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Oercion in Which the Strong Conquers the Weak and Exerts His Position to Rule

Oercion in Which the Strong Conquers the Weak and Exerts His Position to Rule

UNIVERSITY OF , FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY

ETHNOGRAPHY OF TRADITIONAL AND POLITICS OF THE OKUN-YORUBA OF SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D) DEGREE IN ANTHROPOLOGY

BY TUBI, PAUL-KOLADE (REVD. FR.) PG/Ph.D/08/48218

SUPERVISOR: PROF. A. I. OKPOKO.

JULY, 2015. i

Approval Page

This thesis has been approved for the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

______Prof. A. I. Okpoko Prof. E. E. Anugwom Supervisor Head, Department of Sociology/Anthropology

______Prof. I. A. Madu Prof. A. A. Ubachukwu Dean, Faculty of Social Science Dean, School of Postgraduate Studies University of Nigeria, Nsukka University of Nigeria, Nsukka

______Prof. C. F. Okolocha External Examiner

ii

Certification

This is to certify that the candidate whose name and registration number appear in this work has successfully completed the demands of this project.

______Prof. A. I. Okpoko Prof. E. E. Anugwom Supervisor Head, Department of Sociology/Anthropology

______Prof. I. A. Madu Prof. C. F. Okolocha Dean, Faculty of Social Science External Examiner University of Nigeria, Nsukka

iii Page

Ethnography of Traditional Religion and Politics of the Okun-Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria

iv Table of Contents

Approval Page ...... i Certification ...... ii Title Page ...... iii Table of Contents ...... iv List of Figures ...... vii List of Tables ...... vii Acknowledgements ...... viii Dedication ...... ix Abstract ...... x CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Background to the Study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 2 1.3 Objectives of the Study ...... 4 1.4 Research Questions ...... 4 1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 5 1.6 Definition of Concepts ...... 6 CHAPTER TWO ...... 7 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 7 2.1 Ethnography ...... 7 2.2 Religion ...... 10 2.3 Power and Politics ...... 12 2.4 Review of Relevant Theories ...... 15 2.4.1 Evolutionism ...... 15 2.4.2 Conflict Theories...... 16 2.4.3 Structuralism ...... 18 2.4.4 Functionalism ...... 19 2.5 Theoretical Orientation ...... 21 2.6 Propositions...... 22

v CHAPTER THREE ...... 23 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...... 23 3.1 Study Design ...... 23 3.2 Methodology ...... 24 3.3 Area and Scope of the Study ...... 24 3.4 Study Population ...... 25 3.5 Sample Size ...... 26 3.6 Sampling Procedure ...... 27 3.7 Instruments and Methods of Data Collection ...... 28 3.8 Methods of Data Analysis ...... 33 CHAPTER FOUR ...... 34 FINDING ...... 34 4.1 Summary of the Research Problem...... 34 4.2 Interplay of Politics and Religion...... 37 4.3 Findings on Propositions ...... 45 4.4 Findings on Traditional Religion ...... 52 4.4.1 and Ritual Meals ...... 64 4.4.2 Impact of Modernization and Modern on Okun Traditional Religion ...... 69 4.5 Physio-Cultural Features in Okun Religion ...... 70 4.6 Findings on Traditional Political Power ...... 74 4.6.1 Administrative Organisation ...... 74 4.6.2 Conferment of Traditional ...... 82 4.6.3 Impact of Modernatization on Okun‟s Traditional Political System ...... 83 4.7 Emergent themes ...... 84 4.7.1 Rites of passage ...... 85 4.7.2 New Festival (Odun isu titun) ...... 97 4.7.3 Social Stratification ...... 100 4.7.4 Life after Death ...... 102 4.8 Grave Offences ...... 103 CHAPTER FIVE ...... 106 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 106 5.1 Overview ...... 106 5.1.1 Anthropological roles of religious and political systems on the Okun- .... 108 5.2 The State and Personnel of Government and Religion ...... 110 5.3 Traditional Sources of Revenue and Remuneration ...... 114 vi 5.4 Post Traditional Governance and Religion ...... 117 5.5 Women in Traditional Okun Political and Religious systems ...... 118 5.6 Stability, Cohesion and Change ...... 119 5.7 Anthropomorphisms ...... 120 5.8 Effects of Cultural Contact ...... 120 Summary and Conclusions ...... 123 Structuralism, Religion and Politics ...... 130 Recommendations ...... 132 References ...... 134 Appendices ...... 145

vii List of Figures

Figure 1: Map of Nigeria showing Yoruba Speaking Areas ...... 8 Figure 2: Map showing Okun speaking Local Government Areas of ...... 10 Figure 3: Map of Nigeria showing Okun speaking Area of Nigeria ...... 25 Figure 4: Researcher interviewing chief priestess of Mopa land ...... 38 Figure 5: Researcher interviewing chief priestess of Alu ...... 39 Figure 6: A masquerade during an oro festival ...... 40 Figure 7: Schematization of Okun‟s Religious-Political Interplay ...... 45 Figure 8: Schematization of Okun Religious System ...... 53 Figure 9: Researcher with an ...... 60 Figure 10: An Okun masquerade ...... 61 Figure 11: Traditional Sacrifice to ebora (deity) ...... 67 Figure 12: Traditional religionists offer sacrifice to a deity ...... 68 Figure 13: Schematization of Traditional Okun‟s Political Hierarchical System ...... 75 Figure 14: Schematization of Levels of Okun‟s Traditional Governance ...... 77 Figure 15: An Okun traditional ruler and his deputy ...... 81 Figure 16: Researcher interviewing an Okun chief ...... 83 Figure 17: An infant for naming ceremony ...... 86 Figure 18: Traditional items for naming ceremony ...... 88 Figure 19: Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun chief priest…………………………...113 Figure 20: Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun chief at Iluke ...... 113 Figure 21: Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun chief at Igbagun…………………...…113

List of Tables Table 1: Categories of Traditional Religious Features Among the Okun ...... 63 Table 2: Categories of Traditional Political Offices of the Okun………………………………..76 Table 3: Age Grades Among the Okun…………………………...…………...…………………89

viii Acknowledgements

Olodumare I am on my knees. Olorun iba o. I thank my Bishop, Dr. Martin Olorunmolu, who permitted me to undertake this study. I am obliged to Professor A. I. Okpoko through whose cooperation and scholarly supervision I have been able to execute this research. His scholarship and wealth of knowledge which he shared with me made my doctorate study in Anthropology enjoyable. My heartfelt gratitude goes to him for many valuable suggestions. I am equally appreciative of the support of his late wife, Dr. Mrs. Josephine Amaka Okpoko who encouraged me to forge ahead. My appreciation also goes to the Head of Department, professors and lecturers of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology of University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I shall be grateful if my gratitude comes to the knowledge of Dr. P-J Ezeh whose extensive notes, supports and rigorous challenges have helped in no small measure to bring this research to this present level. I wish to thank Chidi Ugwu on whom I have leaned on for advice. I prize highly the contributions of Ojogbon of Okun land to this thesis: All Okun folklore raconteurs, oral historians, cognomen chanters, traditional rulers, chief and field assistants who contributed to the success of this research and especially Professor Gbenga Ibileye of Federal University , for his constructive observations. My indebtedness to MaryAnn Adamma Amadi of Federal University Lokoja is enormous for the secretarial work done on the thesis. My thanks in no small measure goto Sir. Mike Eraga KSP and Mrs. Camilla Musa for their support. I also value the assistance of Bro Obioma Nwangba, Uche Asogwa and Henry Atibo of University of Nigeria Nsukka. I invoke ‟s manifold blessings on all of you.

ix Dedication

“To the One seated on the throne and to the Lamb be all praise, honour, glory and power forever and ever”, Rev. 5:13.

x Abstract Religion and politics bear directly on the lives of the people in a society. This is even more pronounced in traditional societies. However, the onslaught of westernization and globalization tends to amend, suppress or erode traditional practices. It is in this light that the ethnographic study of autochthonous traditional communities that have come under the influence of globalization like the Okun-Yoruba has anthropological relevance. This study opines that the application of ethnography in the study of political and religious systems of extant traditional autochthonous communities can adequately provide scholarly basis for anthropological study of their lore, mores and norms. The research adopted the qualitative research method in which participant-as-observer (complete participation), In-Depth Interviews and Focus Group Discussions were used. Structuralism was the theoretical orientation adopted due to its relevance in studying the underlying phenomena of culture and cultural traits. Structuralist‟s paradigms helped to critically examine the very of Okun‟s religio-political system and their cultural practices in general, and how these relations interplay especially as they relate to cultural elasticity, resilience, dynamism and vulnerability of the Okun‟s culture. The report is presented in descriptive and narrative ethnographic format. The first chapter is an introduction that marshalls the introductory aspect of the study by stating the issues and concepts that are germane to the study. The second chapter examines relevant literature on the subject that has both theoretical and empirical implications. In the third chapter, the research methodology is stated and examined in which the methods and instruments of research are spelt out. The findings of the research from the fieldwork are discussed in chapter four. The last chapter presents the discussion and application of the result of the research. In the end, conclusions are drawn and recommendations made. The study of the Okun-Yoruba shows a complex interplay between politics and religion in traditional societies. The researcher also found out that , , westernization and globalization have engineered massive acculturation in the study area. However, aspects of the autochthonous Okun-Yoruba systems survive. Political and religious pluralism and national integration are contentious issues in . The Okun-Yoruba gives scholars a starting point to the study that is envisaged will provide plausible solutions to the religio-political crises in the continent.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study The quest by scholars of culture to study the religious and political systems of traditional societies imperative because of the influence of westernization and globalization on the beliefs and practices of such extant traditional societies. The success or otherwise of western forms of government on the one hand and the influence of foreign religions on the other hand in Africa indicate the need for more extensive study to validate their acceptance by the people. This research opines that the application of anthropological paradigms in the study of religious and political systems of extant traditional societies that have come under the influence of globalization and westernization is germane and that the study can be approached and explained adequately by ethnography (Ezeh, 2004; Igirgi, 1988; Okpoko, 1989; Okpoko and Ezeh, 2005). Thus many scholars who have written ethnographic treatises on African culture have seen the need for authentic documentation of Africa‟s religious and political systems, as can be observed and examined in their norms, lores, ethos and mores (Andah, 1989, 1990; Bohannan, 1953, 1954; Davidson, 1967; Diop, 1974; Fadipe, 1970; Fage, 1968; Idowu, 1962; Isichei, 1976; Kaunda, 1966; Mbiti, 1979; Onwuejeogwu, 1975; Rodney, 1977). This research in this light seeks to study the Okun-Yoruba people of South-Western Nigeria, to investigate their traditional religious and political systems, assess the dynamism involved and examine how they have coped with the challenges of modernization. The seminal anthropological inquiries into religion and political power in traditional societies of the world by Durkheim (1961) and Turner (2008) amongst others have made it imperative for the rigorous application of ethnography to the study of extant autochthonous traditional communities like the Okun-Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria. Andah (1989) and Okpoko (2006) have opined that the inadequacy of ethnography notwithstanding, it remains the best method to study traditional African societies. If this line of thought is accepted, then the study of targeted cultural locale like the Okun-Yoruba group in the face of globalization and westernization is desirable. The background to this ethnographic study is to examine the traditional Okun religio-political system and to consider the possibility of establishing nexus between aspects of traditional religious beliefs and traditional political system on one hand and 2 to examine the possible cases of acculturation with surrounding cultures on the other hand. It shall as well critically study the influence of Islam, Christianity, westernization and globalization on Okun-. Globalization and westernization have exerted much influence on traditional societies and have resulted in upsetting many traditional norms and lores, thus creating multiple challenges in religious and political spheres. The research shows that there are strong nexuses between religious and political systems of indigenous, but westernizing communities like the Okun-Yoruba and these are noticeable in an attempt of welding a coherent society together from these challenges.

1.2 Statement of the Problem No explanation of religious and political systems can be complete without considering their anthropological relevance. Religion is too important to be left with theologians and religionists alone. Besides, political power is so central to humanity that it cannot be left to politicians alone. Therefore, anthropologists as scientists of humanity seek to study various aspects of peoples‟ culture. There is a growing need to study and document extant autochthonous traditional societies that have to contend with external influences like foreign religions, westernization and globalization, lest they are suppressed. Thus the research uses ethnography to study the traditional religion and politics of the Okun-Yoruba. The study of the political and religious systems of the Okun-Yoruba people, like many traditional societies, has not been properly documented, even though some ethnoarcheological studies have been undertaken by scholars on the people (Bakinde, 2009; Obayemi, 1976). Ethnography has served creditably as the research technique of anthropologists and other social scientists and its relevance has been observed in many circles (Andah 1988; Aremu 2001; Bakinde, 2009; Ehusani, 1991; Igirgi, 1988; Okpoko, 2006; Okpoko and Ezeh, 2005) yet there are lots of works to be done in the cultural study of traditional communities, like the Okun- Yoruba, that have come under the influence of Islam, Christianity, westernization and globalization. The research is premised on the need to fill the lacuna in anthropological treatises of westernizing autochthonous communities like the Okun-Yoruba. Religion and politics bear directly on the lives of the people in a society. This is pronounced in traditional societies, and therefore an ethnographic study is germane in the face of westernization and globalization, which tend to amend, suppress or erode traditional practices. Thus the problematique of this research is to investigate, examine and document in line with 3 ethnographic methodologies, the autochthonous religious and political systems of the Okun- Yoruba people. It examines the religio-political lores, norms and mores of the as they can be discerned by ethnographic study and it assesses the challenges of foreign influences, which confront traditional societies like the Okun-Yoruba. Traditional but westernizing and modernizing societies like the Okun-Yoruba present a good case for intellectual study. Also, the dynamic nature of human society makes politics and religion to be in constant need of study, revision and modification. The present study looks critically at the traditional religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba people and it notes the variables which make for continuity, changes, adaptations and innovations within the culture of a traditional community that has come under the influence of globalization. In this task, the use of ethnography has been appraised as adequate by scholars (Ezeh, 2004; Igirgi, 1988; Okpoko, 1989; Okpoko & Ezeh, 2005; Ugwu, 2010). Ethnography is the quest for intellectual paradigms which is well grounded in fieldwork that seeks to study and explain living human culture. It attempts to define a dynamic cause-and-effect relationship that operates within functional dynamic cultural systems (Hogan, 2006; Okpoko, 2008; Aremu, 2001; Owusu, 1978; Igirgi, 1988). It has been established that ethnography touches on diverse areas which it examines as its legitimate concerns like economics, kinship, morals, ideas, technology, crafts, political systems amongst others (Okpoko and Ezediachie, 2008). In the light of this fact, this study focuses on the religio-political system of the Okun people. The ethnographic methodology has been corroborated by the assertions of several scholars that ethnography remains the best tool for scholarly investigation into traditional societies in Africa (Andah, 1988; Ibeanu, 2006; Okpoko, 2006; Okpoko and Ezeh, 2005; Owusu, 1978). Issues that featured in this research include the examination of the prevailing religious and political systems of Okunland and their immediate challenges. It attempts a critical inquiry into areas of convergence between traditional and modern religious cum political systems, and it examines the nexus between traditional religious and political systems of the Okun. The anthropological study of the Okun people should provide detailed data and analyses of their religious and political past, present and project into the future irrespective of the cacophony of views on the origin, settlement, historicity, religious and political systems of the Okun people (Bakinde, 2009; Noah-Mejebi, 2005). The study of the Okun revealed that Christianity, Islam, westernization and globalization have precipitated severe cultural shock and brought changes in Okunland, especially in the religious and political systems, as in other parts of Africa. In the face of the onslaught of foreign 4 influence, the Okun have successfully managed stability versus vulnerability and cohesion versus changes that are taking place in their cultural milieu. By deconstructing the Okun cultural systems, in line with structuralism, the study discovered the tension between religio-political rationalizations of the Okun and the various subsystems into which they converge which have anthropological relevance to contemporary Nigeria in particular and Africa in general. With mounting religious and political problems in Africa with severe cases in Nigeria, Central African , , Chad, Sudan and Somalia amongst others, the study of Okun‟s religious and political systems provides probable solutions to ameliorate these problems.

1.3 Objectives of the Study The fundamental objective of this study is to critically use ethnography to examine the concept of political power and religious beliefs in traditional African society by using the Okun- Yoruba speaking area of South-Western Nigeria as a case study. Specifics of the aims of this research have been marshaled as follows: 1 To investigate religious and religious beliefs in Okun cultural milieu; 2 To ascertain political power and political system in Okun; 3 To examine the possible changes in traditional Okun religious beliefs and political systems; 4 To study similarities and dissimilarities between traditional and modern Okun political system and government; 5 To determine the influence of modern religion on traditional beliefs; 6 To illustrate the means by which both traditional Okun religious and political systems can be of mutual benefit to each other.

1.4 Research Questions For proper articulation of the research, some questions were drawn to guide the study. The research attempts to answer the following questions: 1 What do the Okun construe as religion and religious beliefs in their traditional milieu? 2 What do the Okun understand as political power and political system ? 3 What are the perceptible changes in traditional Okun religious beliefs and political system under the influence of Islam, Christianity and westernization? 5

4 Are there similarities and dissimilarities between traditional Okun political system and modern political system? 5 Are there possible influences of modern religion on traditional Okun beliefs? 6 What can be of mutual benefit to traditional Okun religio-political system and modern beliefs and politics?

