THE SOVIET UNION and EGYPT, 1947-1955 a Thesis Submitted For
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The Inviolability of Diplomatic Archives
THE INVIOLABILITY OF DIPLOMATIC ARCHIVES TIMMEDIATELY following Pearl Harbor, officials of the em- A bassy of the United States at Tokyo and of the Japanese embassy Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/american-archivist/article-pdf/8/1/26/2742083/aarc_8_1_k010662414m87w48.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 at Washington destroyed their confidential diplomatic records. American Ambassador Joseph C. Grew asserted, "The moment we knew that the news of war had been confirmed I gave orders to burn all our codes and confidential correspondence."1 Huge bonfires which emanated from the grounds of the Japanese embassy at Wash- ington served as dramatic evidence that the Japanese treated their important archives similarly.2 These actions illustrate that modern states are unwilling to entrust their vital documents to the diplomatic representatives of neutral governments at the outbreak of war, even though international law and practice dictate that records so de- posited are inviolate. Such an attitude stimulates an inquiry into the extent to which diplomatic archives are considered inviolable under international law and the extent to which the principles of interna- tional law are being observed. This subject has never been adequately investigated by scholars, although it is a matter of definite im- portance to the international lawyer and diplomat on the one hand, and the historian and the archivist on the other. What are diplomatic archives? For the purposes of this paper diplomatic archives are defined as the written evidences of the -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian Urban Exigencies: Space, Governance and Structures of Meaning in a Globalising Cairo A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Global Studies by Roberta Duffield Committee in charge: Professor Paul Amar, Chair Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse Assistant Professor Javiera Barandiarán Associate Professor Juan Campo June 2019 The thesis of Roberta Duffield is approved. ____________________________________________ Paul Amar, Committee Chair ____________________________________________ Jan Nederveen Pieterse ____________________________________________ Javiera Barandiarán ____________________________________________ Juan Campo June 2014 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my thesis committee at the University of California, Santa Barbara whose valuable direction, comments and advice informed this work: Professor Paul Amar, Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Professor Javiera Barandiarán and Professor Juan Campo, alongside the rest of the faculty and staff of UCSB’s Global Studies Department. Without their tireless work to promote the field of Global Studies and committed support for their students I would not have been able to complete this degree. I am also eternally grateful for the intellectual camaraderie and unending solidarity of my UCSB colleagues who helped me navigate Californian graduate school and come out the other side: Brett Aho, Amy Fallas, Tina Guirguis, Taylor Horton, Miguel Fuentes Carreño, Lena Köpell, Ashkon Molaei, Asutay Ozmen, Jonas Richter, Eugene Riordan, Luka Šterić, Heather Snay and Leila Zonouzi. I would especially also like to thank my friends in Cairo whose infinite humour, loyalty and love created the best dysfunctional family away from home I could ever ask for and encouraged me to enroll in graduate studies and complete this thesis: Miriam Afifiy, Eman El-Sherbiny, Felix Fallon, Peter Holslin, Emily Hudson, Raïs Jamodien and Thomas Pinney. -
Alia Mossallam 200810290
The London School of Economics and Political Science Hikāyāt Sha‛b – Stories of Peoplehood Nasserism, Popular Politics and Songs in Egypt 1956-1973 Alia Mossallam 200810290 A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2012 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,397 words (excluding abstract, table of contents, acknowledgments, bibliography and appendices). Statement of use of third party for editorial help I confirm that parts of my thesis were copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Naira Antoun. 2 Abstract This study explores the popular politics behind the main milestones that shape Nasserist Egypt. The decade leading up to the 1952 revolution was one characterized with a heightened state of popular mobilisation, much of which the Free Officers’ movement capitalized upon. Thus, in focusing on three of the Revolution’s main milestones; the resistance to the tripartite aggression on Port Said (1956), the building of the Aswan High Dam (1960- 1971), and the popular warfare against Israel in Suez (1967-1973), I shed light on the popular struggles behind the events. -
Us Military Assistance to Saudi Arabia, 1942-1964
DANCE OF SWORDS: U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bruce R. Nardulli, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Allan R. Millett, Adviser Professor Peter L. Hahn _______________________ Adviser Professor David Stebenne History Graduate Program UMI Number: 3081949 ________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3081949 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ____________________________________________________________ ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The United States and Saudi Arabia have a long and complex history of security relations. These relations evolved under conditions in which both countries understood and valued the need for cooperation, but also were aware of its limits and the dangers of too close a partnership. U.S. security dealings with Saudi Arabia are an extreme, perhaps unique, case of how security ties unfolded under conditions in which sensitivities to those ties were always a central —oftentimes dominating—consideration. This was especially true in the most delicate area of military assistance. Distinct patterns of behavior by the two countries emerged as a result, patterns that continue to this day. This dissertation examines the first twenty years of the U.S.-Saudi military assistance relationship. It seeks to identify the principal factors responsible for how and why the military assistance process evolved as it did, focusing on the objectives and constraints of both U.S. -
