,” and oftentimes presents the particular national ist elites as single authors and undisputable controllers of mythological versions of the past. However, the authorship and authority of the dominant national ist elites in designing particular narratives of the communal history is limited. The national past, at least in non- totalitarian societies, is widely negotiated, and its interpretation is always heteroglot . The particular narratives that come out of the dominant elites’ “think-tanks” get into a polyphonic discursive milieu discussing the past. Thus they become addressed to alternative narratives, agree with them, deny them or reinterpret them. The existence of those “other” narratives as well as the others’ authorship constitutes a specific factor in shaping mythopoeic activities of dominant political and intellectual national elites. Then, achieving personal or “national” goals by nationalists usually means doing so at the expense or in relations to the others. If in this confrontation the rivals use historical myths, the evolution of the later will depend on mutual responses. Thus national historical myths are constructed in dialogue, contain voices of the others, and have “other” “authors” from within and from without the nation in addition to “own” dominant national ist elite.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrializing Albania During Communism Case Study
    INDUSTRIALIZING ALBANIA DURING COMMUNISM CASE STUDY: ELBASAN 1960-1991 By: Rozeta Bici Submitted to: Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor: Constantin Iordachi Second Reader: Jacek Kochanowicz CEU eTD Collection }}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}} Budapest, Hungary 2007 CEU eTD Collection i Statement of Copyright “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection i Abstract The communist regimes in various regions of the world have been subject to intense academic interest. To date, scholarly research has nevertheless focused mostly on political aspect, pointing out the lack of civil rights and liberties under communist totalitarian systems. The same case is valid for the study of communism in Albania, as well. A majority of the works on the history of the communist regime in Albania either glorify the regime if they are products of that period, or blame it for its obvious negative sides, if these works have been written after the regime’s collapse. In an effort to overcome this dichotomy, the current thesis focuses on economic history, especially on the industrialization aspect I argue that the Albanian economy underwent a total transformation under communism, especially by switching its profile from an agricultural country into an industrial one, by emulating the Soviet models of industrialization.
    [Show full text]
  • A Fresh Start for Bilateral Relations Between Albania and Turkey?
    Copyright @ 2017 Australia and New Zealand Journal of European Studies http://www.eusanz.org/ANZJES/index.html Vol9 (1) ISSN 1837-2147 (Print) ISSN 1836-1803 (On-line) Perparim Xhaferi University of Sydney [email protected] The Post-Ottoman Era: A Fresh Start for Bilateral Relations between Albania and Turkey? Abstract This paper will explore bilateral relations between Turkey and Albania during the post-Ottoman period. The aim of the paper is to explore reasons for the revival and establishment of relations since the creation of both nation states at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the 21st century, Turkish foreign policy shifts in the Balkans, along with the rise of the Turkish economy and military capability are in line with Albanian needs politically and economically. More importantly, the Turkey’s repeated assurances to protect the Albanian people has been paramount for Albanians who live in the five surrounding states, that is Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. Introduction This paper will explore bilateral relations between Turkey and Albania since the creation of the Albanian state in 1912. I examine the economic, security and geopolitical context of Albanian/Turkish interactions since the end of the Cold War. While Albanian foreign policies since the creation of the Albanian state until WWII1, communist era 2 , and the post cold war period 3 have been scrutinised by various 1 O. Pearson, Albania in the Twentieth Century: A History, Volume I: Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic and Monarchy, 1908-1939, The Centre for Albanian Studies in Association with I. B. Tauris, London, 2004; Albania in the Twentieth Century: A History, Volume II: Albania in Occupation and War: From Fascism to Communism, 1940-1945, The Centre for Albanian Studies in Association with I.