1.5 Significance of the Study Politics and religion are vital parts of human activities and their effects permeate all spheres of life among people of all cultures as shown in the works of scholars like Ezeh (2004), Durkheim (1961), Fadipe (1970), Idowu (1962), Rodney (1977), Uchendu (1960), and Weber (1922). Yet none of these scholars has carried out a detailed ethnographic study on the Okun- Yoruba autonomous culture. In addition, there are no scholars who have looked critically at both religion and political power simultaneously within the Okun cultural milieu. This research attempts a synthesis and documentation of both religious and political powers in Okun-Yoruba traditional society so as to fill the knowledge gap within extant anthropological treatises on Okun culture in particular, and the relationship between religion and politics in human society in general. Theoretically, this research is a treatise on traditional Okun religious beliefs and political power configurations, which will enlarge extant ethnographic knowledge on the same topic. It thus, forms part of the general corpora of anthropological treatises on African culture. Interested scholars will also find the study as reference materials on the topic of research. Also, while adding to the body of extant material on the Okun speaking people, the study is designed to elicit further scholarly research on the area of study and to also become a tool for comparative research among other groups. Practically, the corollaries of this study provide objective materials on the traditional religious and political systems of Okunland to governments, policy makers, and people who are wont to make pronouncements on the Okun people and their culture in their attempt at modernization. In addition, the study proposes to be able to ameliorate conflicts and crises which arise out of the socio-political contexts in which Okun speaking people have their peculiarities of binary oppositions. Also the vital data of this study will be of tremendous benefit to the youths, the educated and the elites who are contending with emergent westernization of Okun culture. 6

1.6 Definition of Concepts Anthropological lexicons are words and expressions that signify what researchers have in mind. They are terminologies, which are technical or are specialized words. To ease semantic comprehension the following Okun-Yoruba words are defined in the way the people use them: Asa: The general corpus of beliefs, codes, practices and customs transmitted from the past which are accepted by the people as inherited or customary practices. Aworo: A term for the Chief priest and priests of the traditional religion. Ebi: Lineage; group of people who have lineal descent and claim a common ancestor. Descent among the Okun people is double unilineal (reckoned both on the father‟s and mother‟s sides). However role ascription like family-head, land ownership and chieftaincy in the society is determined patrilinealy. Ebora: The general indigenous name for deities. Each community is exclusively entrusted to an ebora assigned to it by name. No two communities share the same ebora in Okunland. Esin: The generic Yoruba term for religion, which includes religious practices and religious beliefs. Esu: A principal deity in Yoruba cosmology. Ifa: The traditional deity of and future telling. It is conceived as possessing the gift of clairvoyance by its clients and trained practitioners. : One appointed among the people and whose authority the appointing community recognizes as their leader. In Okun land, he is seen as first among equals. The oba‟s power is strictly limited to his community. : The name of the Supreme deity. Oselu: A term, which means politics and it also refers to politicians. Oye: The traditional title, which now covers all titles given either in the , church, mosque or social group.

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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Ethnography

Ethnography is the science that attempts to define the dynamic cause-effect relationship that operates within functional dynamic cultural systems. It is the study of the human society which “is concerned with the way of life (culture) of contemporary people such as economy, political system, kinship relation, ideas, morals, technology and crafts” (Okpoko and Ezeadichie, 2006). Its primary focus is concerned with studying and understanding man and his behaviour as manifested through culture. It is a scientific method, which concentrates intellectual inquiry on living cultures at a given moment. Scholars like Ezeh (2003), Igirgi (1988), Okpoko (1989), and Owusu (1978) with various nuances define ethnography to mean the descriptions of customs of specific culture. By its methodology, “it is the direct observation of the activity of members of a particular social group, and the description and evaluation of such activity” (Hogan, 2006:147). Ethnography in Africa largely falls under triadic periods, namely the pre-colonial, the colonial and the post-colonial (Igirgi, 1988; Ehusani, 1991; Okpoko and Ezeadichie, 2006; Tubi 2009). This research adopts ethnography as a deliberate study of people and their culture in situ by a trained researcher, who participated and observed the life-ways of the people under study and the documentation, description and narration of the same culture.

i Ethnography of the Yoruba

Traditional orature points to the legendary , as the progenitor of the Yoruba, in which the seven sons of Oduduwa and their descendants populated the entire Yoruba land (Fagge and Willet, 1960; Fadipe, 1970; Johnson, 1921, 1960; Ojo, 1966). He ruled at Ile- and sent out his children and grandchildren to establish kingdoms across Yoruba and Edo (Bini) lands. Ile-Ife is considered the ancestral home of the Yoruba and the people revere it as a sacred city. Thus, all Yoruba groups trace their origin to Ile-Ife by popular tradition either directly or remotely. The Yoruba however comprise groups of people who hold on to the Oduduwa ancestry, but speak one of the variants of . Dialects, which form the general language, include , Egba, Ekiti, Ife, , Okun, Ondo, Oyo, Ijebu and Ijesa amongst others. They occupy the South-Western part of Nigeria and Eastern part of Republic. 8

Politically, the Yoruba are organized into kingdoms. At the head of the political system is the Oba () who is assisted by categories of graded titled chiefs. The complex traditional chieftaincy system makes room for checks and balances. Two types of political systems have been identified in Yoruba land, namely mega-kingdoms and mini-kingdoms. Mega-kingdoms, which are characterized by large political territories, are found among the Oyo, Ife, Ijebu, Egba, while mini-kingdoms in which their main characteristic is small territory, such that each community is a kingdom of its own are predominant among the Ekiti and Okun, (Obayemi, 1985). At the apex of the Yoruba religious system is Olodumare (Supreme Being), who is assisted by a multiplicity of deities (ebora, orisa), which are considered as viceroys of the Supreme Deity. There are hundreds of deities (ebora/orisa) that have definite responsibilities in the running of the world, like Ogun (deity of iron), Sango (deity of thunder), (goddess of river ), etc. The chief priest (aworo, abore) is the supreme officer of the Yoruba religious system. Traditional priests, priestesses, herbalists, diviners and cultic functionaries assist him.

Figure 1: Map of Nigeria showing Yoruba Speaking Areas

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ii Ethnography of the Okun

The orature of traditional origin of the Okun points to Ile-Ife or Oyo-Ile as the initial home of the first settlers in Okunland. Oral sources claim that groups of kiths and kins left for reasons not clearly spelt out and settled at different locations in the area of study. Reasons could be succession struggles at Ile-Ife or Oyo, or expedition, and some sources say they were adventuresome (Otetubi, 1989). The crux of the oral sources is that groups of people who settled in their present locations and are collectively called Okun see themselves as kiths and kins. They are grouped into six cultural groups namely Bunu, , Kiri, Owe, Oworo and Yagba. These groups are based largely on linguistic affinity. Their religion is a form of diffused monotheism in which Olodumare (Supreme Deity) is acknowledged, but he is far removed from the daily chores of the people. The Deity is assisted by numerous eboras (deities), which are assigned to particular communities. Every community has its ebora. Politically, the people practice monarchical system of government. Each village has an oba (king), who rules in consultation with titled chiefs. Like their eboras, all obas are ascribed to a community, in which no king has a supervisory role on another king. The Ifa , which is concerned with divination, guides the personal and public lives of the people, which directly affects the religious and political systems. Systematic ethnographic studies began with Krapf-Askari (1966). He applied the name Okun to the various sub-cultural groups which consist of “a number of apparently interrelated peoples speaking different dialects of Yoruba and claiming origin from Ile-Ife” (Krapf-Askari, 1966:3), and who possess the same asa (cultural traits). Archaeological data suggest that the area of study has had human habitation since circa 260 BC (Bakinde, 2009; Oyelaran 1998). Increasingly, there are evidence from history, ethnography and archeology, which substantiate the antiquity of the people. Ethno-archaeological treatises about Okun-Yoruba people by Obayemi (1978, 1985) showed that there have been human settlements with extensive knowledge and practice in metal industry from 9th to 13th century AD. He asserts that by 1800 AD, the people have occupied their present geographical positions, in which they were organized into about one hundred “mini states”. Oyelaran (1986, 1998) and Asakitipi (2001) have extended intellectual knowledge of the people with their ethno-archaeological works. Archaeologists (Obayemi, 1979, 1985; Oyelaran, 1986, 1998; Asakitipi 2001; Bakinde 2009) have corroborated the veracity of cultural continuity spanning 20 centuries. The findings of these researchers point to one inescapable fact that Okun predates Ile-Ife by several centuries.

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Figure 2: Map showing Okun speaking Local Government Areas of Kogi State

2.2 Religion

Anthropologically speaking, a human being can be described as homo religiosus (religious man). Religion as construed by its adherents is a most sublime activity in which the Deity is inseparably linked with man in a covenanted relationship. Scholarly treatises on religion examined it from two broad perspectives. On the one hand, there are scholars like Weber (1922) and Durkheim (1961) who treat religion as a social reality. Hence, it is construed as a system of beliefs and rituals with reference to the sacred, which bind people together in social groups. On the other hand existentialists and theologians like Tillich define religion as “any set of coherent answer to human existential dilemmas -birth, sickness or death- which makes the world meaningful” (Hogan, 2006:30). A precise definition of religion is difficult to come by. According to Ibenwa (2014:49), “Religion is elusive in nature and this makes it difficult to have one universally accepted definition of religion”. Religion is a complex ever-present reality of human existence. It is a globalized and ancient culture that exhibits variety of cultural diversities. It is a sublime activity which has been exploited both for noble causes and for conflicts. According to Durkheim (1961), religion is understood by contrasting the sacred with the profane. Ekwunife (2003:14) defines religion as “God/man relationship organized and expressed in human society through beliefs, 11 creed, worship, ethical and moral behaviour”. However for Marx (1970:250), “Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of the heartless world, it is the spirit of the spiritless condition. It is the opium of the people” Attempts by scholars to provide essential definitions that suit all religious institutions have not been successful. The problem is perdurable due to two main reasons: On the one hand, it has been difficult and almost impossible to say in precise terms what is religious and what is not. This is due to the fact that what one religion considers primary and important may be lacking in another (like temples/cathedral/grand mosques/shrines and traditional spots of sacrifice). In some religions, the Deity plays a central role such as in Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and African Traditional Religions, but in some religions, there is lack of focus on God, and even when acknowledged, God/ play subliminal roles in such religions like Hinduism and Buddhism. On the other hand, man‟s indeterminate use of words has made the problem of definition of religion more exacerbating. Contentious issues concern basic concepts of religion such as who/what is God, what is the nature and end of soul, what is the final end of man, is it heaven or hell or reincarnation, among others? (Barry 1983). However, there are certain agreeable delineations which characterize the religious realm and which are considered as typical of most, if not all religions. Religious phenomena consist of a system in which rituals, teaching of doctrines, myths, institutions and sentiments among others are interconnected. As a working paradigm, this research defines religion as the aggregation of human endeavours which links humanity with the Supreme deity. Detailed study of religion in Africa has been undertaken by scholars like Idowu (1962), Mbiti (1972, 1975, 1982), Parinder (1974), and Ekwunife (1992) amongst others. Several theories have been expounded to answer the question on how religion came about. The origin of religion has been traced to patriarchate theory on the one hand and matriarchate theory on the other. Psychologist Freud (1930) propounded the patriarchal theory of the origin of religion. God, according to Freud, is fashioned on the custom of paternalism among humankind. The deity he espoused is like a father or has the characteristic of fatherhood. Like a pater familias, the deity is conceived as the source and head of the family of humankind. Freud concluded that religion is a childhood mentality which is extended to adulthood. Bachofen (2008) however propounded the matriarchate theory for the origin of religion. is a form of social organization in which the mother is accepted and honoured as the head of the family/tribe and lineage in which descent and kinship are reckoned through the mother instead of the father. When this occurs, the people are said to be in a matrilineal society. 12

The origin of religion, Bachofen postulates, has matriarchate background rather than patriarchate origin. The fecundity associated with womanhood, no doubt, helped to project this theory. Another support for this theory comes from evidence of numerous matronymic names of deities found in several ancient religions, which show that the concept of religion might have come out of matrilineal culture. In addition, Marxism brought into sharp focus two origins of religion: (1) Religion according to Karl Marx, began as the visible expression of an oppressed man who turns to God in his dire need, because he is powerless to help himself; (2) and that religion started and is maintained as a tool of oppression in the hands of the powerful, who use it to maintain the status quo. Therefore, Marxism states that religion is the “opium of the people,” this world‟s “moral sanction”, and its “general ground of consolation and justification” (Marx, 1967:250). Marxism developed the theory of religion based on a radical reading of history and continuous critical understanding of man and society. Marxism sees religion as a creation of man. It is devoid of divine reality. According to Marx (1967:173, 250), “religion does not create man, but man creates religion”, and “religion is the illusory sun that revolves around man so long as he does not revolve about himself”. The theory also posits that the origin of religion implies grave anomaly and defect. For Marx, the whole concept of religion and religious system, in general, stems from the fact that religious system is a weapon of oppression and subjugation of the poor masses. He opines that the origin of religion lies with humankind‟s bid to subjugate one another and therefore religion was invented for this particular purpose. For Marxist theorists, religion therefore offers a false manumission for oppressed humanity.

2.3 Power and Politics Politics is a term that forms the aggregate expression of humankind in relation to the conscious organization and utilization of power. Because man is a political being, it means that politics and politicking involve all humanity and affect all spheres of mankind, be it religion, sport, economy, and social life amongst others. Scholars construe politics and politicking as necessities because of the limitation of availability of resources. Thus, “politics occurs where people disagree about the distribution of resources and have at least some procedures for the resolution of such disagreements” (McLean, 1996:388). 13

It should be pointed out that the origin of politicking and political power has varied explanations. There are some who assert that the state, its authority, and control are divinely ordained. For proponents of this theory, it is opined that earthly rulers are deputies of God, or viceroys of the deity. The benefit of this theory is that all forms of government can lay claim to divine origin so as to give legitimacy and win acceptability for themselves. Based on this premise, King James of once declared: “A king can never be monstrously vicious. Even if a king is wicked, it means God has sent him as a punishment for peoples‟ sins …” (Appardorai, 1975:31). The French ruler, King Louis epitomizes this notion with his assertion: “I and the state are one” (Egbunu, 2000:9). In this theory both the ruler and the ruled are involved in a binding relationship which allegedly has divine approval. The ruler exercises his power to suit his whims, because he is answerable only to God. Like the idealistic Leviathan of Hobbes (1839), the divinely appointed ruler exercises his power without any obligation to his subjects. The origin and purpose of political power have also been explained as a form of social contract among the citizens of a given polity. The main protagonists of this theory are Thomas Hobbes (1839), John Locke (1924) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (McClelland, 1996). Hobbes (1839) opines that individuals are endowed with certain inalienable rights; one of these is the natural right of self preservation. However, because mankind is aggregated in communities, the inevitability of conflict and tension is present. Living in chaotic, anarchic and violent state, human life becomes short and brutish. As a consequence of the unfavourable vagaries of life which daily assault mankind, they would be driven by fear of violent annihilation to form a civil society. In doing this, it is necessary to submit to a single sovereign leader to lead that society. According to him, both the process of achieving this and its end are obtained by agreement which he calls social contract. He observes that social contract can be construed as an actual or hypothetical agreement between rulers and the ruled, the sovereign and citizens which defines the rights, duties and privileges of each party. Hobbesian explanation represents the conservative brand of the social contract theory. Locke (1894, 1924, 1967) also states that people form governments through social contracts so as to maintain and strengthen their inalienable rights. To him, everyone has unfettered access to three inalienable rights, namely life, liberty and freedom which are incapable of being surrendered, alienated, or transferred. Moreover these inalienable rights are innate to man or woman as part of human self cognition. Human existence, however, is marked by scarcity of resources which is characterised by a state or condition of tension, strife, distraught, enmity, discord, conflict, and dissension. Due to this, it is therefore necessary to put control on 14 the management of human relationships. Towards this end, people in the society enter a binding contract with other members of the society so as to rule over them. In exercising political power, both the sovereign and the subjects enter a binding contract in which the authority of the ruler is clearly spelt out in the contract. Rousseau in McClelland (1996) construes the emergence of political power as the outcome of a social contract in which an individual gives his/her right, not to another, neither sovereign and not even to a government, but to the “General will”. The civil society for him is that where the separate wills of different persons combine to form the “General will”, in which the individual will is sublimated. The “General will” is identified inseparably with the collective sovereignty of the entire populace, as a result of which the “General will” becomes the government. In this, the interest of the entire community is coterminous with the real interest of all others in that polity. The social contract as propounded by Rousseau says, “each of us puts his person and all his power in common under the supreme direction of the General will and in our corporate capacity, we receive each member as an individual part of the whole” (McClelland 1996:261). The natural/organic theory states that statehood is the logical inescapability of mankind as social beings. Following Aristotelian logic, it is posited that mankind naturally aggregates as families, and since needs clearly transcend what the individual family can provide, guarantee and protect, it is natural and logical that families form clans, clans form villages, and villages form the state. Proponents of this theory opine that the state represents the full actualization of human potentiality. According to Oyediran (2003:26), “the state has its origin and justification in the expanded needs of the families that make it up. The state is then the creation of nature and man is by nature a political animal born to live in the state”. Hence, the state is considered to be an absolute imperative, a sacred institution and a necessary structure of human society which can never be jettisoned. Social thinkers like Hegel (1920), Hobbes (1839), Marx (1970), amongst others also posit that political power has its basis on the successful execution of might or force or power. The force theory is often aligned with absolutism as a political system in which there is no legal, customary or moral limit on the power and authority of government. The foundation of this theory is the maxim which states that: “Might is right”. To proponents of the Force theory, the state is conceived as the outcome of the deliberate creation by coercion in which the strong conquers the weak and exerts his position to rule. The state therefore is ruled by sovereign power 15 which can be characterized by the rule of one man or of a group or one class over the others. The basic norm of such a state is that the foundation of political rule is laid by force. As a consequence of this, it inevitably means that the subjects submit to the sovereign not through a social contract either actual or hypothetical but by coercion.

2.4 Review of Relevant Theories Theories are pertinent in scientific scholarly works (Barnard, 2000; Layton, 1997; Martindale, 1961; Kerlinger, 1973; Obasi, 1999; Haralambos, 1980; Okeibunor & Anugwon, 2005; Okpoko & Ezeh, 2005, Randall, 1994). In the words of Okeibunor and Anugwon (2005:16), “theory occupies a high pedestal in any science” because they enable scholars to engage in organized collation, systematic study and structural analysis of data. To achieve the needed clarity and lucidity, this research proposes a working definition of theory as a supposition which is systematically obtained with verifiable paradigm and which directs the course of study so as to provide general principles and frameworks on which scientists can base explanations in the analysis and interpretation of data. It is therefore imperative that some anthropological theories which relate to this study be vigorously critiqued and applied. In this light, this research reviews four theories current in anthropology which are relevant to this research: These are evolutionism, conflict theories, structuralism and functionalism.

