Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions September 18, 2013 SYRIAN CRISIS: MASSIVE DISPLACEMENT, DIRE NEEDS AND A SHORTAGE OF SOLUTIONS ELIZABETH FERRIS, KEMAL KIRIŞCI AND SALMAN SHAIKH Elizabeth Ferris Co-Director, Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Kemal Kirişci Director, Turkey Project, Center on the United States and Europe TÜSİAD Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Salman Shaikh Director, Brookings Doha Center Fellow, Saban Center for Middle East Policy Acknowledgements: With thanks to Chareen Stark and Vittoria Federici for their research assistance, to Leah Denman for her preparation of the final publication and to the Brookings Foreign Policy Director’s Strategic Initiative Fund for its financial support of this research. Front Cover Photograph: Syrian refugee children post with their siblings in Amman, Jordan, August 19, 2013 (CARE/ Josh Estey) T A B L E O F CONTENTS ACRONYMS i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii INTRODUCTION 1 HOW DID IT ALL BEGIN? 5 THE HUMANITARIAN SITUATION INSIDE SYRIA 10 SYRIANS ON THE MOVE: INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT 11 The case of Kurdish displacement inside Syria 18 SYRIANS ON THE MOVE: REFUGEES IN NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES 20 REFUGEES IN THE REGION 25 Jordan: Hospitality under pressure 25 Lebanon: On the frontline 28 Turkey: Refugees and politics 32 Iraq: An August influx 39 Egypt: No longer welcomed 42 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 44 Recommendations 45 The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2013 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 ACRONYMS AFAD Turkish Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency AKP Justice and Development Party CoI Commission of Inquiry DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo EDAM Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies ERC Emergency Relief Coordinator EU European Union FSA Free Syrian Army GA General Assembly GDP Gross Domestic Product ICG International Crisis Group ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IHL International Humanitarian Law IMF International Monetary Fund INGO International Non-Governmental Organization IOM International Organization for Migration ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and ash-Sham JAN Jabhat al-Nusrah JNAP Joint National Action Plan J-RANS Joint Rapid Assessment of Northern Syria J-RANS II Second Joint Rapid Assessment of Northern Syria KRG Kurdistan Regional Government LBP Lebanese Pound Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions Page i MOU Memorandum of Understanding MSF Médecins Sans Frontières NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO Non-Governmental Organization OCHA UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs PKK Kurdistan Workers’ Party PRS Palestine Refugees from Syria PYD Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat R2P Responsibility to Protect R&R Rest and Recuperation SARC Syrian Arab Red Crescent SHARP Syria Humanitarian Assistance Response Plan SNAP Syria Needs Analysis Project UN United Nations UNHCR UN High Commissioner for Refugees UNRWA UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East UNSC United Nations Security Council WFP World Food Programme WHO World Health Organization Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions Page ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he mounting civilian casualties in Syria and the displacement of over 6 million Syrians – with prospects of both more casualties and more displacement – make this the most daunting humanitarian crisis facing the world today.1 The international community is Tstruggling to respond to the humanitarian situation inside Syria and throughout the region. Political actors, unable to agree on how to end the civil war, seem to agree that humanitarian assistance is needed,2 but the funds are neither sufficient now nor likely to be sustainable in the long term. The humanitarian crisis has implications not only for Syrian civilians, but also for the course of the conflict, governments in and beyond the region, the international humanitarian system and, indeed, for global governance. The available data paint a graphic picture of the human misery that has become commonplace in Syria. This policy brief examines the various dimensions of the Syrian humanitarian crisis. Following a brief description of the evolution of the crisis, analysis turns to the humanitarian situation inside Syria and beyond Syria’s borders, focusing on both the immediate and long-term impact of the crisis on Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, with briefer reports on Iraq and Egypt. The brief then turns to conclusions based on this analysis and offers a series of recommendations for key stakeholders. This present summary provides a brief look at the displacement situation before presenting recommendations; further analysis is provided in the policy brief. The humanitarian effects of this conflict are horrific and we hope that this report will lead to a re- doubling of efforts by the international community and particularly by the United States, to help Syrians find a political solution and bring an end to the war. In Limbo: The Displacement Crisis While there were 2 million refugees at the time of writing, the UN estimates that there will be 3.45 million Syrian refugees in the region by the end of 2013; unfortunately, all present indications are consistent with this target being met.3 In addition, as of September 2013, there were at least 4.25 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) many of whom have been displaced multiple times in search of safety. This means that almost one-third of Syria’s people have been forced to leave their communities. It should be noted that those who are displaced may not be the individuals most in need in Syria. In fact, it is likely that those who are unable to leave their homes – because they are elderly, disabled or simply lack the resources to move – are the most vulnerable. Those who are displaced, however, do have certain identifiable needs which require assistance. 