    [Show full text]
  • Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets File:///C:/Documents and Settings/Brendelt/Desktop/Temp Rir/Situation De
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/situation_de... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper ALBANIA SITUATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY (2002-2003) February 2004 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents MAP GLOSSARY 1. INTRODUCTION 2. POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT IN ALBANIA 2002-2003 2.1. Background 2.2. Overview of the Human Rights Situation in 2002-2003 2.3. Overview of the Political Situation in 2002-2003 3. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY (PD) 3.1. The Recent Political Fortunes of the PD 3.2. Treatment of PD Members in 2002-2003 4. 2003 MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 4.1. Observations on the Conduct of the Elections 1 of 14 9/16/2013 3:47 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/situation_de... 4.2. Violence 4.3. Electoral Results NOTES ON SOURCES REFERENCES MAP Source: United Nations. February 2003. Department of Public Information, Cartographic Section. "Albania." (Map No. 3769 Rev. 4) GLOSSARY AHC Albanian Helsinki Committee CEC Central Electoral Commission ODIHR 2 of 14 9/16/2013 3:47 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/situation_de..
    [Show full text]
  • Consolidation of Democracy-Albania
    varied transitions are delimited from one another, on the one hand, by the launching of onsolidation of Democracy: Albania processes of dissolution of an authoritarian C regime and, on the other, by the installation of NAJADA TAFILI some form of democracy, the return to some form of authoritarian rule, or the emergence of INTRODUCTION a revolutionary alternative. The end of the Cold War and the Linz and Stepan argue that a set of dismantlement of the Soviet Union led the prerequisites are needed for a country to pass majority of former totalitarian and communist from an authoritarian to a consolidated countries in the Soviet System to a process of democratic regime. The authors state that opening up, best described by Samuel there should exist a state with uncontested Huntington as part of a “third wave of borders; a social and political environment democracy.” This third wave introduced the conducive to the growth of civil society; a concept of democracy as a process: it moves functioning and respected political society; the from a break up of an authoritarian regime, rule of law; a usable bureaucracy; and an through transition, and towards democratic institutionalized economic society.2 For the consolidation. Former communist countries in purpose of this paper, I will focus on four of Eastern Europe are part of this third wave. these proposed prerequisites needed to While most of these countries have arguably introduce a democratic regime: a functioning achieved the successful consolidation of and respected “political society,” meaning democracy, this has not been the case with parties and other institutions for choosing Albania, where a vast array of issues continues leaders and policies; a fair and free to hold the nation back and prevents the electoral system, meaning a system of consolidation of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Isolation and Interaction in the Shala Valley of Northern Albania
    READ ONLY / NO DOWNLOAD READ ONLY / NO DOWNLOAD LIGHT AND SHADOW READ ONLY / NO DOWNLOAD COTSENCOTSEN INSTITUTE INSTITUTE OF OFARCHAEOLOGY ARCHAEOLOGY PRESS PRESS MONUMENTA ARCHAEOLOGICA Volume 27 Last House on the Hill: BACH Area Reports from Çatalhöyük, Turkey edited by Ruth Tringham and Mirjana Stevanović Volume 26 The History and Archaeology of Jaffa 1 edited by Martin Peilstöcker and Aaron A. Burke Volume 24 The Early Iron Age Cemetery at Torone by John K. Papadopoulos Volume 23 The Plain of Phaistos: yclesC of Social Complexity in the Mesara Region of Crete by L. Vance Watrous, Despoina Hadzi-Vallianou, and Harriet Blitzer Volume 22 K’axob: Ritual, Work, and Family in an Ancient Maya Village edited by Patricia A. McAnany Volume 21 The Sydney Cyprus Survey Project: Social Approaches to Regional Archaeological Survey by Michael Given and A. Bernard Knapp Volume 20 Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece 1968–1970 Volume 2: Final Report edited by Ernestine S. Elster and Colin Renfrew READ ONLY / NO DOWNLOAD LIGHT AND SHADOW Isolation and Interaction in the Shala Valley of Northern Albania Michael L. Galaty, Ols Lafe, Wayne E. Lee, and Zamir Tafilica Editors MONUMENTA ARCHAEOLOGICA 28 COTSEN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY PRESS READ ONLY / NO DOWNLOAD THE COTSEN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY PRESS is the publishing unit of the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. The Cotsen Institute is a premier research organization dedicated to the creation, dissemination, and conservation of archaeological knowledge and heritage. It is home to both the Interdepartmental Archaeology Graduate Program and the UCLA/Getty Master’s Program in the Conservation of Archaeological and Ethnographic Materials.
    [Show full text]