2.4.1 Evolutionism Scholars used evolutionism to explain the emergence and development of man and his custom in which religion and political power form the integral parts. The theory which was borrowed from Darwinism states that all extant species, genera and classes of living things have descended from far simpler forms of living organisms through the process of natural selection. Applied to cultural studies, it was used to explain the upward movement of culture passing from simple to the complex, and the homogenous to the heterogeneous. Evolutionism explains the genesis and progress of cultural traits. It establishes universal pattern of human culture. This theory is therefore capable of explaining the evolution of religion and the development of complex power structures in traditional society. Grand theorists of evolutionism are Hegel (1832, 1920), Hume (1938), Tylor (1871) Marx (1970) and Vico (1963). Precently, some scholars have reiterated the basic ideas of evolutionism in their treatises. Carneiro (2003) argues for the relevance of evolutionism in 16

Cultural Anthropology. Bergstron (2012), Coyne (2009) and Dawkins (2010) have stressed the relevance of evolutionism in scholarly research. It was used to explain social institutions by scholars like Frazer (1890), Morgan (1975), and Tylor (1871), while Bowler (2003), Gould (2002), and Pallen (2009), have upheld the validity of evolutionism in cultural studies. The theory has also been used to explain cultural developments such as in religion, politics, , and metal workings in different cultural locales. Dawkins (2010), Gould (2002), Kainero (2003), and White (1949) assert that culture is an inevitable natural process which arises out of mankind‟s progressive stride in harnessing nature. Some anthropologists like Malinowski (1980) have also borrowed some of its underpinning constructs to analyse culture by looking at the totality of its perspectives. Proponents of the theory have been described as stay-at-home investigators (Keesing, 1958). Moreover, they have been shown to be racialistic (Tylor, 1871) and their general assumptions were also shown to lack pragmatic approach (Keesing, 1958), and Behe (1996) describes evolutionism as Darwin‟s “Black Box” in his book of the same Title. However one of the major points of scholars‟ criticism of evolutionism is that it was propounded by stay-at-home investigators who had little or no field work experience. Following from this premise, Okpoko & Ezeh (2005:19) assert that “evolutionism was principally the product of armchair theorists who used secondary data”.

2.4.2 Conflict Theories There are several schools of conflict theories. They comprise various theories of society that view social phenomena of the past, present and future as a result of conflict” (Hogan, 2006:77). They lay emphases on the role, efficiency and necessity of power and cohesion in producing and maintaining social order. Conflict perspectives are involved in analysis of society and they stress the existence of competing groups. Proponents of conflict theories include philosophers, anthropologists, sociologists, dialecticians, revolutionaries, theoreticians and theologians, amongst others. Conflict theories, for this researcher, are based on four (4) basic assumptions: (1) There are competions rather than concessions over scarce resources. (2) There is structural inequality in power and reward in every human community. (3) Changes occur due to continued conflict between competing interests and groups in the community. (4) Conflicts and crises are not limited to descuctive tendencies but they act as unifiers and vision-definers (Randall, 1975, 1994; Embar, 2014; Dahrendorf 2007). The connection between conflict theories 17 and the study of traditional societies like the Okun can be seen in the analysis of prevalent issues of conflict like the haves and haves-not, landowners and landless, traditional rights and privileges, and customary practices that are oppressive to women or injurious to children amongst others which are enhanced by traditional religion and political power systems. Karl Marx (1818-1883) regarded people in the community as interconnected in which economic, political, religious, and social insitutions can only be studied and understood in terms of their reciprocal effects. For Marx, social change is not orderly nor harmonious, rather it is a process that necessarily results from contradictions within the society. Neo-Marxism has given various interpretations to the works of Karl Marx. Anthonio Gramsci (1971), Dahrendorf (2007), and Paul Willis (1977) have reiterated the relevance of Marxism in the study of human society. Coser espouses conflict theory as a tool of analyzing human relations which have potentiality for positive effects on the society. This is apposite to this research on political power and religion in traditional society. He opines that conflict is not negative but positive, because it does not “tear apart‟ but it is “an essential element of social interaction” which adds to the progress of all societies which pass through it (Coser, 1972:232). He admits that it is reasonably plausible to talk of conflicts which possess potentialities both for good and evil, yet he postulates that the potentially advantageous conflict is more characteristic of human society than the potentially explosive and destructive type. Thus he writes of conflicts in relation to “those consequences of social conflict which make for an increase rather than a decrease in the adaptation or adjustment of particular social relationships or groups” (Coser, 1956:8). In Coser‟s theory of conflict, power is construed as relational and it is a means of binding groups and for preserving society by instituting safety valves. For him, conflict is not synonymous with hostility because it can be helpful in any given human society. The end of conflict in such situations is internal cohesion (Okeibunor & Anugwon, 2005). Ritzer (1985, 2000) surmises that the conflict theory of Coser serves as a solidifying agent of a loosely structured group. In juxtaposition with revolutionary Marxism, Coserian theory of conflict brings an integrative perspective into the analysis of human conflicts. Coser it was who expounded conflict as a vision-definer. Even in its severest tempestuousness, conflict can serve to uphold certain tenets that can serve to build, sustain and promote the integration of the society. Though one can see the effects of conflict in arson, destruction, impoverishments, pillaging and even death, yet it can be defended that to see conflict solely as a negative tool is to overlook the whole function it performs in society. Though, traditional religious and political systems tend to suppress dissent, yet the occasional 18 and sometimes violent reactions of the oppressed to local conditions point to the relevance of this theory. Thus he argues that, in any given society, conflict can help to revolutionize ordinary pauperized individuals who cast away their inertia so as to become involved in vigorous activism within the society in their bid to redefine their vision and mission in life. Therefore conflict is not synonymous with open hostility; rather it is a sine qua non for cohesion of the community (Coser, 1956, 1972). Gluckman (1955) explores group relationship with ethnographic studies from Africa. Focusing on the Zulu, Barotse, Ila and Tonga tribes of Africa, he investigated the sense of identity and the definite social structures which define human relationships and which invariably make humanity to exist as groups of people. He discusses the cultural and social dimensions of African laws, mores, and norms, in relation to and conflicts. Also, he discusses rituals and rebellion, in which he analyses the whole gamut of politics, law, rituals, responsibility, custom, ideas and conflicts in African cultures (Gluckman, 1955, 1963). Gluckman‟s treatises provide explanations which account for socio-political change within the explanatory paradigms of the functionalist school of thought. Without however placing much emphasis on cohesion and consensus of the typical functionalists, his studies were centered on political and cultural contestations. He further establishes that the perversity of aggression, combativeness and belligerency are normal parts of human social life, and that they must be expected. In fact for Gluckman (1955, 1963), periodic bellicosity is a necessity. As he discovered among the Zulus, he opines that religious and political conflicts are integral parts of African society. He also stresses that wars and conflicts are universal and they are perennial because they exercise significant roles in building the human society.

2.4.3 Structuralism Structuralist theory is also germane to this research. It is construed as patterned or observed uniformity of action which Levi-Strauss (1968) says is concerned with holistic and integrative study of mankind. It is defined as “the underlying and relatively stable relationship among elements, parts or patterns in a unified organized whole” (Hogan, 2006:345). In structuralist theory, the foci of study are the nature of phenomena themselves as well as the subsystems into which these relations enter. Structuralism is based on the theory that cultural elements are meaningful if they are interpreted in terms of their relationships within the larger system. It uncovers strucrures that connect human activities, thoughts, feelings and perceptions 19 in which the interrelations of human life‟s phenomena constitute structures (Harrington, 2005; Randall, 1994; Stuck, 2003). The concept of binary opposition is central to stucturalism. Binary opposition means that there are cultural forms which exist in the form of combination of opposite qualities such as sweet and sour, black and white, good and evil, old and young. Structuralism is holistic and integrative, and it relates the synchronic to the diachronic, the individual to the cultural, the physiological to the psychological, and the objective analysis to the subjective experience. It also establishes close nexus between theoretical concepts and field research and relationship between the description of social phenomena and structural analysis as two phases of a single process (Clarke, 1981; Hage and Harary 1983; Keesing, 1958; Sturrock, 2003; Winthrop, 1991). Traditional African culture is characterized with tension and crisis that are supported with strong traditional religious and political systems, which makes structuralism apropos to their study. This theory is apposite to this study even though its relevance has been challenged by the anthropologist, Andah (1988:18), who critiqued it for “reducing the pervasiveness of cultural meaning by ignoring the power of non-linguistic symbolism to make meaningful statement” and hence challenged its suitability for African anthropology because, “application of such a narrow and rigid analogy between language and other modes of communication fails among other things to represent the rich variety, flexibility and subtlety of African life”. Structuralism, for this researcher, can not account for human individuality or account for independent human act and it also fails to address dynamic aspects of culture.

2.4.4 Functionalism Functionalist literature is germane to the discourse on religion and political power in traditional African societies. This theory is defined as a “condition in which all parts of the social system work together with sufficient degree of harmony or internal consistency” (Malinowski, 1952:181). It is “the analysis of social and cultural phenomena in terms of the functions they perform in socio cultural system” (Hogan, 2006:173). And it focuses on the understanding of the function of each element of behaviour within the entire cultural context. In functionalism, the society is conceived as consisting of interrelated systems in which all parts work for the good of the system and no part may be understood if it is isolated from the whole. The incipient stage of this theory can be seen in the works of Durkheim (1938) and Comte (1986), while Malinowski (1922) and Radcliffe-Brown (1965) represent its fully developed and rigorous application. 20

The core of functionalism is premised on three main hypotheses namely; (1) All human societies have functional prerequisites, which are the basic needs of mankind that must be fulfilled for the sake of their survival. (2) Human societies comprise systemic whole which is made up of interrelated parts and which functions towards the state of equilibrium. (3) The state of equilibrium is achieved when the component parts possess relative degree of compatibility and integration which make the society to cohere. A tripartite outline of this discourse can be succinctly stated as follows: Biological needs (procreation, nutrition, and defense/protection), Instrumental needs (laws, education, and economic organization), Synthetic needs; (knowledge, magic, religion, act, play and sports) (Barnard, 2000; Holmwood, 2005; Keesing, 1958:152; Layton, 1997; Randall, 1994). In traditional society, the interplay of all these are often expressed in religious terms and they have political implications for the community. The theory construes culture as a working integrated whole in which every element has a function to perform. Culture, Malinowski (1922) opines, is instrumental in the process of satisfying human basic needs that ensure survival and adjustment within the society. The theory promises to be capable of providing methodology in the studying and understanding of the multifarious ways in which cultural items fit with others in a given society so as to satisfy the human imperatives which keep the society in equilibrium. On the same point, Radcliffe-Brown‟s (1965) theoretical postulation is in relation to the part which every item plays in the society as a whole, together with the contribution it makes to the maintenance of the equilibrium of the society. Following Durkheim (1938), he sees culture as an adaptive system in which every element has a special function to perform in the survival of the system as a whole. In traditional African society we can see the appropriateness of functionalism in the area of political power and religion, because of the nexus between the two in shaping the people‟s culture. The functionalist school provides theoretical background which is capable of explaining the origin and purpose of religion and politics. Proponents of this school were concerned with religion as nonrational, collective, symbolic and functional human act and therefore they say on one hand, that religion is not a result of supernatural revelation, and it is asserted on the other hand that neither is it based on erroneous belief but it was a response to human need in the society. For this school, it is theorized that religion is derived from human society which seeks equilibrium. As a result, it is interpreted as social, collective and not an individualistic phenomenon. It is contended that religious beliefs are part of humanity‟s basic requirements which make the society to function. As anthropologists know, all human cultures hold some 21 things as sacred and others profane. Sacred things are considered to be objects, symbols, principles and beliefs which must be respected and not desecrated because they form the corpus of the most cherished elements in that society. It is for this reason that Malinowski (1922) emphasizes the close nexus between myth and ritual. Moreover religion, within the framework of functionalist school, is construed as a function of the society, because what is considered sacred in most cases among people is determined by the society. Thus, what one society considers sacred may not be so considered by another society but in fact may be seen as non-religious. The usage of sacramentals, scriptures, icons, and the presence of deity among others are culturally determined by the society. Sacredness is therefore construed as a value that a given society confers on objects which in turn shape the religious emotions of adherents.

2.5 Theoretical Orientation This research adopts structuralism as its theoretical orientation. Conceived by Levi- Strauss (1968) and others as holistic and integrative, it provides a sound theoretical base and support upon which this research can be executed. Moreover because it is concerned with pattern or observed uniformity of human actions, it is apropos to the research. Structuralism is pertinent and apposite to this research because it rejects atomistic and mechanistic interpretations of culture and people as carried out by the evolutionists and diffusionists. Its acceptance of praxis that is both holistic and integrative, in which the diachronic (a way a language changes over time) easily relates to the synchronic (the study of a language form at a fixed time in history), the individual to the cultural, the physiological to the psychological, the objective analysis to the subjective experience makes it suited for this present task. The persistency in the various “forms of combination of opposition qualities” such as the ruler and ruled, indigenes and strangers, free-borns and slaves, landowners and landless, initiates and non-initiates common in Okun‟s cultural milieu, make structuralism well suited to this study. The applicability of this theory to a discourse on Okun‟s culture derives from its explanation of texts in the form of songs, writings, orature, and drama which are basically manifested only if their binary oppositions are known, indicated and examined. This position portends great significance in the study of the political power structure of Okunland and its religious practices. Structuralism is useful in the study of simpler, non-complex societies and can highlight issues like totemism, superstition, marriage amongst others. It is also a powerful tool for the analysis of societal malaise like gambling, drug addiction, examination malpractices, fraud, 22 cultism, school dropouts, which are noticeable in the discourse on the area of study. Though the Okun are highly religious people, there are societal malaises among the populace. Stucturalist paradigms can be used to explain the apparent contradictions of the cohabition of virtues and vices in a polity. The theory is also apposite because of its applicability of literary criticism as a tool of critical analysis. It may be pertinent to engage deconstructive reading of texts, (songs or orature) in the anthropological study of the Okun people. Moreover because language and its meaning continuously fail to communicate fully and entirely the message which the communicator tries to disseminate, and more so due to the perennial defects of language in conveying the totality of ideas which the communicator tries to convey, it is apropos to deconstruct Okun‟s language within structuralist and post-structuralism frameworks, in order to create the possibility of total comprehension - if possible - of the message and idea.

2.6 Propositions This research is premised on the following propositions: 1 That the ethnographic study of the Okun-Yoruba will provide a background for the study of relationship between traditional religion and political systems. 2 The dynamism of religious and political systems of Okun-Yoruba people will serve as a model for a modern nation-state like Nigeria which has persistently faced religious and political problems. 3 The study will provide illuminating insights into aspects of the surrounding cultures of Igala, Ebira and Nupe amongst others. 4 The complexity of the nexus between traditional religion and political systems and westernization will result either in synthesized or dysfunctional community.

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CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Study Design The inquiry employs the participant-observation ethnographic method. This method is elaborated upon by anthropologists as capable of providing the best working tools for scholars who work in traditional societies (Andah, 1988; Ezeh, 1998, 2004, 2007; Okpoko, 2006; Paton, 1986; Ugwu, 2010). In the course of this study by using the observer-as-participant technique, the researcher sought to observe, codify and analyse the observations of the complex socio- cultural, religious and political variables of Okun-Yoruba people. The researcher asked relevant questions and made close observations as far as he could go. He recorded his observations on the spot without inhibitions. The goal of this ethnography is to study, describe, and document aspects of Okun worldview without attempting to impose the researcher‟s opinion, though he is an indigene of the study area and a Catholic priest, (this will be expounded upon later). Uchendu‟s (1965) ethnography of the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria, Ezeh‟s (1998, 2004, 2007) pivotal works among the Orring, and Okpoko‟s (2006) treatise on general methodology of ethnography, have expounded on this concept. The study design of this work tallies with general treatises on what are considered as legitimate concerns in ethnography as have been marshalled variously by Bakinde (2009), Malinowski (1922), Okpoko (2008), Okpoko and Ezeh (2005), Olien (1980), Onwuejeogwu (1992), Pelto (1970), Spradley (1979), and Uchendu (1965). In addition to the use of the participant-observation, which is the chief method of research, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), In-Depth-Interviews (IDIs) and informal interviews were also used. The study also entailed the use of written and field materials. Equipment such as video recorder and photographic camera were used to capture auricular discussions. The analytical method used in the study is the qualitative method which involves systematic gathering and analysis of data. The report is presented in standard ethnographic narrative form. 24

3.2 Methodology The data presented here is an ethnographic study of the Okun-Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria. The data were treated in view of the research questions which employed participant- observation. By using this with Focus Group Discussions and Key Persons interviews, the data so received are summarised under various headings so as to bring out salient anthropological points that cut across the religio-political dynamics of Okun cultural milieu. The qualitative method of analysis was used in which ideographic interpretation is descriptive and narrative. Moreover attempts were made at deconstructing, contextualizing and juxtaposing the findings in the light of the structuralist‟s theory in anthropology. The signs and symbols found in the study were used as interpretative science, searching for meaning in Okun-Yoruba culture with the aim of understanding the “webs of significance” (Scott and Marshall, 2005:652), which Okun people have spunned into their cultural milieu without attempting to experiment with their cultural institutions. Symbol is taken to mean “any multi-vocal act or thing which represents something else”, (Scott and Marshall, 2005:652) either in ritual, drama, dream and myth (Ezeh, 2004; Turner, 1975). In adopting Levi-Straussianism, emphasis was laid on the primary structure in political and religious relations within the Okun cultural milieu. Thus, structuralism forms the source of the relations which the researcher observed during the study, and it also helped to connect the researcher with the facts of the research. The findings are presented in standard narrative and descriptive ethnographic format. The objectives of the findings were enunciated and discussed to reflect the research propositions.