1 There were over 2 million refugees according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as of 15 September 2013, and estimates of the numbers of IDPs range from 4.25 million to 5.1 million. According to official UN figures since April 2013, as of mid-September 2013, there were 4.25 million IDPs. The higher figure of 5.1 million results from combining OCHA figures with estimates from the seven northern governorates of Syria assessed as part of the Second Joint Rapid Assessment in Northern Syria (J-RANS II); see further, Syria Needs Analysis Project (SNAP), Regional Analysis Syria, 30 May 2013, http://acaps.org/en/pages/syria-snap-project, p. 9; OCHA, OCHA Humanitarian Bulletin Syria, Issue 33, 9 September 2013, www.unocha.org/crisis/syria 2 International Crisis Group (ICG), Syria’s Metastasizing Conflicts, No.143, 27 June 2013, p. iii, www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2013/mena/syrias-metastasising-conflicts.aspx 3 The 3.45 million figure includes some 100,000 Palestine refugees registered with and assisted by UNRWA who are projected to be displaced from Syria, mainly to Lebanon (80,000) and Jordan (10,000); see UN, Syria Regional Response Plan – January to December 2013, 7 June 2013, p. 6, http://unhcr.org/51b04c9c9.html Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions Page iii The widespread displacement in Syria is the result of the failure of the Syrian government to resolve internal conflicts and to respect the basic rights of its people, and the failure of both sides of the conflict to respect international humanitarian law. The fact that so many Syrians have been displaced is also an indication of the inability of the international community to prevent the atrocities, large-scale violence, and widespread human rights violations that have forced a third of the country’s population to leave their homes. Displacement in and from Syria is highly dynamic. There seems to be a direct relationship between those displaced inside Syria and refugee movements into neighboring countries. Many of those turning up as refugees in Jordan and Lebanon report having been displaced within Syria before making it across a border. There are also reports of Syrians returning from other countries – either because of a perception that security back home has improved, because they want to check on relatives or property or because conditions in host countries are so bad. Governments in the region – those of Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt – initially responded with generosity and solidarity to the arrival of refugees on their borders. Although all of the governments have imposed restrictions on entry of one kind or another, they deserve recognition and appreciation for their policies of openness and welcome to refugees. They also deserve the financial support of the international community. It is hard to imagine Western countries responding with similar generosity should a comparable number of refugees have arrived on their borders. Governments hosting the region’s two million registered refugees need support to defray some of the economic, social and political costs they have born in allowing the refugees to enter and in providing for at least some of their basic necessities. As we discuss in this policy brief, the presence of Syrian refugees in neighboring countries incurs not only financial costs, but also presents political dilemmas for the host governments, particularly in Syrian Crisis: Massive Displacement, Dire Needs and a Shortage of Solutions Page iv their relationships with other countries in the region and the ethnic and sectarian balance in their own countries.
Recommended publications
  • Oral Update of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic
    Distr.: General 18 March 2014 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-fifth session Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Oral Update of the independent international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic 1 I. Introduction 1. The harrowing violence in the Syrian Arab Republic has entered its fourth year, with no signs of abating. The lives of over one hundred thousand people have been extinguished. Thousands have been the victims of torture. The indiscriminate and disproportionate shelling and aerial bombardment of civilian-inhabited areas has intensified in the last six months, as has the use of suicide and car bombs. Civilians in besieged areas have been reduced to scavenging. In this conflict’s most recent low, people, including young children, have starved to death. 2. Save for the efforts of humanitarian agencies operating inside Syria and along its borders, the international community has done little but bear witness to the plight of those caught in the maelstrom. Syrians feel abandoned and hopeless. The overwhelming imperative is for the parties, influential states and the international community to work to ensure the protection of civilians. In particular, as set out in Security Council resolution 2139, parties must lift the sieges and allow unimpeded and safe humanitarian access. 3. Compassion does not and should not suffice. A negotiated political solution, which the commission has consistently held to be the only solution to this conflict, must be pursued with renewed vigour both by the parties and by influential states. Among victims, the need for accountability is deeply-rooted in the desire for peace.