Volume I, Number 1, Jun. 2012
Volume I Number 7 November 2015 International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts Table of contents LETTER FROM THE EDITOR .............................................................................. 5 INTRODUCTION: AGAINST ALL ODDS - LABOUR ACTIVISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ............................................................................... 6 PEYMAN JAFARI ................................................................................................ 6 NO ORDINARY UNION: UGTT AND THE TUNISIAN PATH TO REVOLUTION AND TRANSITION ............................................................................................. 14 MOHAMED-SALAH OMRI ................................................................................. 14 FROM THE EVERYDAY TO CONTENTIOUS COLLECTIVE ACTIONS: THE PROTESTS OF JORDAN PHOSPHATE MINES COMPANY EMPLOYEES BETWEEN 2011 AND 2014 ............................................................................... 30 CLAUDIE FIORONI ........................................................................................... 30 FROM KAFR AL-DAWWAR TO KHARGA’S ‘DESERT HELL CAMP’: THE REPRESSION OF COMMUNIST WORKERS IN EGYPT, 1952-1965 .................... 50 DEREK ALAN IDE ............................................................................................ 50 DREAMING ABOUT THE LESSER EVIL: REVOLUTIONARY DESIRE AND THE LIMITS OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN EGYPT ........................................... 68 REVIEW ARTICLE ............................................................................................ -
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution Introduction In his poem, The Second Coming (1919), William Butler Yeats captured the moment we are now experiencing: Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. As we see the deterioration of the institutions created and fostered after the Second World War to create a climate in which peace and prosperity could flourish in Europe and beyond, it is important to understand the role played by diplomacy in securing the stability and strengthening the shared values of freedom and democracy that have marked this era for the nations of the world. It is most instructive to read the Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy, in which he encouraged Americans not only to do good things for their own country, but to do good things in the world. The creation of the Peace Corps is an example of the kind of spirit that put young American volunteers into some of the poorest nations in an effort to improve the standard of living for people around the globe. We knew we were leaders; we knew that we had many political and economic and social advantages. There was an impetus to share this wealth. Generosity, not greed, was the motivation of that generation. Of course, this did not begin with Kennedy. It was preceded by the Marshall Plan, one of the only times in history that the conqueror decided to rebuild the country of the vanquished foe. -
Changing News Changing Realities Media Censorship’S Evolution in Egypt
ReuteRs InstItute for the study of JouRnalIsm Changing News Changing Realities media censorship’s evolution in egypt Abdalla F. Hassan Changing News Changing Realities Changing News Changing Realities media censorship’s evolution in egypt Abdalla F. Hassan Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism University of Oxford Research sponsored by the Gerda Henkel Foundation Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Department of Politics and International Relations University of Oxford 13 Norham Gardens Oxford OX2 6PS United Kingdom http://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk Copyright © 2013 by Abdalla F. Hassan Design by Sally Boylan and Adam el-Sehemy Cover photographs by Abdalla F. Hassan, Joshua Stacher, and Lesley Lababidi The newspapers’ sting at first seemed slight and was conveniently disregarded, but its cumulative effect proved dangerous. By aggressively projecting political messages to its readers and generating active political debate among an expanding reading public . the press helped create a climate for political action that would eventually undermine the British hold on the country. (Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East) For Teta Saniya, my parents, and siblings with love, and for all those brave souls and unsung heroes who have sacrificed so much so that others can live free Contents Acknowledgments xi Preface:TheStateandtheMedia 1 I: Since the Printing Press 5 1. PressBeginningsinEgypt 7 2. NasserandtheEraofPan-Arabism 29 3. Sadat,theInfitah,andPeacewithIsrael 63 II: The Media and the Mubarak Era 79 4. Mubarak’sThree-DecadeCaretakerPresidency 81 5. Television’sComingofAge 119 6. BarriersBroken:Censorship’sLimits 137 7. FreeExpressionversustheRighttoBark 189 III: Revolution and Two and a Half Years On 221 8. -
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en Books published to date in the continuing series o .:: -m -I J> SOVIET ADVANCES IN THE MIDDLE EAST, George Lenczowski, 1971. 176 C pages, $4.00 ;; Explores and analyzes recent Soviet policies in the Middle East in terms of their historical background, ideological foundations and pragmatic application in the 2 political, economic and military sectors. n PRIVATE ENTERPRISE AND SOCIALISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Howard S. Ellis, m 1970. 123 pages, $3.00 en Summarizes recent economic developments in the Middle East. Discusses the 2- significance of Soviet economic relations with countries in the area and suggests new approaches for American economic assistance. -I :::I: TRADE PATTERNS IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Lee E. Preston in association with m Karim A. Nashashibi, 1970. 93 pages, $3.00 3: Analyzes trade flows within the Middle East and between that area and other areas of the world. Describes special trade relationships between individual -C Middle Eastern countries and certain others, such as Lebanon-France, U.S .S.R. C Egypt, and U.S.-Israel. r m THE DILEMMA OF ISRAEL, Harry B. Ellis, 1970. 107 pages, $3.00 m Traces the history of modern Israel. Analyzes Israel 's internal political, eco J> nomic, and social structure and its relationships with the Arabs, the United en Nations, and the United States. -I JERUSALEM: KEYSTONE OF AN ARAB-ISRAELI SETTLEMENT, Richard H. Pfaff, 1969. 54 pages, $2.00 Suggests and analyzes seven policy choices for the United States. Discusses the religious significance of Jerusalem to Christians, Jews, and Moslems, and points out the cultural gulf between the Arabs of the Old City and the Western r oriented Israelis of West Jerusalem. -