3.3 Area and Scope of the Study This ethnography was designed and carried out among the Okun-Yoruba people. The Okun speaking people are Yoruba by language and culture. The Okun speaking people are found in Ekiti, Kogi, Kwara and Ondo states, while a sizable portion in diaspora is found among the Nupes (Niger state) in Nigeria. However this research focuses on the Okun who are indigenes of the present day Kogi State. The Okun-Yoruba have six cultural groups which resulted primarily from linguistic correlates namely Bunu, Ijumu, Kiri, Owe, Oworo and Yagba. The study area covers the six Yoruba speaking local government areas of Kogi State, Nigeria, namely Ijumu, 25

Kabba-Bunu, Lokoja, , and Mopa-Muro. They occupy the western part of Kogi state. Its land coordinates are Latitudes 7‟ 30 – 8‟ 33 N and Longitudes 5‟ 15 -6‟ 30 E. To achieve maximum scholarly depth, the researcher chose some communities for thorough ethnographic study. Thus the study covers the Okun speaking people of Kogi State, but it focuses on the more traditional communities of Alu, Ayedayo, Ayangan-, , Felele- Lokoja, Igbagun, Ijagbe, Iluke, Iyara, Iyamoye, Mopa, Obajana, Ogale, Ogidi and Okeagi. These are acknowledged by most Okun people as few of the most pristine of their communities.

Figure 3: Map of Nigeria showing Okun speaking Area of Nigeria

3.4 Study Population Okun land has approximately a total population of 793,846 (NPC 2006). This ethnographic study focused on the study population using participant-observation technique with In-Depth Interview and Focus Group Discussion. A deliberate design was made to use Focus Group Discussion and In-Depth Interviews among key informants who are considered germane to the research.The In-Depth Interview exercise involved elders of Okun origin (not less than 70 years old), and chief priests, priestesses, and monarchs. Focus Group Discussion involved adults (of 60 years and above) who are indigenes of Okun. It also carried along informed adults who are not indigenes, but who have spent two decades in any Okun community. Also indigenes of 26

Okunland who are sired outside and have not resided in the area for a score were excluded from this research. The In-Depth Interview exercises were conducted with elders of Okun origin who have old age to reckon on their side. In this regard, monarchs, title holders, priests and priestesses who were invited for the sessions were not less than 70 years old. Persons who participated in the exercises were those who have been domiciled in the area all their lives, except a monarch who, has spent less than two decades. It was necessary to interview men and women in the research. In deference to the peoples‟ culture, as shall be elaborated upon below, Focus Group Discussion sessions were held for men and women separately.

3.5 Sample Size This ethnographic research focused on general observation spread across Okunland. Communities, which Okun people described as more traditional, were chosen from each of the six groups of Bunu, Ijumu, Kiri, Owe, Oworo and Yagba. There are about one hundred communities in Okunland (NPC 2006). The researcher made general observations across the entire Okun-Yoruba speaking people. However the following communities, Alu, Ayedayo, Ayangan-Kabba, Egbe, Igbagun, Ijagbe, Iluke, Iyara, Iyamoye, Felele-Lokoja, Mopa, Obajana, Ogale, Ogidi, and Okeagi, were chosen for intensive ethnographic study due to their perceived relevance to the study. They are acknowledged to be more pristine in their observation of Okun lores. Though westernizing like others, they still keep a strong sense of African tradition and culture in respect to traditional religious and political systems. The researcher was directly involved in the following; three title taking ceremonies, two new yam festivals, three traditional marriages, a traditional ritual of worship, a traditional burial rite, and two naming ceremonies. In support of Participant Observant method, the research also involved In-Depth Interviews and Focus Group Discussions. Participants were carefully chosen for their perceived relevance to the research as noted above.

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3.6 Sampling Procedure Sampling procedure was adopted for the research. The criteria used for the selection of respondents were based on the availability of respondents, age and knowledgibility of Okun religious norms and political ethos. The qualitative technique was adopted in this research in which Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and In-Depth Interviews (IDIs) were the fulcrum of the qualitative technique that involved systematic gathering and analysis of data from key informants. Due to the size of the population and land mass of the area under study, the researcher carried out manageable Focus Group Discussion sessions which are adequate in presenting the result of the research. Respondents who were chosen for the unstructured interview were not less than sixty (60) years and have lived among the people for twenty (20) years or more. Creedal affiliation was not the sole criterion for selection of discussants in the study. In arranging respondents for Focus Group Discussions, it was necessary to hold separate sessions for men and women. The reason for this was the insistence by traditionalists that “women do not know “Oro” (deities). This meant on the one hand, that those concerned were not willing to discuss with the researcher the details of Oro in the presence of women and also on the other hand, women were not prepared to listen to or know too much about Oro. Though the researcher interviewed two priestesses, it was emphasised that a de facto priestess is strange or very unusual in Okunland. Six participants were chosen to form a group for the Focus Group Discussion. This choice was based on two core factors namely, they are classified as elders by the communities and they were adjudged to be versed in the traditional religion and political systems of Okun people. A total of eight Focus Group Discussion sessions were conducted as follows; three Focus Group Discussions were held with women, while five Focus Group Discussions were held with their male counterparts. Two of the Focus Group Discussions that were conducted by the researcher had six kings as participants per group. Eleven In-Depth Interviews were held. Two of these were held with priestesses while nine interviews were held with men, among these were priests and traditional rulers. It was difficult to fix the correct age of few of the participants due to the fact that they were not literate. To solve the problem, respondents who could not give their actual date of birth were asked to state their approximate age from when popular and unmistakable Christian missionaries arrived in the area. Such Christian missionaries are Reverend Father Duffy of Catholic Church (R.C.M), and Reverend Titcombe of Sudan Interior Mission (S.I.M/ECWA). 28

Unstructured interviews in the form of chitchats were also used. Unstructured interview was employed when it became imperative for the researcher to get explication for some data. Chit chats were used to get general information from youths who are the vanguards of masquerades and executors of decisions made by the Oba-in-Council. The Focus Group Discussions were designed to elicit general information on the Okun people and culture, with specific reference to religious and political power systems, while the In- Depth Interview was conceived as a method to engender detailed, extensive and more probing discussions on the traditional religious and political power systems of the area of study.

3.7 Instruments and Methods of Data Collection The study adopted poly-methodic approaches which primarily involve three methods: The full participant observation technique, (this is the Participant-as-observer method), the In- Depth Interview and Focus Group Discussion. The Participant-as-observer technique was used to gain first-hand experience in-situ of Okun religious and political systems by the researcher. The researcher was involved directly in the field of study while participating in the daily socio- cultural life-ways of the people. This needs some explication. The research carried out extensive ethnography in which full-participant observation method was used. Major instruments for data collection in this research are annotated maps, audiotape, videotape, field notes, Focus Group Discussion, In-Depth Interview and photography. Participants were duly informed about the duration of each exercise. They were equally kept abreast about feedback mechanism as well as being made conversant with the general usefulness of each method of data collection. Permission was also sought to have them on tapes. Three of these methods need elucidation (i) Participant Observation, (ii) Focus Group Discussion, (iii) In-Depth Interview. The researcher was involved directly in the field of study while participating in the daily socio-cultural life of the people because the best and most reliable ethnography is what is seen first-hand, in which the researcher relies on his own personal observation while taking copious notes of people, events, time, architecture and environmental niches. The use of participant- observation enabled the researcher to gather data as well as elicit topics for further clarification. The researcher conducted eight Focus Group Discussions. They were marked by consistency so as to follow carefully planned methodology of anthropological study. Moreover, they were held in suitable, conducive and warm environment which promoted auto-disclosure among 29 discussants. Six discussants formed a focus group team in each village. They were representatives of the various segments of the society but each group of discussants was socially congruous in areas of sex, age and education. However congruity is not tailored at producing uniformity in perspectives. This provided opportunities for free interactions among discussants, which allowed for in-depth exploration of relevant issues. Also eleven In-Depth Interview sessions formed part of the methodology of data collection. These interviews were characterized by the use of interview guides. They were conducted in such a way that they engendered rapport and camaraderie among the parties involved which can be used profitably within both literate and non-literate societies. The first session was held with key informants and it was conversational in , simple in approach but reaching to the core of ethnographic research. The second session with key informants comprised mostly traditional rulers/title holders, traditional priests, priestesses, and educated persons who are familiar with the topic of research. The conversational style with its unstructured questions aided the discussants, while the simple approach was necessary because many of the targeted discussants are non-literates. In addition, the sessions were conducted in Okun-Yoruba dialect because not all the culture bearers are literate or speak English. Specifically the purpose of this is eliciting data on aspects of religion and traditional power among the Okun people at first hand. The data from key informants supplemented the personal observation of the researcher. Moreover unstructured or informal interview was undertaken in the course of the research as the case arose to serve the need of crosschecking data obtained during the research.

Integration The researcher is an anthropologist and a Catholic priest, who is also a culture-bearer, engaged in an anthropological study of his people, the Okun-Yoruba. He grew up with his peers by taking part in the traditional religion of the community. He took active parts in traditional socio-religious practices of his people as a teenager. For the purpose of this research, the researcher took up residence in Ayedayo village in September 2011. It is perhaps the most pristine of all Okun communities. There is no electricity, no tarred road, nor hospital to indicate elements of westernization in the community. Residence was also established at Mopa town. This town is the most centrally located community in Okunland. Mopa is also the headquarters of the traditional hunters in Okunland, who converge there for their monthly meetings. In the 30 course of this research, he also took up temporary residence at Egbe, Isanlu, Iyara, Kabba, Lokoja, Ogale and Ogidi. From these bases, he was able to move to and fro across the study area. The integration lasted 14 months from August 2011 to October 2012. During this period, 11 In- Depth Interviews were conducted with the aid of an interview guide. It was held with acclaimed initiates of Oro festival and Oye chieftaincy title holders of Okunland. Those who have gone through the initiation rites of Oro and Oye are considered by the folks as those who are most familiar with the topic of research. Eight Focus Group Discussions were held. The sessions were marked by consistent adherence to ethnographic paradigms. Six discussants formed a Focus Group team. They were made up of socially congruous folks in areas of age, sex and literacy/lack of literacy. This provided opportunity for free interaction among discussants which allowed for deep discussions of relevant issues. Unstructured questions were also used in conversational style with discussants so as to gain more insight. The approach was simple in style. This became necessary because many of the targeted discussants were non-literates. Therefore the discussions were most times conducted in Okun-Yoruba dialect, or in Oyo-Yoruba (which was popularised by Christian missionaries and has become the lingua-franca Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria).

Challenges and Advantages There were two basic personal challenges which the researcher encountered. The first is that the researcher is a culture-bearer and second, a Catholic priest. As a culture bearer, he is an indigene of the place of study. According to Uchendu (1965:10), “the culture bearer anthropologist faces some reporting problems”. He pointed out three salient observations: First, the culture bearer anthropologist may be highly selective of the data received, second, his emotional involvement in his own culture will lead him to sensitive zones of his own culture, and third, he might use with restraint the data accruable to him (Uchendu, 1965). Towards this end, the Uchenduan triads were carefully guided against. The research involved some complexes by the fact that the researcher is a culture bearer and it was no less heightened by being a Catholic priest. At the onset as a culture bearer, the researcher was able to interpret the signs and symbols of the people but also faced some difficult choices as a priest. As a professional anthropologist however, his main task was to participate, observe, study and then narrate and describe what was observed. All dogmatist leanings were clearly avoided while the focus was on studying the religious systems of the Okun-Yoruba as 31 part of the systematic study of religions. The researcher also avoided a display of eurocentric typical classification of African religious, social and political systems as savagery and barbaric, and the use of Christian and Muslim missionaries terminologies of heathenism and paganism (Fadipe, 1970). There were apprehensions among some who felt that the researcher, being a Catholic priest was fraternizing with traditional religionists. Some pastors were reported to have given sermons about a “pagan” Catholic priest in Okunland who now openly fraternizes with “pagans” by eating in the shrines of deities. However many were glad to have Okun-Yoruba culture studied and documented. In the course of this research, the researcher had explained to his parishioners the requirements of his field research as a social scientist which might necessitate interactions with traditionalists. Other sundry challenges were encountered, one of which is the presence of strict social boundaries among the people; social conditions which Christianity, Islam and westernization have not eased. For this reason it was necessary that women and men had to be grouped separately for interviews because of the secrecy involved in Oro which remains a taboo for women‟s knowledge. There were some data which were not divulged to the researcher because he is not considered to be an initiate of Oro. In matters of religious rites for example, some specifics were deliberately withheld from the researcher. On matters of political power in the communities there were noticeable arguments among correspondents in some cases. In a work of this stature, there is no doubt that ethnolinguistic studies will be of immense benefit. Ethnolinguistic studies have proved to be useful in anthropological studies (Greenberg, 1964). The works of Ezeh (1998, 2007) among the Orring justified this assertion among westernizing communities like the Okun-Yoruba. However, little ethnolinguistic study, devoid of rigorous application, was carried out in this present report. Suffice to state that linguistic data suggest that there is much cross cultural influences on the religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba. There were three basic advantages that the researcher had in the cause of this research that need to be mentioned at least cursorily. First, as an anthropologist who is studying aspects of his people‟s culture, it is clear to him that religious studies have fallen into the hands of professional religionists and special theologians who do not possess scientific detachments of a social scientist and the required anthropological perspective for analytical treatment of religious systems. The researcher‟s anthropological training and studies helped to avoid pitfalls of professional religionists and dogmatists. The second advantage is that the researcher is studying 32 his people as a culture-bearer, therefore, the details of the language is very perceptible, their body movements are well known, clichés were understood, and facial expressions were construed. Third, his professional religious training gave him an advantage over others, in that it helped him to appreciate religious studies unlike the social scientists of today who tend to be materialistic and rationalistic. This condition insulates most social scientists from carrying out objective study of religions and other aspects of culture in traditional societies. Residents cooperated with the researcher who is well known in the area of study. He has also carried out a previous academic research on aspects of Okun culture. There was maximum cooperation. No one refused to participate in the discussions and interviews. They expressed overwhelming joy that a study of Okun traditional religious and political systems is being undertaken by a researcher of this present calibre. Pecuniary demand was made only in one session of the entire research. Pedagogical problem would arise if a researcher‟s identity is that of a pretended researcher (Okopko and Ezeh, 2005). This was not envisaged. The researcher did not hide his true identity. Furthermore, he established close rapport and cordial friendship with the people under study. The people knew his identity and were abreast of the purpose of the study. Relevant data on orature were made known to him in the local dialects, which he perfectly understood, by family raconteurs who are adept at giving detailed family anecdotes and cognomens. Also data were given by traditional orature-cantors who relayed historical events orally to the researcher. The research work proved to be challenging, educative and interesting. The period of fieldwork spanned from August 2011 to October 2012. This period deserves some comment. The period was used to observe and participate in many cultural activities of the people. An extended period was desirable because some of the rites like the New Yam festival, and most religious festivities are assigned to specific seasons of the year. Albeit some cultural practices were not assigned to particular seasons of the year and can be celebrated whenever it pleases those who are concerned; such include traditional title taking, marriages and burials, while some are fated like childbirth and naming ceremonies. This researcher studied his own local community of Okun-Yoruba people. This fact made the period of research sufficient for field work, since he was born there and has been living in the same locale for over four decades. Scholars have opined that, despite the inadequacies of ethnography, it remains the best method to study traditional African societies (Andah, 1989; Ezeh, 2004; Okpoko, 2006). Participant-observation may be carried out in two ways. On the one hand, a scholar might study 33 his own therefore enjoying insider‟s privileged position in the area of study [Dike, 1985; Fadipe, 1970; Idowu, 1962; Uchendu, 1965; Ugwu, 2010]. On the other hand, a scholar might study another ethnic group which is different from his own [Ezeh, 2004; Eva-Krampfi, 1965]. This research is in line with the former.

3.8 Methods of Data Analysis A critical analysis of data forms a major part of this research. To achieve maximum result, the study adopted descriptive and narrative methods of the qualitative method of research. A main task of this research involved an organized comparative analysis of data, which was applied systematically in the study in line with basic ethnographic norms. To arrive at the conclusion, this research critically considered the accessibility, availability, and convenience of respondents and discussants in the Focus Group Discussion and In-Depth Interview exercises. The analysis of data of the research is derived from the research propositions. These were critically itemized and discussed so as to bring out the salient points that underlay the relationship between the traditional religious and political configurations among the Okun- Yoruba. Also by using rigorous contextualization, the data situated the findings within traditional African cultural norms that anthropologists have studied elswewhere. Cross-cultural inferences which also formed an integral part of the study showed the widespread practices of certain cultural traits across Africa.