    [Show full text]
  • Syria: "Torture Was My Punishment": Abductions, Torture and Summary
    ‘TORTURE WAS MY PUNISHMENT’ ABDUCTIONS, TORTURE AND SUMMARY KILLINGS UNDER ARMED GROUP RULE IN ALEPPO AND IDLEB, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Cover photo: Armed group fighters prepare to launch a rocket in the Saif al-Dawla district of the Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons northern Syrian city of Aleppo, on 21 April 2013. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Miguel Medina/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 24/4227/2016 July 2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 METHODOLOGY 7 1. BACKGROUND 9 1.1 Armed group rule in Aleppo and Idleb 9 1.2 Violations by other actors 13 2. ABDUCTIONS 15 2.1 Journalists and media activists 15 2.2 Lawyers, political activists and others 18 2.3 Children 21 2.4 Minorities 22 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Potential for an Assad Statelet in Syria
    THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras policy focus 132 | december 2013 the washington institute for near east policy www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessar- ily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. MAPS Fig. 1 based on map designed by W.D. Langeraar of Michael Moran & Associates that incorporates data from National Geographic, Esri, DeLorme, NAVTEQ, UNEP- WCMC, USGS, NASA, ESA, METI, NRCAN, GEBCO, NOAA, and iPC. Figs. 2, 3, and 4: detail from The Tourist Atlas of Syria, Syria Ministry of Tourism, Directorate of Tourist Relations, Damascus. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Digitally rendered montage incorporating an interior photo of the tomb of Hafez al-Assad and a partial view of the wheel tapestry found in the Sheikh Daher Shrine—a 500-year-old Alawite place of worship situated in an ancient grove of wild oak; both are situated in al-Qurdaha, Syria. Photographs by Andrew Tabler/TWI; design and montage by 1000colors.
    [Show full text]
  • The Middle East
    The Middle East Recent developments our situations shape UNHCR’s programme in Fthe Middle East: the unabated flow of asylum- seekers and migrants from the Horn of Africa to Yemen; the Sudan situation and its impact on Egypt, the Syrian Arab Republic (Syria) and Jordan; the Iraq situation and its impact on surrounding Bahrain countries hosting Iraqis; and the impact on host countries of the exceptionally protracted situation Egypt of Palestinian refugees. Iraq The Middle East has been a generous host to Israel refugees for decades, yet national security con- Jordan cerns in the region are testing States’ tradition- ally tolerant attitude towards refugees and Kuwait asylum-seekers. At the same time, there has been Lebanon some reluctance on the part of resettlement countries, since the events of 11 September 2001, Oman to accept refugees for resettlement from the Middle Qatar East. Saudi Arabia Voluntary repatriation is a limited option for the Syrian Arab Republic major refugee groups in the Middle East until a political solution is achieved in the countries of United Arab Emirates origin, involving sufficient stability to allow for a Yemen secure and dignified return. The Middle East Meanwhile, the Middle East is continuing to other persons of concern in the region. Where receive more asylum-seekers. Since the 2003 Iraq States have acceded to the 1951 Refugee Con- war, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria have received a vention and its 1967 Protocol, efforts now need to steady flow of Iraqis who are currently covered be directed at improving the practical implemen- under the temporary protection regime. Week by tation of the Convention, through the establish- week, as more Somali asylum-seekers and ment of national legislation and structures to migrants risk the dangerous sea crossing to manage refugee and asylum issues.