LETTER to PARTICIPATING PARTIES and ORGANIZATIONS of the REVOLUTIONARY INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA
May 1, 2012 LETTER TO PARTICIPATING PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA [Publication Note: This letter was originally distributed only among the Participating Parties and Organizations of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). In making this letter available publicly, what had been an Introductory Note at the beginning was instead included here as an Appendix, and for purposes of clarity some minor editing was done in that Appendix and in the main text of this letter.] Dear Comrades, We are writing you at a time when the shared experience of working together in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement has brought us to a sharp juncture where the forces formerly united in it are dividing out over cardinal questions. We face a moment where two-line struggle has to be joined over the most fundamental questions of what ideological and political line will define the international communist movement, if there is to be genuine communism in today's world. The formation of RIM in 1984 was the start of a very important role that it played for two decades as the embryonic center of the world's Maoist forces – that is, those who at that time were committed to carrying forward the legacy of Mao Tsetung to advance communism, after the defeat of the revolution in China in 1976. As we all know, for several years now RIM has no longer been functioning as such a center. The reasons for this are part of the current dispute, while the great need for the unity of revolutionary communists on an international level, based on principled cohesion around a correct ideological and political line, is all the more important now. -
Israel and Turkey: from Covert to Overt Relations
Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations by Jacob Abadi INTRODUCTION Diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey have existed since the Jewish state came into being in 1948, however, they have remained covert until recently. Contacts between the two countries have continued despite Turkey's condemnation of Israel in the UN and other official bodies. Frequent statements made by Turkish officials regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian dilemma give the impression that Turco-Israeli relations have been far more hostile than is actually the case. Such an image is quite misleading, for throughout the years political, commercial, cultural and even military contacts have been maintained between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to show the extent of cooperation between the two countries and to demonstrate how domestic as well as external constraints have affected the diplomatic ties between them. It will be argued that during the first forty years of Israel's existence relations between the two countries remained cordial. Both sides kept a low profile and did not reveal the nature of these ties. It was only toward the end of the 1980s, when the international political climate underwent a major upheaval, that the ties between the two countries became official and overt. Whereas relations with Israel constituted a major problem in Turkish diplomacy, Israeli foreign policy was relatively free from hesitations and constraints. For Israeli foreign policy makers it was always desirable to establish normal relations with Turkey, whose location on the periphery of the Middle East gave it great strategic importance. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy. -
Republican Egypt Interpreted: Revolution and Beyond
14 Republican Egypt interpreted: revolution and beyond ALAIN ROUSSILLON Egypt is one of a restricted group of developing countries whose politics have assumed a special significance as test cases of opposing models of development. Egypt shares with India, China, Algeria, Yugoslavia and Cuba the analytical interest of partisan and aca- demic observers for the light its experience may shed upon the competing theories of development and for the possibility that its history may reveal a unique and unanticipated model Leonard Binder, In a Moment of Enthusiasm, p.. i. Introduction Towards the end of the 1970s, as the opening up (infitah) toward the west and the liberalization of the economy were sharply criticized as "betrayal" of the 1952 revolution's goals, as return of the exploitative bourgeoisie, and as abandonment of the Palestinian cause, certain observers, Egyptian and foreign, began to lay out a new "model" for the reading of contemporary Egyptian history. This model attempted to view Egypt's various "experi- ments," before and after the revolution, from a common perspective; it also made it possible to explain the "cycles" through which Egypt has ultimately failed to "modernize" and regain the place among nations that its millenia of history allows it to demand. Muhammad 'Ali and Nasir, breaking with a past of national humiliation, both incarnated Egypt's "will to power" by basing restoration of its regional and international role on a state economy heavily reliant on industry and the construction of a national armed force: the failure of both projects was brought about by conjunction of the "perverse" consequences of their own options and methods, and by the hostility from coalitions of external interests, alarmed by the regional role to which Egypt aspired.