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CHAPTER FOUR

FINDING

4.1 Summary of the Research Problem This anthropological research, using ethnography as a means of inquiry, studies religion and political power in traditional society by using the Okun-Yoruba people of South-Western Nigeria as a case study. This study is germane because it furnishes refreshing data on aspects of traditional society. The Okun, a subculture with its peculiarities within the Yoruba culture, provides a basic ground for the study of religion and power in traditional African society. The degree of the relationship between religious and political power in traditional and modernising communities has been buttressed in this ethnographic inquiry. The investigation focuses on two aspects of Okun-Yoruba culture, namely, religious and political systems, areas in which scholars opine that the Yoruba have recorded a great measure of success (Asabia, 1963; Beier, 1957; Ojo, 1966; Fadipe, 1970; Johnson, 1960; Idowu, 1962; Bascom, 1969). According to scholars (Abimbola, 1965; Bakinde, 2009; Bascom, 1969; Fadipe, 1970; Frobenius, 1913; Idowu, 1962; Lucas, 1948; Llyord, 1954; Meek, 1931; Obayemi, 1985; Ojo, 1966), the Yoruba people have rich traditional religious and political systems. Yet not much has been written on the Okun subgroup, within the general Yoruba nation. It became necessary to use ethnographic methodologies to study certain aspects of the Okun culture so as to fill study-gap and provide data for lacuna in anthropological treatises on the people. The inquiry is premised on the fact that many traditional societies have come under the influence of globalization and westernization on the one hand, while many post-colonial African countries are experiencing religious upheavals and political crises on the other hand. Andah (1988), Ezeh (2004, 2007), Okpoko (2006), Onwuejeogwu (1992), and Uchendu (1965), suggest that ethnography is adjudged as the best tool to study traditional societies. It is in that light that the pervasive influence of westernization and globalization on the various beliefs and practices of living communities of Africa need urgent attention from scholars of culture. According to Nleftagodien (1999), globalization has become an inevitable phenomenon that influences all cultures and nations. This study is therefore necessitated by the understanding that rigorous application of anthropological paradigm is germane to the study of traditional religious norms as well as the political systems of traditional societies in the face of the persistent effects of westernization and globalization. 35

The Okun is located in an area where neither Islam, Christianity nor westernization exercise dominant factor in the life of the people, which makes the subculture to maintain a certain level of pristine cultural identity and originality in the face of the onslaught of the general modernization of Nigeria. In this case, the Okun can be said to maintain pristine culture in that it is neither a Christianised nor Islamised polity, although western education has gained much ground among the people. Therefore this ethnographic study examines the traditional religious and political systems of the Okun people with a view to understanding their workings in the past and at present and also to study the relationships between traditional religion and political power and to understand the influence they have on the people. Data indicate that modernizing and globalizing Africa is increasingly being characterized with immense tension and crisis which are exacerbated by weak religious and political structures (Ekwunife, 1992; Egbunu, 2009). Admittedly though, conflict, as anthropologists will agree, is part of human existence (Coser, 1956; Gluckman, 1955, 1963), yet the spate of violence and its temerity have escalated greatly in recent times in parts of Africa. Anthropologically speaking, human beings can be described as homo religiosus (religious man). As construed by its adherents, religion is a most sublime activity which links man and deity. The “religionssoziologie” of Weber (1922:xii) attempts to define for him the social causes and influence of religion in the society. In this case, it is construed as a system of rituals and beliefs which bind people together in social groups. On the other hand, existentialist scholars look at religion as any set of coherent answer to existential problems like birth, sickness and death which gives meaning to a confused world of human existence (Hogan, 2006). Religion being a complex, ever-present reality, which is strictly a human activity, is highly organised and has basic characteristics like creed, worship, ethical and moral behaviour. The religious realm is marked by an interconnectivity of a system of rituals, teaching of doctrines, myths, institutions, and sentiments (Idowu, 1962; Mbiti, 1972; Parinder, 1974; Ekwunife, 1992; Ibenwa, 2014). Politics, which is considered in this study as the aggregate expression of mankind in relation to conscious organization and utilization of power, is characteristic of all human societies. It is not difficult for anthropologists to note that man is a political being (Gluckman, 1955). Politics involves all humanity and it affects all spheres of human endeavours in religion, sports, economy, and social life among others. Thus, there is the necessity of politicking because of the need to manage limited available resources. 36

Political power and religion bear directly on the lives of people of all communities. This is particularly so of traditional societies. As globalization and westernization rapidly set in upon the cultures of the world, it is imperative that ethnographers do rigorous study before those cultures are completely altered. Globalization amends, suppresses or erodes traditional practices, lores and mores. As a result of the onslaught of westernization and globalization on traditional societies, it is imperative that ethnographic methodologies are employed to study and document aspects of traditional societies like the Okun that have come under the influence of globalization. This ethnographic study highlights the strong nexus between religion and political power in indigenous societies like the Okun people who are confronted with westernizing influence in their attempt to weld a coherent and functional society within an authentic African culture. The study of either religion or political power by anthropologists and other scholars on the African continent has been well documented (Bohannan, 1953; Diop, 1974; Durkheim, 1961; Forde, 1951; Idowu, 1962; Mbiti, 1979; Turner, 2008). These authors and many others have done extensive works on religion or political power systems in different cultures but none known to this researcher has critically studied and made a synthesis of both religion and politics of the Okun-Yoruba. There is no anthropologist known to this researcher that has carried out exclusive joint study of religion and political power of traditional Okun society. The religious system was operationalized to mean all that pertains to what can be coined as Homo–Deus (man-God) relationship, while the political system was operationalized to refer to all that involves the conscious employment of approved means of balancing inter-personal and communal relationship in a given community. In line with structuralist analysis, the findings focused on the “self-regulating transformational totalities” (Piaget, 1968:97) within the religious and political systems of the Okun. The traditional Okun cultural system shows symbiotic relationship between politics and religion that are inter-related and self-regulating. Though modern man/woman treats them as mutually exclusive, the interplay between them continues to manifest (Herskovits and Bascom, 1959:3). The anthropological import of this assertion is seen in the delicate balancing of religious and political systems among the Okun-Yoruba.

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4.2 Interplay of Politics and Religion There is a close inter-relationship between religious and political systems among the Okun-Yoruba as can be discerned in this research. It is a relationship that is characterized with cultural symbiotic link, coherence and dynamism. There are striking cultural features of the religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba which have anthropological import. First, both religious and political systems are community based, which means that they are organizationally localized within a given community. Second, their religious norms form rationalization of their social and political organizations. Data from the research indicate that the organizational structure and power dynamics of the religious system are reflected in the political system. Thus, the political system of every Okun community is hierarchically arranged like their pantheonic pyramidial structure. Anthropologists will notice that there is marked seniority and authority in their conceptions of the political and religious systems. Third, both the religious and political sytems maintain spheres of independent activity, but work for the good of the community. Among the Okun, the constant interplay between politics and religion comes out forcefully in their traditional system as can be anthropologically known under two broad headings namely (a) Concept of oro (religious secret) and (b) Internal traditional dynamics.

(a) Oro (religious secret) Oro indicates a strong nexus between politics and religion among the Okun. The researcher discovered the dexterious relationship between politics and religion through the instrumentality of oro. What is oro? The general term in which the religion of the Yoruba is encapsulated is oro (Fagunwa, 1967). Oro is oun–ijinle (deep things). The religious system of the Okun is dominated by oro in which ebora (deities) and egungun (ancestors) play significant roles. For the Okun, oro is a generic name which connotes both the traditional religion as well as the rites associated with it in which Olodumare (God), ebora (deities), and man are involved in an intricate relationship for the sole purpose of maintaining the social, religious, political and economic life-ways of the people. Furthermore among the Okun people, oro and egungun represent attempts to honour their ancestors. For this reason oro and egungun are given premium honour in every Okun community. This is brought out in names given to individuals like Abolusoro (celebrate with deities), Aborode (came with the deities) among the Okun. In the traditional religion of the Okun, oro is the deepest secret of their religion. According to an informant, oro “involves total silence. Nothing moves. Nothing even talks. No 38 one can sneeze”. It is something hidden, unknown and mysterious yet it is felt concretely. The basic and essential element of oro is the bull-roarer. The roaring comes as a shrill voice done purposely to instil fear in the community members. From the researcher‟s observation, Oro’s voice comes from the whirling sound of a round and thin wooden equipment which is fastened to a stick by strings and swung around. Another element is that women do not see or know oro. However, there are rare cases where women have been appointed as chief priestesses. An informant stated that Olayemi, a priestess, “got to that position because of emergency”. Another said “It was a case of necessity, because there were no qualified men”. The researcher interviewed two of such priestesses. The priestess of Mopa said, “I was given the position when no man was qualified to assume the office. After I have assumed the office some now began to raise dust about my position. Traditionally, it is men who are the chief priests, but necessity made me one. And I am doing my job satisfactorily. The deities are not annoyed with me”.

Figure 4: Researcher interviewing chief priestess of Mopa land Source: Original to this text

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Figure 5: Researcher interviewing chief priestess of Alu Source: Original to this text

As stated earlier, oro plays an important role in the social, religious and political lives of the people. For the Okun, oro presents a concrete synergy between political and religious systems. Though Oro has religious connotations, in practice, it is intricately associated with politics. Fadipe (1970:249) hypothesizes that “the primary motive underlying its institution was not religious but political”. He stated further that the oro merely serves as the instrument for the execution of political decisions. This research submits that for the Okun people, oro and egungun serve multiple purposes. Politically, it is a means of executing the decisions of the community such as punishing offenders, maintaining law and order, and curbing criminal acts. Socially, it is used to instil fear among women and children so as to prevent them from knowing certain secrets of the community and to discipline miscrants. They are also used for economic purposes like causing rainfall to propritiate the earth for agriculture, and health matters like preserving sources of community water from contamination and excommunicating persons with communicable diseases like small pox and leprosy. This finds similitude among the Igbo where “dibia fraternities, secret societies and are among the traditional instruments of government” (Uchendu, 1965:39). There have been attempts in recent times to suppress traditional religion and to diffuse its potency by infusing political issues into religious matters. The reactions across the different 40 communities have been volatile and even fatal in some cases. In communities like Ife-Olukotun where the community has large muslim population, the king has imposed restricions on the traditional oro so as to gain leverage with his muslim subjects. In a similar vein, the king of Mopa has declared the community a Christian town. In order to gain political upper hand with his Christain subjects, he prevented the appointment of a new chief priest when the last one converted to Catholicism. In Kabba, and all Owe communities, the traditional religious rites have become a means of settling scores between the socio-political divide of the communities which pitted the indigenes who are divided into landowners and landless in fratricidal internecine crises.

Figure 6: A masquerade during an oro festival Source: Original to this text

(b) Internal Traditional Dynamics There are certain internal dynamics which hold the community together in which the political and religious systems are involved in dexterous and delicate manoeuvrings. Though not enunciated by the people, data from the research furnishes us with facts of the dynamics that can be identified under six cultural principles found in the consciousness of all Okun: (1) Principle of 41

Sources of Power, (2) Principle of Mutuality and Reciprocity, (3) Principle of Separation of Powers, (4) Principle of Stability, (5) Principle of Control and Influence, (6) Principle of Reconciliation and Contradiction. (1) Principle of Sources of Power The basic building principle of all traditional political and religious organizations among the Okun is the source of power. In Okun‟s orature, there are separate sources of political and religious powers that derive ultimately from the completion of initiation rites. The underlying cultural principle is that initiation rites form the concrete source of power and it is essential for one to be initiated so as to be admitted into both religious and political leadership. Initiation rites are the traditionally prescribed ways of being admitted into the religious and political systems of the Okun. Initiation rite among the Okun is principally a group organization where the personnel, membership, and special leadership is differentiated from general participation. In Okun cosmology, the source of religious power has divine origin. This power is bestowed and appropriated by possession, initiation and trance. Religiously, initiation rites are different for males and females. Males are initiated to know oro, whereas no woman knows it. Women are only initiated into three feminine cults. For all the three female cults of ofosi, imole and aruta, the requisite is possession by the spirit. Furthermore, elaborate initiatory rites for principal officers of religion are performed among the Okun. Additional initiation of higher status is done for priests, which is a ceremony whereby they are ordained into sacral duties. Among these, possession and trance play significant roles in the religious system of the Okun. Possession is a call to service of a given deity. It demands exclusive devotion and consecration to a particular deity. Ethnographic juxtaposition shows that these bear similitude to the Fante of where initiation rites were principally hinged on possession (Christeensen, 1958:257-258). The traditional system is based on the principle that priestly power has divine origin; exclusively seen to be the divine right of a priestly lineage. The principle is necessary so as to establish a spiritual link with the deities who are considered to be of divine origin. On the other hand, the political office is held to be of natural origin though it is achieved by intiation rites, because political offices too need divine approval through ifa. It was noted by a key informant that, “Ifa (deity of divination) determines who will be crowned as king. Kings are chosen by ifa As a matter of fact anyone not chosen by ifa is never crowned as king. Usually, in the process of choosing a king, names are presented to ifa, may be five names, among them one is chosen by ifa as king. He is then crowned by the people”. Among the Okun, the highest political office is oba, and it is not considered to be of divine right but it is guided by traditional 42 norms. There is no universal suffrage in the selection of Okun chiefs and kings. There are basically three traditional requirements of a would-be oba (King) namely: (1) Be a free born (2) Be a landowner (3) Be a male. Persons who ascended the throne without these qualifications are aberrants. Aberration is considered here as part of reconciliation of contradictions in Okun‟s traditional systems.

(2) Principle of Mutuality and Reciprocity Mutuality and reciprocity are demanded from religious and political leaders of Okun traditional system. The principle of mutuality and reciprocity means that respect exists on both sides of the religious and political realms for each other. This demands that corresponding complementary remarks be made by officials of the community. Mutuality demands that both political and religious leaders have interchange of genial and cordial feelings towards one another. Reciprocity connotes a return in kind or degree to one another. The concept of mutuality and reciprocity gives a valid illustration of the interplay between religion and politics among the Okun-Yoruba.

(3) Principle of Separation of Powers Integral to the dynamics of Okun‟s traditional political and religious systems is the principle of separation of powers. This implies exclusivity of the highest offices of religion and politics. This has maintained the dynamism of Yoruba traditional system in general. Ethnographic data gathered by the researcher show that the priestly lineage once combined both political and religious leadership. However, due to pressure from other land-owning lineages, it became desirable to devolve political power among the component parts of the community, but the priestly lineage has held on exclusively to the priestly office. The principle of separation of power has made Okun kings to devote themselves solely to political affairs, while the chief priests serve solely at the altar of the deities. Either does not intrude upon the office of the other. The researcher was informed that, “The chief priest is the one who is empowered by tradition to tell the king what are considered the dos and don‟ts of the community are”.

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(4) Principle of Stability of Polity It is accepted by all Okun that the stability of the community is paramount. Therefore, both religious and political leaders ensure the stability of their communities. Everyone therefore is expected to maintain traditional norms and ethos so as to keep the community in equilibrium. There are bound to be tensions in all human societies. As Gluckman (1955) has pointed out that traditional societies in Africa have their quantum share. The principle of stability is basically concerned with maintaining the status quo. However, ethnographic data which are retrieved by the researcher show that the situation is more complex than what actually appears as rancour-free equilibrium. Political stability does not mean absence of competition for the different ladders of the political sphere. In fact, traditional politics is always interlaid with contentions. Acrimonious circumstances however are limited to the accepted norms. As a result of this, there are only very few communities that have not been able to manage political crisis. Unlike the political sphere, religious offices have been characterised by stability. The office of the chief priest has been most secured of all cultural institutions in Okunland. Informants say that the installations of chief priests have always been rancour-free. The anthropological underpinning of this is that the priestly lineages have evolved dynamics that ensured peaceful successions in all Okun communities.

(5) Principle of Control and Influence Who controls power? What is the limit of power? These questions have anthropological import for the community. Informants say that there is the interplay of delicate balancing of power among the chief priests and kings in traditional Okun society. The Okun in their daily parlance might not ask those questions. Yet, the issues that the questions address form the background for interaction between the chief priests and the political leaders. There is a subtle desire to control people and exercise influence by both parties. The interplay goes thus: A would-be king courts the chief priest so as to gain spiritual approval, but once he ascends the throne, he will become totally independent of the chief priest. The king exercises his independence by granting chieftaincy titles to whoever he likes, including members of the priestly family. On the other hand, the chief priest is appointed by the priestly lineage without consulting the king, neither is his opinion sought. The priest however needs political largesse to function effectively. For example, the king provides the sacrificial animals, which the chief priest offers to the deities on behalf of the community. From ethnographic data, it can be 44 concluded that the priest reigns in peoples‟ hearts and minds, while the king rules peoples‟ ambition. In the contest for control and influence, it can be said that the kings are worse off in the face of predisposing facts; this is clearly seen in the process of removal from office. Deposition is a serious act, which the community imposes on a community leader. In the annals of the Okun, no chief priest has been defrocked, but few kings have been banished, dethroned and or killed. In addition, deposition of kings must be approved by the chief priests. Also, kings who commit serious misdemeanour are reported to the chief priests so as to be called to order, which shows the extended power of chief priests.

(6) Principle of Reconciliation of Contradictions Traditional Okun culture has principles and ways of reconciling differences within the religious and political systems. In line with structuralism, binary oppositions are found in the traditional systems of the Okun. The reconciliation of the apparent contradictions has been very helpful in achieving coherence, stability and change among the Okun. Binary oppositions like landowners and landless, freeborns and slaves, men and women, and traditional and modern have achieved reasonable reconciliation in that the polity continues to exist without implosion. Politically, there are certain instances known in the oratures of the Okun where landless persons ursurped the thrones as kings and the community reconciled what was an aberration by tracing their ancestry through maternal lines to a landowning family. In the Okun traditional political system, women are not admitted as titled persons. However, to solve the issue, women are chosen to carry the traditional chieftaincy staff of office or the traditional stool of new chiefs. Religiously, women are exempted from knowing oro, neither do they participate in the deep things of traditional rites. To assuage this, women are initiatied to feminine cults like imole and ofosi, which permit them to play important roles in the traditional religion of the Okun-Yoruba. 45

Figure 7: Schematization of Okun’s Religious-Political Interplay Source: Original to this text

4.3 Findings on Propositions This ethnographic study is premised on four research propositions. These propositions as outlined for this research form the basis for a detailed research finding as presented.

Proposition number 1: The ethnographic study of Okun-Yoruba will provide a background for the study of the relationship between traditional religious and political systems.

Field research among the Okun-Yoruba seems to support the propositions that there is a proven nexus between religious and political systems in any given community. Oral sources from informants portray the following: Among the Okun, both the political and religious systems exhibit interconnectivity. In the annals of the people, there was never a time when one existed without the other. According to a respondent: In the past, both religious and political powers resided in one lineage or on even a person. The priestly lineage held both religious and political powers. However due to exigencies, it was necessary to carry along other lineages in the community by sharing the oba’s position with them.