    [Show full text]
  • The Documentation of the Sectarian Massacre of Talkalakh City in Homs Governorate
    SNHR is an independent, non-governmental, nonprofit, human rights organization that was founded in June 2011. SNHR is a Thursday 31 October 2013 certified source for the United Nation in all of its statistics. The Documentation of the Sectarian Massacre of Talkalakh City in Homs Governorate The documenting party: Syrian Network for Human Rights On Thursday 31 October 2013, about 11:00 pm, a group of “local committees” entered the house of an IDPs family in Al Zara village in Talkalakh city and slaugh- tered a woman and her two children with knives. The location on the map: Alaa Mameesh, the eldest son of the family, told SNHR about the slaughtering of his mother and two brothers at the hands of pro-regime forces Al Shabiha: “The family displaced from Al Zara village due to clashes between Free Army and the regime army which consists of 95% Alawites in that area. The family displaced to Talkalakh city which is controlled by the regime hoping the situation would be better there. When Al Shabiha knew that the building contains people from Al Zara village, they stormed the house and without any investigation they killed them all, my mother, my sister and my brother. My father, Fat-hi Mameesh is an officer in the regime army, he fought the Free Army in many battels. Al Shabiha haven’t asked my family about any information. They killed them only because they are IDPs from Al Zara village which is of a Sunni majority. We couldn’t identify anything about their corpses or whether they buried them or not because they banned anyone from Al Zara village to enter Talkalakh city” 1 www.sn4hr.org - [email protected] The victims’ names: The mother, Elham Jardi/ Homs/ Al Zara village/ (Um Alaa) Hanadi Fat-hi Mameesh, 19-year-old/ Homs/ Al Zara village Mohammad Fat-hi Mameesh, 17-year-old/ Al Zara village.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alawite Dilemma in Homs Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community
    STUDY The Alawite Dilemma in Homs Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community AZIZ NAKKASH March 2013 n There are many ways of understanding Alawite identity in Syria. Geography and regionalism are critical to an individual’s experience of being Alawite. n The notion of an »Alawite community« identified as such by its own members has increased with the crisis which started in March 2011, and the growth of this self- identification has been the result of or in reaction to the conflict. n Using its security apparatus, the regime has implicated the Alawites of Homs in the conflict through aggressive militarization of the community. n The Alawite community from the Homs area does not perceive itself as being well- connected to the regime, but rather fears for its survival. AZIZ NAKKASH | THE ALAWITE DILEMMA IN HOMS Contents 1. Introduction ...........................................................1 2. Army, Paramilitary Forces, and the Alawite Community in Homs ...............3 2.1 Ambitions and Economic Motivations ......................................3 2.2 Vulnerability and Defending the Regime for the Sake of Survival ..................3 2.3 The Alawite Dilemma ..................................................6 2.4 Regime Militias .......................................................8 2.5 From Popular Committees to Paramilitaries ..................................9 2.6 Shabiha Organization ..................................................9 2.7 Shabiha Talk ........................................................10 2.8 The
    [Show full text]
  • Syrian 'Citizen Journalists' Use Social Media to Spread News
    11 March 2012 | MP3 at voaspecialenglish.com Syrian 'Citizen Journalists' Use Social Media to Spread News AP A family escapes from fierce fighting between Free Syrian Army fighters and government troops in Idlib This is the VOA Special English Technology Report. Social media networks have come to play an important part in the political unrest in Syria. The Syrian government barred most media from the country after the unrest began almost one year ago. But that has not stopped Syrians from getting out information to the rest of the world. Many Syrians have turned to social media like YouTube, Facebook and Twitter to help spread reports about what is happening in the country. (SOUND) That is the sound of explosions from a video on YouTube. The video is said to show shells falling on the city of Homs. This is one of hundreds, possibly thousands of similar videos placed on social media websites in the past few weeks. With few foreign reporters in Syria, social media have become a major tool for telling the world what is happening. Many news organizations have had to depend on reports and videos from people they call citizen journalists. 2 Emanuelle Esposti has been studying the use of such videos by foreign media. She operates a blog and lives in Britain. EMANUELLE ESPOSTI: "It's very difficult to know where that video has actually come from, who's behind it, why are they behind it… Because there's nobody there on the ground, because there's no reporter there that can say 'oh yes, I've looked out of my window and I've seen this.'" Last week, Syria's deputy oil minister resigned his position to join the opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq
    Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 5, August 2008 The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq Elizabeth G. Ferris The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036 brookings.edu Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 5, August 2008 The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq Elizabeth G. Ferris -APOF)RAQ Map: ICG, “Iraq’s Civil War, the Sadrists, and the Surge.” Middle East Report No. 72, 7 February 2008. &OREIGN0OLICYAT"ROOKINGSIII ,ISTOF!CRONYMS AQI Al Qaeda in Iraq CAP Consolidated Appeals Process CPA Coalition Provisional Authority CRRPD Commission for the Resolution of Real Property Disputes EIA Energy Information Administration (U.S.) GOI Government of Iraq ICG International Crisis Group ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IOM International Organization for Migration IRIN Integrated Regional Information Service ITG Iraqi Transitional Government KRG Kurdistan Regional Government MNF-I Multi-National Force Iraq MoDM/MoM Ministry of Displacement and Migration (recently renamed Ministry of Migration) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NCCI NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs PDS Public Distribution System PKK Kurdistan Workers’ Party PLO Palestinian Liberation Organization PRTs Provincial Reconstruction Teams RSG Representative of the Secretary-General TAL Transitional Administrative Law UIA United Iraqi Alliance UNAMI United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq UNDP United Nations Development Program UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USAID U.S. Agency for International Development USG United States Government &OREIGN0OLICYAT"ROOKINGSV !WORDONTERMINOLOGY The term “displaced” is used here to refer to both refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) which have clear meanings in international law.
    [Show full text]
  • Syrian Arab Republic
    SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC | Overview | UNHCR’s presence | 2013 Number of offices 5 Total personnel 367 Operational highlights International staff 32 National staff 153 z Despite escalating violence coordinating the international throughout the Syrian Arab humanitarian response, notably Others 182 Republic (Syria), UNHCR leading the inter-agency response assisted internally displaced in two sectors: protection/ people (IDPs) by expanding its community services and shelter/ presence in key locations and non-food items (NFIs). enhancing its logistical capacity to reach IDPs with core relief items z To protect IDPs, refugees and assistance for survivors of sexual (CRIs) in all 14 governorates. asylum-seekers, UNHCR focused and gender-based violence (SGBV) Close to 3.4 million IDPs were particularly on community- and capacity building. assisted with CRIs by UNHCR based initiatives. It worked to and its partners, including across expand and empower a network z With the near-collapse of basic front lines and in dif cult-to- of local organizations capable services in parts of the country, access areas, with additional of delivering humanitarian the organization enabled more items which were provided for the assistance and services to the than 991,000 IDPs to access harsh winter season. most vulnerable. Overall, nearly primary health care, outreach 173,600 people of concern services, medicine, medical z As one of the largest bene tted from activities that equipment and devices, mental humanitarian agencies in Syria, ranged from child protection, health and psychological support, UNHCR played a key role in counselling on documentation, and gain awareness of health | UNHCR Global Report 2013 • Syrian Arab Republic • 1 | issues.
    [Show full text]
  • 132484385.Pdf
    MAANPUOLUSTUSKORKEAKOULU VENÄJÄN OPERAATIO SYYRIASSA – TARKASTELU VENÄJÄN ILMAVOIMIEN KYVYSTÄ TUKEA MAAOPERAATIOTA Diplomityö Kapteeni Valtteri Riehunkangas Yleisesikuntaupseerikurssi 58 Maasotalinja Heinäkuu 2017 MAANPUOLUSTUSKORKEAKOULU Kurssi Linja Yleisesikuntaupseerikurssi 58 Maasotalinja Tekijä Kapteeni Valtteri Riehunkangas Tutkielman nimi VENÄJÄN OPERAATIO SYYRIASSA – TARKASTELU VENÄJÄN ILMAVOI- MIEN KYVYSTÄ TUKEA MAAOPERAATIOTA Oppiaine johon työ liittyy Säilytyspaikka Operaatiotaito ja taktiikka MPKK:n kurssikirjasto Aika Heinäkuu 2017 Tekstisivuja 137 Liitesivuja 132 TIIVISTELMÄ Venäjä suoritti lokakuussa 2015 sotilaallisen intervention Syyriaan. Venäjä tukee Presi- dentti Bašar al-Assadin hallintoa taistelussa kapinallisia ja Isisiä vastaan. Vuoden 2008 Georgian sodan jälkeen Venäjän asevoimissa aloitettiin reformi sen suorituskyvyn paran- tamiseksi. Syyrian intervention aikaan useat näistä uusista suorituskyvyistä ovat käytössä. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää Venäjän ilmavoimien kyky tukea maaoperaatiota. Tutkimus toteutettiin tapaustutkimuksena. Tapauksina työssä olivat kolme Syyrian halli- tuksen toteuttamaa operaatiota, joita Venäjä suorituskyvyillään tuki. Venäjän interventiosta ei ollut saatavilla opinnäytetöitä tai kirjallisuutta. Tästä johtuen tutkimuksessa käytettiin lähdemateriaalina sosiaaliseen mediaan tuotettua aineistoa sekä uutisartikkeleita. Koska sosiaalisen median käyttäjien luotettavuutta oli vaikea arvioida, tutkimuksessa käytettiin videoiden ja kuvien geopaikannusta (geolocation, geolokaatio), joka
    [Show full text]
  • Observations on the Air War in Syria Lt Col S
    Views Observations on the Air War in Syria Lt Col S. Edward Boxx, USAF His face was blackened, his clothes in tatters. He couldn’t talk. He just point- ed to the flames, still about four miles away, then whispered: “Aviones . bombas” (planes . bombs). —Guernica survivor iulio Douhet, Hugh Trenchard, Billy Mitchell, and Henry “Hap” Arnold were some of the greatest airpower theorists in history. Their thoughts have unequivocally formed the basis of G 1 modern airpower. However, their ideas concerning the most effective use of airpower were by no means uniform and congruent in their de- termination of what constituted a vital center with strategic effects. In fact the debate continues to this day, and one may draw on recent con- flicts in the Middle East to make observations on the topic. Specifi- cally, this article examines the actions of one of the world’s largest air forces in a struggle against its own people—namely, the rebels of the Free Syrian Army (FSA). As of early 2013, the current Syrian civil war has resulted in more than 60,000 deaths, 2.5 million internally displaced persons, and in ex- cess of 600,000 refugees in Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, and Lebanon.2 Presi- dent Bashar al-Assad has maintained his position in part because of his ability to control the skies and strike opposition targets—including ci- vilians.3 The tactics of the Al Quwwat al-Jawwiyah al Arabiya as- Souriya (Syrian air force) appear reminiscent of those in the Spanish Civil War, when bombers of the German Condor Legion struck the Basque market town of Guernica, Spain, on 26 April 1937.
    [Show full text]
  • Editorial Essay: Iraqi Refugees, Beyond the Urban Refugee Paradigm
    Volume 28 Refuge Number 1 Editorial Essay: Iraqi Refugees, Beyond the Urban Refugee Paradigm Géraldine Chatelard and Tim Morris Abstract ressources naturelles et de la souveraineté des frontières. Displacement and exile have been recurrent and durable La répression politique, les changements violents de régi- phenomena aff ecting Iraqi society for the last 90 years. mes, les redéfi nitions de l’identité nationale, les politiques Th e process of forming an Iraqi state from the ruins of the démographiques, et les confl its armés régionaux et inter- Ottoman empire, which Aristide Zolberg has analyzed as nationaux ont entraîné des évictions, des déportations, la a prime factor generating refugee fl ows,1 has been ongoing dénaturalisation, l’émigration politique et la fuite devant since 1920. Unfi nished endeavours to build a state and la violence. Une grande proportion des déplacements de nation have been characterized by almost incessant antag- populations irakiennes est intérieure au pays. Toutefois, onistic claims over the nature of the state and national un nombre important de réfugiés et d’exilés forme une identity, the exercise of and access to political power, con- diaspora régionale et internationale qui s’étend à l’Iran, la trol of natural resources and border sovereignty. Political Jordanie, Israël, la Syrie, et jusqu’à des pays d’immigration repression, violent regime change, redefi nition of national aussi éloigné que la Nouvelle-Zélande. identity, demographic engineering, and domestic or inter- national armed confl icts have resulted in eviction, depor- Belated Recognition of Iraqi Displacement tation, denaturalization, political emigration, and fl ight Despite their massive scale, displacement and other forms of involuntary migration from Iraq have so far largely escaped from violence.
    [Show full text]