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In corroboration of this statement, another respondent said: The aworo (chief priest) held both religious and political powers for his lineage in the community. In most cases, they were the first settlers and therefore they held both offices while they shared political powers with other members of the community. However, they held firmly to the religious office.

Another aspect of interconnectivity of religious and political systems is portrayed by the balancing of powers. The delicate balancing of powers between religious and political leaders comes to the fore among the Okun. The factors that could provide ground for religious and political tensions that are involved in the struggle for power and social control such as lack of delineation of offices, areas of influence between the palace and the chief priest, and monopoly of chieftancy titles are minimized among the Okun. There is a clear separation of power between the chief priest and the king. Among the Okun, the priesthood has organized itself as a power block that is completely independent of the political authorities. Among the Okun, there is the total absence of litigation and open contestation for the office of chief priest. There is what can be termed as the pacification of desires in religious matters and elimination of struggles in the office of the chief priest. The comment of a titled chief buttresses this point: There is no struggle for succession to the office of the chief priest. The lineage concerned does not bicker over it. They are the ones who present the chief priest and the whole community accepts but this is not so with the kingship. There is always the struggle for the position of the king.

The Okun people accord dignity to the offices of traditional ruler and chief priest. On the other hand, the person of the chief priest is sacred. He is held in high esteem by all. A respondent opined: The chief priest is a sacred person. He is ordained for life. He is not to be molested, abused, or threatened. He can never be removed from office once installed.

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Another said: The chief priest is a link between the community and the deities. We cannot do without him. A community cannot live without a chief priest. The king is also honoured as first among equals because he represents the common will of the entire community. He leads and rules in conjunction with titled chiefs. As was succinctly pointed out by a respondent; The king is respected. He is obeyed. He is the leader. If your lineage fights with the king, people will fight with your lineage when it comes to your turn. This research furnishes data on cooperation between religious and political leaders. It also gives details on how both palace and sanctuary have maintained independence from each other.

Proposition Number 2: The dynamism of religious and political systems of Okun-Yoruba people will serve as a model for a modern nation-state like Nigeria which has persistently faced religious and political problems.

In Nigeria, the challenges of modern nation-state like corruption, poverty, ethnic crisis, religious upheavals, lack of good medical services, dysfunctional educational system, illiteracy, underdevelopment and terrorism amongst others continue to affect the desire of the different ethnic groups to live harmoniously together. How the country is able to tackle these problems will be borne out of the value that it attaches to religion and politics amongst other things. Ethnography of the Okun presents a reflection on the relevance of traditional religion and politics in solving the numerous problems confronting Nigeria. Among the Okun, the strong nexus between religion and power is enshrined. The relationship has witnessed little or no tension. Okun‟s religious cum political dynamism throws up some salient issues which underlie the relevance of its application to Nigeria‟s socio-political sphere. These salient issues can be described under three themes namely (a) religion as a means of cohesion, (b) political stability, (c) delicate relationship between religion and politics, priests and kings.

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Religion as a means of cohesion: Among the Okun, religion is the most important tool for maintaining cohesion and stability in the community. There is no known religious crisis identified among the people. Traditional religion unifies the people under one principal deity. Even with the advent of Islam and Christianity, all religions cohabit peacefully. Also succession to the office of the traditional chief priest is rancour-free. There is no manifest struggle for the office of traditional chief priest, as “one is anointed by the deities”, according to informants. The selection of a traditional chief priest has never been contended or questioned. In line with this proposition under discussion, it can be surmised that a modern nation- state like Nigeria can learn from the Okun on the process of using religion as a means of cohesion thereby achieving ethno-religious and political stability. Nigeria undoubtedly has witnessed series of ethno-religious crises over the decades. The offices of the Bishops, Elders, General Overseers and Imams have become contentious issues in Nigeria‟s religious sphere. Among the Okun, there is no known dissent in the choice of traditional religious leaders. The Okun-Yoruba can serve as a model for a modern nation-state like Nigeria because of the dynamism of its religious and political systems which has helped the Okun to cohere as a cultural unit despite the onslaught of westernization, globalization, Christianity and Islam.

Political stability: Generally speaking, the Okun contest for traditional political offices. Such contestations are however done within set cultural principles and boundaries. The first of such is the principle that permits all free borns (male) to aspire to the highest office in the land. The second principle is that rotation of kingship is enshrined culturally, so that, landowner lineages can each produce the community‟s kings in succession. Accoding to a source: Ona je, ohi je, otun je, ki mu ilu dun (the rotation of the crown from centre to left and right, makes the community to be at peace). Another opined : Every male, freeborn and land owning person can become a king in this land. The absence of blueblood in the Okun political system has made it possible for political power to shift among lineages. Though political discord exists but because power rotates freely, it has prevented political crisis from brewing and growing out of proportion, as a key informant said to the researcher, “there is no lineage who claims to have brought a crown from Ile-Ife”. 49

The Nigeria‟s turtous political system that is characterized by rigging of election, ballot box snatching, impeachment, violence and murder can learn from Okun‟s political system in which the absence of blue blood, the rotation of kingship among the different quarters and the oppeness to context political offices have reduced political tension.

Delicate relationship between religion and politics, priests and kings: There is ample evidence to show that there is a delicate balancing of religious and political interplay among the Okun. There is attestation of orature to the effect that the priestly lineages once held both religious and political offices simultaneously in Okunland. An informant opined, In the past, both religious and political powers resided in one lineage or even on a person. However, political exigencies demanded a significant restructuring of the polity which saw to the principle of devolution of political power. In addition, the political power has a delicate balancing because the priestly lineage also is entitled to the kingship even though it held on to the priestly office. In other parts of , the priestly families are excluded from the highest political offices (Fadipe, 1970), but this is not applicable among the Okun. To achieve and maintain close working relationship among priests and monarchs, honesty becomes a most needed part of the interplay. Honesty is demanded of religious and political personalities. Religious officers are expected to be marked with truthfulness and honesty. So also, political office holders are expected to exhibit honesty and to discharge their duties without ulterior motives. The basis for this honesty is found in the common meal that is eaten together. As a respondent said: Every new chief is expected to present food to the council of chiefs. We partake of it as a concrete sign of oneness. After the meal, no chief is expected to betray another chief.

Proposition number 3: The study will provide illuminating insight into aspects of the surrounding cultures of Igala, Ebira and Nupe amongst others.

The Okun are found in the north easternmost part of Yorubaland. Thus, they are surrounded by ethnic groups that are distinctively different from the Yoruba. The main ethnic 50 groups that bound the Okun are Igala and Ebira which are located on the East of Okun and Nupe which is located on the North of Okun.

Igala: The study of the Igala religio-political system has anthropological import to the Okun. The proposition in this instance has relevance because of linguistic affinity between Yoruba and Igala. Taking a cue from Armstrong (1965), there is a postulation that Igala is a Yoruboid language, therefore, the linguistic similarity between the Okun and Igala can help to provide illumination into aspects of culture, history and cultural diffusion. To this research, the most relevant ethnographic evidence for intercultural study between the Okun and Igala is found in the political and religious institutions. Among the Okun and Igala, the word idu is used for kings. Literally, idu means lion or behemoth to which the authority of kings are likened. Religiously, ethnographic data show similarities in masquerading, propitiatory rites and the use of ifa. Both cultural groups place greatest emphasis on God as the beginner and sustainer of the universe. Moreover the deity is acknowledged and interacted with in similar ways, with similar structures, dance and rituals (to be expanded later).

Ebira: The relationship with the Ebira ethnic group is germane to this study because of its relevance to inter-ethnic relationship as it affects religious and political dynamism. There are several Ebira farming settlements in every community of Okunland. These farming settlements have a complex history over a very long period. This relationship has been cemented by inter ethnic marriages among both groups. The religious and political interplay show that both Okun and Ebira have strong nexus which could be derived from cultural influence. This is seen practically in the religious sphere where the costumes of masquerades are similar in both cases. The cultural influence could come from both sides. Also, the traditional political system of the Ebira like the Okun lacks strong central figure. The preeminent positions of lineage heads among the Ebira is similar to the Okun. Both the Ebira and Okun persons get their identities from the lineage.

Nupe: The Nupe asserted strong influence on Okun culture. The religious, social and political influences of the Nupe persist till today. The prevalence of Nupe words in Okun lexicon attests to the influence of the Nupe among the Okun. Such Nupe words like gbarufu (commoner), etsu (king), leramo () and others are used as common words in daily communication in Okunland. Personal names too that are traceable to Nupe among the Okun are Bello, Makun, 51

Jimoh, Sule, Gbagugu and Angulu among others. A source opined that, “Nupe‟s hegemony over us impacted on our political, religious and social systems”. Another said, “The Tapa/Ibon left hegemony over us when they colonized us. This can be seen in some personal names, political titles and social institutions. The political influence is deeper. The Nupe once exerted their political hegemony on the entire land of Okun and beyond from the 1840s. In 1897, the last vestiges of Nupe were removed, yet there is much of Nupism in the polity. The major sign of this can be seen in the paraphernalia of titled chiefs. The horsetail and red cap came from Nupeland. Also, due to Nupe influence, traditional rulers tend to exert and extend their power. This is seen in two ways. First, there are tendencies to exert the power of a blue blood which are exemplified in the use of words like and princesses by children of the reigning kings even after the death of their fathers, which are not in tandem with Okun traditional system. Second, there are tendencies in certain communities such as Ogidi and Kabba to establish the concept of ruling houses due to Nupe influence. These have been resisted by the people sometimes to the point of serious upheaval as it happened several times in these communities. A monarch observes that, There are Nupe influences certainly. They raided us for several years and colonized us. Few Nupe influence has been enculturated and internalized by our people, Some words in our dialect have Nupe origin. Some chiefaincy titles have Nupe origin. Let me cite an example – The highest title next to the king in some Okun towns and villages is Shaba which is a Nupe word. We often use words like Osu for Kings in some towns, which is derived from Etsu of Nupe which means King.

Proposition number 4: The complexity of the nexus between traditional religious and political systems and westernization will result either in a synthesized or dysfunctional community.

The situation is complex indeed. A synthesized outcome of the complex relationship between traditional and western systems has not been achieved among the Okun. It is also apropos to say that it is not a rejection either. What is happening is that Okun is a traditional but westernizing polity. The amalgamation of traditional system with western system has produced 52 some cultural shocks, coupled with distortion of cultural values among the people. This is readily seen in the social life of the Okun in which moral issues like chastity, oath taking and taboos are no longer taken as sacrosanct.

It was noted by a source when asked about the initiation into the Imole cult that: It is a long time ago. Christianity has effectively stopped everything. Another source noted that: Christianity and civilization have proved to be the greatest obstacles to traditional religion. A key informant added that: Modernization is also another problem which confronts traditional religion.

4.4 Findings on Traditional Religion Okun cosmology like most African cultures is both temporal and non-temporal in which man and spirits, visible and invisible, created and uncreated, animate and inanimate, materials and spiritual, and the living and the dead co-habit (Idowu, 1962). This is confirmed in this research by the study of their elaborate and organized religious system. The traditional Okun‟s religious system has five (5) distinguished orders namely; Supreme Being, deities, ancestors, spirits and the living beings in the temporal world (humans and elemental spirits).

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Supreme Deity (Olodumare )

Deities (Ebora)

Ancestors (Egungun)

Spirits (Iwin)

Living Community (Eniyan)

Figure 8: Schematization of Okun Religious System Source: Original to this text i Supreme Deity

Okun religious realm is dominated by one Supreme Deity. He is called Olodumare or Eledumare, (or simply Edumare) the most sublime and profund name for the Supreme Deity among the Yoruba in general (Fagunwa, 1960; Idowu, 1966). It is a nomenclature that transcends translation. There is no similar word in the lexis of the entire Yoruba by which it can be compared or simulated (Idowu, 1962; Fadipe, 1970:280). For the Okun-Yoruba, the name represents the transcendality of God. He is not gendered and he is charactrised by inscrutability, timelessness, ubiquity, and limitlessness. He is popularly called Olorun (owner of heaven), Eleda (the creator), Oluwa (the Lord who owns us), more as attributes than personal names. Olodumare is constantly in the mind of the Okun people. The name of God is invoked in songs, , drama, rituals, in taking oaths, prayers and for general purposes. The researcher discovered that the primary importance which the Okun place on God is shown in two clear ways: Olodumare is the source of all things, and he is the end of all things. Thus, the first salutations at dawn among the Okun acknowledge Olorun. When one wakes in the morning the greetings go thus: “Kowuro (good morning). “Se alafia kuwoji” (have you risen well?). The answer is always, “Ope ni fun Olorun” (thanks be to God). The last salutation at dusk is an invocation to Olorun, “Ki Olorun 54 pawa mo loru” (May God keep us through the night) and “Ki Olorun ji wa layo” (May God wake us tomorrow). However there is no priest or shrine or grove that is dedicated to Olodumare. In general parlance, he is invoked than all ebora (deities). In times of joy, he is praised and in crisis he is the last appeal. Practically, Olodumare is not offered any tangible sacrifice because “he does not need anything”, said an informant. He receives adoration and praise from individuals: for waking up at dawn, for fecundity, for rich harvest, for health and sundry purposes. One early morning, the researcher observed at Ayedayo in the course of fieldwork that an elderly man stepped out of his house, looked up and said “ Wo seun Olorun” (thank you God). Then he poured water on the ground and said “ngba” (take this). Ellis (1894:36-37) observed that Olodumare is “too distant or too indifferent, to interfere in the affairs of the world”, that “he enjoys a life of complete idleness, …. dozing or sleeping, …. too lazy or too indifferent to exercise any control over earthly affairs”. Following from this, Ibenwa (2014:51) observes that “Anthropologists are divided in opinions as to whether there is to be found in the religion of the [sic] Africa a belief in Supreme being. Some say that the Africans have no idea of Supreme being while some say they do”. This is a far cry from the reality of the day to day life-ways of the Okun. This research confirms that the Okun-Yoruba have strong belief in a Supreme Being. Olodumare is the active living-force of Okun cosmology in which his names are used as personal names among the people such as Olorundare (God justifies), Olorunpomi (God is with me), Olorungbon (God is wise), Olorunmotito (God knows the truth), Olorunkosebi (God does not do evil), Olusola (God enriches), Oluwaremilekun (God wipes my tears), Olugbemiga (God lifts me up), Olukoya (God rejects suffering) and Oluwadamilola (God enriches me) Inter-cultural studies show that among the neighbouring cultural groups, the concept of the Supreme Being bears similitude to what obtains among the Okun-Yoruba. Among the Igbo, Chukwu is the Supreme Deity who creates and sustains the universe but who has given the active supervision of the world to the deities. The Igala conceives Ojo (God) as the uncreated Supreme Being who sustains all things, while the Ebira see Ohomorihi (God) as the Lord of everything that is in existence. ii The Deities (Ebora/ Egun) Deities are called ebora or egun among the Okun people. A key informant noted that, “No deity was introduced from outside. The deities are autochthonous entities”. The primary understanding of ebora is that they are the patron-deities which Olodumare (God) assigned to 55 each community. For this reason a deity is considered lord of the community and the people, its subjects. The deities own the people and the people own them. An Okun community cannot be separated from its deities neither is there a deity without a community. Deities are circumscribed to specific communities such that no two communities share the same deity. Every deity in a community has a name which is not duplicated in another community. Olodumare, the creator and sustainer of all things, reigns in heaven but he has assigned the general affairs of the world to deities. The ebora system is very complex. There is multiplicity of deities in Okun religious system. The Okun acknowledge that deities are subservient to Olodumare. The deities are benevolent spirit-beings who protect their communities. It is their divinely assigned task to work for the progress of the communities. They provide children, prevent wars and if war ensues they defend and ensure victory, they avert pestilence, they provide rain and good harvest, and they curtail witches. They are generally tolerant of their subjects. The number of deities in any given community is in tandem with the number of lineages that form the community. Every lineage has its deity and the assemblage of the deities of all lineages in the community form the pool of the of that community. They work together for the good of the entire community. Among these, there are three principal deities. One of the principal deities becomes primus inter pares among the deities. The priest of the principal deity becomes the chief priest (aworo) of the entire community. A source asserted that, “Just as pastors lead in churches so do aworo lead the entire community in worship of the deity. The principal deity and the chief priest are usually assigned to the lineage of the first settlers of the community. The Okun have groups of women who are accorded special honour because they are devoted to ebora, through their cults of ofosi, imole and aruta/wepon (Kennet, 1931; Onaiyekan, 1975). Cultural inferences which the researcher gathered from among the Igbo show the presence of umuagbara that are in charge of the various departments of human life on earth under the permission of Chukwu. The concept of deity has different nuances between the Okun and their Yoruba kiths and kins. This is best illustrated when it is juxtaposed with the other Yoruba sub-groups. (a) Deities are called ebora/ egun among the Okun, but they are known as orisa among the other Yoruba sub-groups. For the Okun, orisa is the collective term used for the dead. (b) Among the Okun deities are territorially circumscribed whereby every ilu (community) has its own college of 56 ebora. In juxtaposition with other areas of Yoruba land, orisa like Sango, Osun, Obatala and Ogun are worshipped across territories and kingdoms. (c) Ebora are spiritualised deities, whereas orisa are apotheosised heroes/heroines. (d) As strict spiritualised beings, ebora are not represented in carved images and statues like the orisa. One will not find carvings of deities among the Okun whereas other Yoruba groups have images and statues of deities. Religious carvings among the Okun are limited to of masquerades. Other carvings are aesthetics to adorn and homes. (e) There is a preponderance of male deities in Okun‟s religion. Almost all Okun deities are of male gender, whereas the other Yoruba groups have prominent female deities. Popular feminine Yoruba deities include Osun, Oya, Yemoja, Aiyelala and . Also the Yoruba mythology of Ile-Ife speaks of 401 orisa of Yoruba land (Fadipe, 1970). This certainly does not include Okun deities, which run into several hundreds. There are five deities, which are quite different from the ones mentioned above. They are universally accepted and worshipped across Yoruba land. They are esu, , ifa, ogun and egungun. These deities receive constant devotion in every community among the Okun-Yoruba in addition to its own ebora. These five help in the worship of the various communities‟ deities. Without their cooperation, effective worship might be denied and efficacious propitiation may be denied to adherents, because they are seen as special messengers of God.

Esu: Data from this research confirm that esu is the most important of the five deities. Among the Yoruba, the proper appellation is esu ojise Olodumare (esu the messenger of God). He is an eponymous individual who has equal capacity for good and evil; he is capable of doing contradictory things satisfactorily. He equally has power to make prayers ascend fast to Olodumare. He is appeased to ensure peace in the community, family and socio-religious or political gatherings. He is appeased practically for anything worthwhile (Fadipe, 1970:273). When he does good deeds he is esu lalu and when he does evil he is esu odara. Esu has the power to disrupt any event. He has power to derail all propitiations from reaching the other deities and to block prayers from reaching Olodumare. Personal names like Esugbayi (esu saved this one), Esugbola (esu takes the honour), are manifestations of Yoruba‟s beliefs about the deity. But the and Christians in Yoruba land have demonised esu as the Satan/devil of the Qur‟an and the Bible. Yoruba Muslims and Christians take only his negative side and call him Satan/devil. In Yoruba mythology esu is not the enemy of God, in fact, Olodumare has no enemy. 57

Ethnographies drawn from inter-cultural data by the researcher show that this belief is wide spread in African cultures. Among the Igala, the Ojo (Supreme Deity) has no enemy or rival that can be equated with biblical or qur‟anic Satan. To solve the lexical problem for modern Igala Christians and Muslims, they inculturated the Arabic word for evil (bilis) to their religions. The Ebira also say that Ohomorihi (God) has no adversary. To solve these dialectical problems for Ebira Christians and Muslims, they use the Yoruba word esu/ for Satan. Cross cultural study made by the researcher into the Igbo culture in the course of this study shows that there is no deity in the Igbo community that has the effrontery to call God to contest (Opata, 2005). Ethnographic data among the Igbo show conclusively that the Supreme Deity (Chukwu) has no enemy. According to Opata (2005), Ekwensu, who is a heroic deity in ancient etymology, cosmology and mythology and is worshipped as a warlord with fame, was taken out of context and made equivalent to biblical Satan, the archenemy of God. Due to improper contextualization of words, the early missionaries did epistemological harm to Igbo religious realm.

Ori: Ori is the invisible persona of an individual. It is concretised in the individual‟s head. It connotes good luck and success. From childbirth, the ori (head) of every child is appeased to choose good portions on earth and avoid evil. At birth, the ori of the newly born is appealed to by the parents of the child to be good and is told to be hard working and to aim for the highest. Everyone appeals to his/her ori and asks it to choose the best portion of prosperity, joy, health. The ori is asked to reject evil, poverty, sickness, barrenness and premature death. When a Yoruba succeeds in his/her endeavour it is attributed to God and ori. When he/she survives a terrible accident it is God and ori that saved him/her. When a criminal escapes punishment, it is considered a reprieve from God and ori. When a child escapes from a deserved punishment it is attributed to God and ori. Generally, whatever is attributed to God can to a lesser degree be attributed to ori too. Daily, the ori receives the simplest (yet profound) form of propitiation among the Yoruba in the form of personal tap on the head accompanied by the desired invocation. Yoruba belief in ori is concretized with names like Oriyomi (my head saved me), Oritunmise (my head reformed me), Origbemileke (my head gave me the lead), Orifunmise (my head gave the expertise). Among the Igbo, the similarity is found in chi (personal god). For both Igbo and Yoruba, it is the divine presence in every man.

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Ifa: This is the oracle of divination, augury and clairvoyancy which knows everything; present, past and future. Ifa is Osatona. It reveals hidden things and predicts the future (Abimbola, 1969; Lucas, 1948). Ifa is the major determinant of most things like wedding, building, travelling, farming, choosing a king and going to war. Among the Okun, ifa provides meaning to life. A key informant said, “Ifa decides everything”. Also, a source noted that, “Everything which Ifa says is always the truth”. There are different types of ifa divination. The researcher attended five (5) sessions of ifa divinatory rites which informants say are the principal ones among the Okun namely; divination by strings and cowries (ifa opele), divination by sand (ifa olokun), divination by woven basket (Ifa awere), divination by chalk (ifa ejiogbe), and divination by kolanut (ifa obi). The most popular is ifa obi (divination by kolanut). These have common traits, namely, that they are traditional, deliberative and they give alternative answers. A divinatory scene goes thus: A client approaches a diviner, (father of medicinal pot) or Onifa (owner of ifa) and he/she holds money in his/her hand, cups the hand over his/her mouth and whispers his/her intentions into the cupped hand. He/she then places the money on top of the divinatory object. The task is left for the onifa to decipher the problem of the client and proffer solution by consulting ifa. The easiest type of ifa which the researcher could comprehend was the ifa obi, which consists of four cotyledons kolanut. The diviner throws up slightly the four valves of kolanut and the positions in which they land on the ifa circle either to the right or left of the diviner are interpreted. Ifa is based on specific alternatives. There are basically five alternative positions to the right hand of the diviner: thus (1) two valves face up versus two valves face down, (2) one valve faces up versus three valves face down, (3) three valves face up versus one valve faces down, (4) four valves may face up (5) four valves may face down. Another five alternatives are possible on the left. Thus the total combination is ten. To this researcher, the ifa rites can be described as traditionally complicated deliberative systems of specific alternatives that seek to reveal hidden things and predict the future so as to give meaningful answers to the problems of life. Ifa is concretised in the social life of the people with personal names like Fatimayin (Ifa assisted me), Ifadola (Ifa enriches), Ifajuyi (Ifa is more than this), Fasiku (there is more to know about Ifa) and Ifayose (Ifa will do it) among others. Ifa divination goes on simultaneously with the services of Christian and prophetesses (woli) and muslim clerics (afa) in all Okun communities, so much so that an Okun man is at home with either. Cross-cultural data gathered by this researcher indicate that the afa of the Igbo and Igala has the same connotation. 59

Ogun: The deity of iron is called Ogun and it is a prominent deity because of the use of iron implements in the daily activities of the people. An informant said that “Ogun is every thing”; he is seen as upholder and preserver of life on earth. Farming activities depend on Ogun. Success in war is a gift from Ogun. For these reasons Ogun is well acknowledged in the lives of the people with names like Ogundele (Ogun has come home), Ogunleye (Ogun is a celebrity), Ogunlowo (Ogun has respect), Ogunkorede (Ogun brought good things) and Ogunbiyi (sired by ogun). A key source noted that, “Women do not join us when we approach the shrine of Ogun. Take note of two taboos – Number one is that women are not permitted to go near the shrine of Ogun. Number two is that people are not permitted to put on ffotwears during the rituals when we make sacrifice to Ogun. Women are not permitted; also foot wears must not be worn. Another informant proudly said, “I worship Ogun the powerful deity. (He began to chant the praises of Ogun). Ogun who built a massive house in heaven Awon yon, awo yon Orisa (deity) Migthy man, man of valour and war When Ogun was returning from the hill He came to Ile-Ife He wanted to drink palm oil But he was given water Hence Ogun punished them severely He exterminated all of them. 60

Figure 9: Researcher with an Ogun priest Source: Original to this text

Ancestors (egungun): Egungun is the traditional Okun nomenclature for the deceased ancestor who is supposed to have risen from the land of the dead. Ancestors play an integral part in Okun culture. According to Morton-Williams (1960), the Yoruba responses to the fear of death find answer in multiplicity of ancestral rites and cults. Among the Okun there are certain requirements which make one to be qualified to be an ancestor. Generally, dignity is accorded to a good, successful man/woman who died at old age. Practically only men are venerated as ancestors. In juxtaposition with their Yoruba kiths, ancestral worship among the Okun, strictly speaking is limited to the family of the dead. There is no ancestor who is raised to the level of general sainthood which deserves public veneration across lineages, villages or entire communities of Okun. Among the Igbo, the concept of ndichie shows that the ancestors wield tremendous power in their communities. Egungun (masquerade) is conceived primarily as an ancestor who has come back to live briefly among mankind. He comes to bless and to sanction. Also masquerades act as agents of 61 social control in the community to correct evil. Moreover, the masquerades are also means of entertainment. Masquerades are considered to be sacred beings, and this forms the basis for adulation for egungun so much so that to raise a hand against egungun is considered a taboo. Masquerade is acted by a man dressed in long costumes made either of grass or clothings and wooden masks or animal heads and feathers. He appears by day or night and he is characterised with dancing, leaping, and grotesque steps. Generally, people know that egungun is a disguised human being, but it is never uttered. Masquerade cultic practices are common features of traditional African religion as data on Egungun of Yoruba, Egwu of Igala and egwugwu/mmanwu of Igbo have shown in the works of scholars like Basden (1983), Egbunu (2009), Fadipe (1970), Idowu (1960), Mbefo (1996), Miachi (1980), Onyeneke (1987), and Talbot (1926).

Figure 10: An Okun Egungun masquerade Source: Original to this text

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Ghosts (iwin): Also found in Yoruba cosmology are spirit-beings called iwin or irunmole (Fagunwa, 1967). Among the Okun, iwin/irunmole are not direct objects of worship whereas among other Yoruba groups they are constituted as an integral part of religious ceremony. They populate rivers, trees, rocks and forests. Generally iwin/irunmole is not interested in human affairs. They dislike human interference and therefore they live far from human activities. Whenever men forage into their environment, they react. Hunters (ode) have reported seeing iwin in the bush. There are good and bad spirits. Most of them are thought to be benign individuals but they can become malevolent when provoked. They are thought to be of different sizes and shapes. This is conceptualised in Igbo culture in the belief in the presence of arunsi and mmuo (Okonkwo, 2011:129-130).

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Table 1: Categories of Traditional Religious Features Among the Okun

Framework Rituals Groups Linguistic Rites Supreme Deity: No direct ritual is There is a general Verbal formulae in Belief in God offered to God, but belief in a Supreme songs, praise names (Olodumare), among he is acknowledged Being. He is known and emotive elements the Okun is expressed daily. Olodumare is and worshipped by like fear and awe. in myths, theology invoked in daily all. Olodumare has and rituals. parlance no priest

Deities: Belief in Worship involves The head of the Verbal formulae in deities (ebora) hinges propitiatory rites and religious system is songs, incantations, on the notion that affective elements of the chief priest. He is ritual dance, emotive they are patron- fear, ecstasy. concretely aligned elements of fear, awe, deities of each with the deities and zeal, trance and community. They are ancestors possessions. the direct objects of daily worship. They are intermediaries between the community and God.

Ancestors (Egungun): Ritual meals and The entire Verbal formulae, The mysterium of are offered community is songs, incantations, Okun religion is to Ancestors who involved but magical spell, dance, expressed in oro have come back as ownership is located trance, ecstasy, and where ancestors are masquerades. within a family. fear. given cognate recognition. Ancestors-rites are the active expression of life after death, the continuum of life of the community.

Ghosts: Presence of They receive ritual There are no groups Verbal formulae, Ghosts (iwin) is meals and sacrifices aligned to the songs and dance. acknowledged. They at road junctions. worship of iwin are to be avoided (ghosts) because they are irascible.

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4.4.1 Sacrifice and Ritual Meals

i Sacrifice (Irubo)

The fundamental meaning of sacrifice in Okun-Yoruba traditional religion is that of effecting an efficacious relationship between man and the deities. Sacrificial rites within the Okun traditional religion have varieties of forms and intentions. This research establishes that sacrifices are keystones of Okun traditional religion. They provide the steps to reach the deities. Okun‟s traditional religion conceives of all spiritual beings in their hierarchical order beginning with Olodumare (Supreme Being); the highest, the greatest and grandest, the deities and ancestors in descending order. Okun‟s traditional religion responds to the deities according to their hierarchy and influence, duties and values, authority and legitimacy. Sacrifices have anthropo-ontological relevance and this can be accessed under four sub- themes as variously enunciated by scholars like Arinze (1970), Awolalu (1979), and Mbiti (1967, 1982): (A) Requirements for Sacrifices (B) Purposes of Sacrifices (C) Types of Sacrifices (D) Materials for Sacrifices

(A) Requirements for Sacrifices: Among the Okun-Yoruba, there are four basic requirements for sacrifices: i Things offered (victims) must be clean and not defective. ii Priests are needed to offer sacrifices. iii Sacrifices must follow prescribed rites. iv Sacrifices must be offered at prescribed spots. These four basic requirements are considered necessary and non-negotiable among the Okun- Yoruba because of the reverence they have for the deities. It is considered anthropologically that the deities constitute the Supreme deity.

(B) Purposes of Sacrifices: Data gathered from this research indicate that the Okun offer sacrifices for several purposes. Scholars like Awolalu (1979), and Arinze (1970) opine that Africans offer sacrifices for several purposes. Arinze (1970) identifies four purposes 65

of offering sacrifices among the Igbo of Eastern-Nigeria. This research identifies six purposes of sacrifices among the Okun-Yoruba. i Expiation: The Okun offer sacrifices to expiate or atone for sins committed either collectively or individually. The origin and anthropological relevance of expiatory sacrifices derive from Okun belief that objects of worship can adequately substitute for their evil deeds. ii Votive offering: The Okun-Yoruba also offer sacrifices to fulfill vows made to the deities. In dire situations, an Okun can express a vow, wish or desire to the deities which becomes binding and must be fulfilled after the request has been granted. iii Petition: The Okun also offer sacrifices to beg, implore and seek favour from the deities. It is believed that Olodumare has left the running of the affairs of the world to the deities, thus, the Okun may petition a deity for fecundity, healing, prosperity, and other sundry purposes. iv Thanksgiving: The Okun-Yoruba plays premium on idupe (thanksgiving). An axiom of the people says eni ti a se lore ti ko dupe, o da bi eni ti olosa ko leru lo (the one who refuses to be thankful after receiving a favour is worse than a thief) and eni ba dupe ore ana a ri omiran gba (the one who is thankful will always receive more). Therefore, the Okun gives profuse thanksgiving to the deities and even to the chief priests who are intermediaries between humans and the deities. Thanksgiving can come in various forms. It can be done with material things, verbally, songs, dances, drama, and so on. v Purification: The Okun also offer sacrifices for the purposes of carrying out purificatory rites. These are done when an abomination is committed or a taboo is committed or breaking a prohibition imposed by social customs such as suicide, incest, murder and desecration of sacred persons or places. vi Warding off evil: Another reason for offering sacrifices among the Okun is that the people believe that one can offer sacrifices to ward off evil in all forms and manners. To achieve this, sacrifices are offered to ward off evil spirits, sicknesses, famine, danger, mishaps, epidemics, premature death, barrenness, and so on.

(C) Types of Sacrifices: The Okun-Yoruba place emphasis on typology of sacrifices. This research identifies six typologies. i Thanksgiving Sacrifice: The Okun-Yoruba people are wont to offer sacrifices in thanksgiving for favours received. Thanksgiving sacrifices have cosmological relevance because they link humans with the ancestors and the deities who are believed to have granted 66

answers to their petitions. It is seriously viewed as an affront not to appreciate the ancestors and deities. ii Communion Sacrifice: There are certain sacrifices that are offered to establish communion in the community. This type of sacrifice is meant to be a joyful celebration for all members of the community. Sacrifices of this nature are also meant to achieve reconciliation in the community. As part of the celebration, people share a common meal and enact a renewal of their living together. This involves carnival-like festivity or an ordinary fete. iii Votive Sacrifice: Another type of sacrifice is the votive sacrifice which is made in fulfillment of a vow which an individual entered into with the deities and ancestors. The Okun-Yoruba believe that vows must be fulfilled, thus, votive sacrifices become a necessity for those concerned. iv Propitiatory/Expiatory Sacrifice: The Okun-Yoruba cosmological reality is dotted with frictions, aberrations and sins. To achieve reconciliation between man and his community, on one hand, and between man and the ancestors, on the other hand, it becomes imperative to offer propitiatory or expiatory sacrifices. v Preventive Sacrifice: Data from the research also indicate that the Okun-Yoruba offer preventive sacrifices. Preventive sacrifices can be described as those that are offered by individuals or communities to ward off evil. The people believe that Olodumare (Supreme Being) created a good world but evil spirits, evil people and irascible deities can cause mishaps and endanger people‟s lives. To curb this, preventive sacrifices are offered. vi Substitutionary Sacrifice: The Okun-Yoruba believe that animals can be substituted for human beings. In cases where a person faces imminent death, diviners can be approached to offer animals, e.g, goats in place of the person. Sacrifices of this nature are not performed in clear view of people; they are usually done in secret. Substitutionary sacrifices are also believed to be capable of prolonging life, averting danger, ameliorating punishments and diverting repercussions.

(D) Materials for Sacrifices: The Okun-Yoruba offer varieties of materials/objects for sacrifices. Materials for sacrifices are based on two premiums: (1) The material or object offered must be clean, (2) The material offered will depend on the taste of the deities, i.e, it must be as prescribed by the deities. Generally, there are four types of materials used for sacrifices in Okunland, namely, food such as yams, kolanuts, , pounded yam and ; drinks such as palm wine (emu), sorghum beer (burukutu), spirits (ogogoro); 67

animals such as goats (edegbe/ewure), dog (aja), chicken (adiye); and objects such as cloth (aso), coins (), cowries (owo eyo), and so on. From the data presented above, the Okun-Yoruba believe that sacrifices are an integral part of their religious system in which libation and offering go on simultaneously. Sacrifices, according to the Okun-Yoruba, help them to receive supernatural assistance, restoration, maintenance and sustenance from ancestors and deities. The religious concept of the Okun- Yoruba, as was gathered from this research, plays important roles on their political, economic and social systems in the community. Their religion impinges on all aspects of their life ways and forms the interconnectivity of all their cultural systems.

Figure 11: Traditional Sacrifice to ebora (deity) Source: Original to this text

ii Ritual meals

Meals and drinks play socio-religious roles in Okun land. Edegbe (goats), aja (dogs), ere were (small type beans), isu (yams), obi (kolanut), epo pupa (palm oil), emu (palm wine) and orogbo (bitter kola) are the most prized for ritual purposes. Offerings are considered to be 68 accepted by the deities when the meals and drinks are spilled on the ground and all who are present or those who have rights to eat of sacrificial meals partake of them. Isu (yam) is the king of food, the main traditional meal to be eaten with relish. It is celebrated and it is used for marriages, chieftaincy rites and funeral rites. Yam is inseparably linked to Ogun and the Earth-spirit. Obi (kolanut) equally plays significant socio-cultural roles among the Okun. There are three principal types of kolanuts found among the Okun. Obi afin (white kola), is highly prized for ritualistic purposes. Next is the obi alawe merin (four cotyledon kola), which is used both for eating and ifa divination. Obi abata (two cotyledon kola), which is useful for its ability to prevent thirst and to keep one alert due to its nicotine content. Also, kolanut has social relevance because it is used to entertain guests. Those to whom kolanuts are given are told that they are warmly welcomed. To receive a guest in one‟s house without offering him kolanut is deemed to be contrary to good hospitality. Epo pupa (palm oil) is a condiment for man and a chief meal of the deities. Libation is performed with pouring of palm oil at shrines. Emu (palm wine) is the main ritual drink. Earth receives palm oil and palm wine regularly from devotees and no one drinks them without giving little to the earth. Orogbo (bitter kola) is relished for its medicinal purposes. Also it is held to be very portent; when chewed, it gives efficacy to the chanting of incantations as well as pronouncement of blessings and curses. Ere were (small type beans) is the favourite meal of the deities. Eran aja (dog ) is the favourite of Ogun, the deity of iron.

Figure 12: Traditional religionists offer sacrifice to a deity Source: Original to this text 69

4.4.2 Impact of Modernization and Modern Religions on Okun Traditional Religion The Okun‟s contact with foreign influences has brought many practical changes in their religion. The contact with Islam came with Jihadists of 1840s to 1890s. The impact of the Jihadists was not pervasive as most people rejected the religion as the religion of the opressors. Conversion to Islam was achieved after Nigeria‟s Independence in 1960 due to missionary activities of itinerant Islamic preachers and the Ansarudeen Society. Today, Islam has a sufficient number of followers and educational institutions, both primary and secondary schools, in Okun land. The initial contact with Christianity came with their contact with Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther and white missionaries. Christianity now constitutes the largest religion among the Okun. Christianity has made tremendous impacts on the Okun especially through their numerous schools and medical services. The impact of westernization, Christianity and Islam on Okun traditional religion has resulted in serious weakening of the autochthonous religion, and they are imposing their codes of ethics on the populace such that many see participation in traditional religion as fetish and superstitious. Invariably, this has led to social isolation of some youths and adherents of Christianity and islam from their lineages and communities. Also, foreign influence has brought about disintegration of the people‟s culture. The traditional belief of the people in the annual ceremonies for the deities that promote the well- being of the community have waned. The role of the deities in bestowing prosperity, health, fecundity and protection are being ignored. Coupled with this, the denial of the role of the ancestors in the community has affected collective responsibility and solidarity of the lineages. Another observed impact of modern religions and modernization is the relegation of traditional passage rites. A key informant said, “Traditional religion is dying of, our children are all going to the church. We are all old and now no one wants his son to join again. No one wants to initiate her daughter to traditional cult of women. We all want our children to go to schools and churches own the schools”. The chief priestess of Mopa said, “Traditional religion is still as it was. The rites are the same, however, the level of celebration has been scaled down. The population of those who participate has been going down drastically. The resiliency is quite appreciable if you compare it with onslaughts from church people”. Christianity and Islam are not the sole causes of the erosion of traditional lores, mores and ethos. Another cause is the modern economic system which stresses individualism rather than communalism. The educational system has also impacted on the entire traditional system. Anthropologically, Okun can be said to be going through a transitional phase in which it is 70 difficult to classify many people as either traditionalists, muslims or Christians. Acephalousness seems to be a common trend that unites many of the people because many Christians and muslims are also active participants in traditional religion. A key informant noted thus, “It is Christians who are celebrating oro with us”. Okun traditional religious practices appear to be fading away. Priests are less numerous, public traditional rites for the gods are not as frequent as before. An informant said, “Nobody even wants to be the chief priest. It is that bad” while another concurred by saying, “There is nobody today who desires that any of his daughters be initiated into imole and ofosi women cults”. Modernization has also brought changes to the Okun traditional religion in relation to the works of priests. Among the Okun, the priest, apart from their scaral role in the community, they are also adept as health care givers. Due to modernization, there are technological changes in the accourtriment of traditional religious practices such that body creams manufactured by modern industries have become ingredients for traditional herbs, modern bottles have replaced traditional gourds, plastic containers have replaced earthen wares. In addition, the impact of modernization on the religious system of the Okun can be identified in the gradual disappearance of sacred forests and grooves for the deities. Ethnographic data obtained by the researcher state that traditional grooves of malign spirits were given to the early missionaries by the king to build their places of worship. It was envisaged that such malign spirits will annihilate the missionaries. However, such places of worship have now become centres of socio-religious activities in the communities. The sacred forest and grooves have been encroached upon by modern lumberers, constructions of roads, and houses.

4.5 Physio-Cultural Features in Okun Religion It has been observed that in Africa, “any full explication of religion involves complete exploration of social and political organisation, material culture, law and custom as well as physical environment” (Smith, 1950:14). Okun religion is heavily dependent on the physio- cultural environment to such an extent that an investigator can not but link the two together. Natural features which are of value to Okun religious system include the following: hills, trees/ forest, animals, rivers, iron and earth.

Hills and Rocks (oroke): Okun land has preponderance of rocky formations, rugged plains and ranges of hills. These natural forts by their enormous sizes have been valued for various reasons: they exhibit 71 aura and instil fear into the people of Okun by their awesome presence. They are valued as abodes of spirits and they are equally valuable as sources of games, as well as protective places of refuge during wars.

Trees (igi): The next prominent place of religious activities among the Okun are trees and forests in general. Groves, huge trees with massive trunks are seen as abodes of spirits and they are venerated as such. Prominent trees in this category are , silk cotton and baobab. There are three types of religious beliefs about trees. One, there are trees which by their functionalities are thought to be the abode of spiritual beings. For example, trees which woods are used for making are said to be inhabited by Ayan, the spirit of . Second, trees in the market squares are equally thought to be inhabited by spirits, and are used by witches at night as conference centres. These trees are at best avoided by people, and they are held in awe out of fear than worship. Third, there are trees considered to be the abode of proper ebora (deity). The researcher was taken to one of such tress in Ogidi, called igi-Jegu (jegu tree) which is the abode of the Oluwo deity in the town. Because the igi Jegu is considered as an abode of ebora, there are taboos associated with it. It was learnt that women do not stay around it after sunset. In Iyara, the deity omo Elepo is worshipped in a grove where it is believed to live. The researcher participated in the traditional religious rites at Mopa where the deity was worshipped in a grove in the town. Also mariwo ope (palm fronds) are symbolically linked with rituals among the Okun. This same fact was discovered among the Orring by ethnographer Ezeh (2004:76-77).

Animals (eranko): Okun religious system is also characterised by the assemblage of animals, which are considered as totems or abodes of deities. There are two categories of these features. Anthropomorphic animals which are said to indicate direct presence of deity comes first. In Iluke town, the researcher visited Atepa River whose are considered sacred and untouchable. They are called children of the deity. He also joined the folks in fetching water barefooted (as customs demand) at adagun omi whose are termed divine, in Okeagi village. Next are totemic animals. Totemic animal is operationalised to mean animal which is a lineage emblem and serves as a common identity for lineages which claim the same ancestry. Totems belong to different lineages and are embedded in their oriki (cognomen). Totems among the Okun include lions, frogs, birds, crocodiles, snakes amongst others. 72

Rivers (odo): Water, which is seen as a necessity of life, has been appropriated for economic, social and religious purposes by the Okun. There are many rivers and streams in Okunland but the major rivers are Oyi and Ohe. The former flowed eastwards as a tributary of the Niger, while the latter flows directly to the sea in the Gulf of Guinea. Rivers, streams and ponds are associated with a given deity. The Okun believed that every river, stream and rivulet has an owner-spirit, that resides in the water. In Oke-Agi, the researcher visited a pond which receives veneration and joined the folks to fetch water from the pond barefooted because it is forbidden to wear foot wears to the pond. Atepa stream in Iluke has several fish which interact with people who come to fetch water for domestic use and do their chores. These fish are deified and honoured as children of the deity. Ponds are held to be inhabited by fishes which are termed spirits, because of this reason the Okun do not catch fish in ponds until the ponds are appeased by the priests. All rivers, streams and streamlets are treated with dignity because they are revered as inhabited by spirits. Women who have problem of barrenness may go to these streams to request for children. Such children will however become Emere (water-spirit babies). In cases where such occur, the chief priest and traditional exorcists are usually approached to carry out exorcism on the baby.

Iron (Irin): Iron technology, which has long antiquity in Africa (Schmidt and Childs, 1995), plays a significant role in the lives of the Okun. As gathered in an interview in the course of this research, people say irin ki aye, (iron is life). Ogun, the deity of iron, is given maximum respect by the people everywhere. Iron is fashioned into farming equipment, especially hoes and machetes, the principal agrarian tools in Okun culture. Iron is also the weapon of war, from which arrows, swords, and spears are made. There are four categories of people who are specially devoted to Ogun. The first are lineages, which are considered as omo-Ogun (children of Ogun). The lineages revere Ogun as their personal deity. They are strong devotees of Ogun, and they usually have as part of their families‟ possessions a piece of wrought iron in the form of heirloom. The next category of people who have special devotion to Ogun is the guild of traditional hunters. Ogun is honoured as the patron of their profession and guild. Initiation into the hunters‟ guild is done principally by rites centred on Ogun and Esu. The latter is appeased because of his uncanny ability to frustrate any type of human effort. Meeting of hunters are held at okuta-Ogun (Ogun hill) on monthly 73 basis. Presently, the monthly meeting of all hunters in Okun land holds at Mopa, to which the researcher was admitted on few occasions. Hunting expeditions by the hunters are dependent on the blessing received from Ogun. Also the death of every hunter is accompanied by Ogun dance. It was noticed during the research that Ogun dance is still done today with pomp and pageantry despite westernization and the influence of Islam and Christianity. Sporadic firing of dane guns is the apex of such celebrations. The third category of special devotees of Ogun is the guild of traditional . Blacksmiths in Okun land are migrants, who however have settled long in their locale. The traditional processes of iron smelting consist of excavating ore from the soil, the sieving, heating in the furnace, moulding by bellows and tuyeres, beating with anvil and whetstones. The exacavation and sieving of ore are held as family secrets. The researcher was allowed to participate in the last three scenes. Their forgers are called agbede, and smelters and smiths are called alagbede (owners of agbede). Smithing is the major work of alagbede today in Okun. All forms of mining iron ore have ceased with the introduction of iron sheets from modern steel companies. When the researcher visited the only surviving smithing in Ogidi, the following were discovered: Big boulder used as anvil, whetstones which consisted of smooth smaller stones, bellows (made with hollowed wood, animal skins and sticks), iron harmer, water as coolant, assorted traps, farm equipment, knives, axe-heads, pieces of metals and armlets. Finally there are people who give devotion to Ogun for sundry reasons. First among these are commercial drivers who see vehicles as Ogun (Ogun on wheels). The deity is appeased to wade off accident. The Yoruba believe that Ogun drinks blood, and he likes human blood especially. To appease him, dog is sacrificed because dog‟s blood is said to be a good substitution for man‟s blood. Ogun, the deity of iron is also reputed as final arbiter in difficult cases. Litigants can approach an Ogun priest (aworo Ogun) to take oaths before iron for Ogun to arbitrate in a serious dispute. Truthfulness and fidelity are tested when someone is asked to cross over a gun or cutlass by stating his/her intentions and invoking ogun as witness.

Earth (Ile): The physical land is held in high esteem and it is venerated as a deity among the Okun. Due respect must be given to the earth. Lands are owned in trust by lineages. Someone who is not of a land owning lineage is at a disadvantage in the community. Such a person suffers from 74 psychological insecurity. Land is not transferable in Okun; it is always the property of the lineage. Earth is considered to be a mother that nourishes and sustains mankind. Rituals are not completed until palm oil is poured as libation on the ground. Blood of animals used as sacrifice is taken to be accepted only if it touches the earth. People give palm wine on their volition to the earth before drinking it. One can speak to God by speaking to the earth and one can give to God by giving to the earth. This belief is confirmed with personal names like Ilegbemi (the earth assisted me). Ethnographic data among the Igbo show that the earth is highly regarded and it is considered as the mother-goddess, called ala that ranks next after Chukwu (God), (Uchendu, 1966; Okonkwo, 2011).

4.6 Findings on Traditional Political Power It was made germane in this inquiry to find out whether there is recognizable political traditional system among the Okun. The research confirmed that the Okun have an organized and complex political system.The inquiry seeks to understand the workings of this system and its adaptation to modernity. Personal names of the Okun form the first pointer to the relevance of political power in their culture such as Oyewole (chieftaincy title came to my home), Adewole (the crown came in), Adewale (the crown came home), Adetokunbo (the crown returned from overseas), Adekunle (crowns have filled the house), Adebola (crown met wealth). The Okun have successfully maintained their traditional political system and have re-engineered it in the light of modern trends. The research found and discussed the various dynamics of the administrative organization of the Okun-Yoruba.

4.6.1 Administrative Organisation The traditional Okun political system is a male dominated pyramidic structure, where monarchism is the traditional form of government of the people. At the zenith is the title called ololu (head chief) which is given to the community‟s king (Oba). This is followed in descending order; orota (high chief), igemo (lower chief), gbarufu (non titled men) and women and children. 75

Ololu (King) Orota (High Chief)

Igemo (Lower Chief)

Gbarufu (Non-titled)

Women and Children

Figure 13: Schematization of Traditional Okun’s Political Hierarchical System Source: Original to this text

The King also called Ololu posseses the collective will of the people and his primary function is to lead the people and adjudicate. The position was open to all male, freeborn, landowner indigenes. High Chiefs also called Orota are the immediate collaborators with the king in the running of the community. Any male, freeborn indigene can aspire to be an orota. Lower chiefs also called Igemo are the ones who handle immediate matters within their lineages and quarters. This office is open to all male indigenes of the community. Honorary chiefs who are also called oloye oba are persons who attain this position at the pleasure of the king. It is open to male and female indigenes and non-indigenes whose main duty to the community is to draw government patronage to foster development.

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Table 2: Categories of Traditional Political Offices of the Okun

Types of Office Duties Cultural Groups Ololu, called King (Oba): Possesses collective will of Position is open to all male, the people. freeborn, landowner He leads the people and he indigenes. adjudicates. Orota (High Chiefs) They assist and collaborate Office is open to all male, with the King. freeborn indigenes. They adjudicate at village quarters level. Igemo (Lower grade chiefs) They adjudicate on small The chieftaincy title is open to matters within their quarters. all male freeborn or slaves, They Render assistance to the and settlers who have married King. and settled in the community.

Oloye Oba (Honorary chiefs) They are expected to draw It is open to all persons both development and government natives and non-natives, patronage to the community. residents or non-residents.

Nupe Jihadist wars and raids disrupted the natural order of ascension to the throne in many parts of Okun land from the 1840s until the Nupe were decisively defeated in the Ogidi War of 1897. Okun kingdoms are headed by monarchs patterned after Ile-Ife but subject to local variations. The oba in Okun land is the traditional administrative head of the community. Like the Oni of Ife, they wear beaded crowns which is the distinguishing mark for an oba. There are no hereditary rulers among the Okun but they are rotated among clans unlike Ile-Ife that has monarchical ruling houses. A king is first among equals of other chiefs of the communities and he is not a maximum ruler. Apart from the patrinage system which is the family governance, there are three principal levels of government among the Okun. These are the lineage, the quarters and the community levels.

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Community (Ilu) System

Quarter (Adugbo) System

Lineage (Ebi) System

Patrinage (Agbo Ile ) System

Figure 14: Schematization of Levels of Okun’s Traditional Governance Source: Original to this text

i The Patrinage System (agbo ile)

The traditional Okun familyhood comprises husband, wife/wives and children. It also encompasses the extended family that is made up of grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins and wards who form agbo ile, (family compound). Okun houses are arranged to reflect their political and religious organizations. The extended family unit is the primary instrument for the maintenance of the social order in Okun community. The olori agbo ile (leadership of the family), is held by the patriarch of the family who has social, religious, and political roles within the family. Agnates form the link within the patrinage system, though female members are cherished but they are not the major links in the family. The principle of succession of heads of families or extended families is based on seniority which recognizes the oldest man as the patriarch of the family. 78

ii The lineage system (ebi)

The second level of government is the lineage system called ebi. A lineage is composed of people who claim descent from an ancestor and are known by the same cognomen (oriki). Ebi among the Okun can be defined as a consanguineal (blood-related) kin group which consists of descendants of a named male individual through a number of generations. The basic distinguishing factor of an ebi is the oriki (cognomen). Ebi (kinship and lineage) play important roles in Yoruba cultural setting (Schwab, 1953). The principle of descent is patrilineal among the Okun, yet the bilateral network is equally reckoned with. As already stated, ebi is the primary source of an individual‟s identity in Okun. However ebi is not the sole determinant of Okun‟s identity and status. The Okun also take cognizance of entrepreneurial endeavours as forming integral parts of social status. It has been observed succinctly among the Okun that: “a person‟s position and status in the society is defined in reference to two basic factors, one is independent of the other. These two are (a) clan identity according to birth and lineage, (b) social status achieved mainly through personal effort” (Onaiyekan, 1975:19). This is the basis of the existence of strong lineage system in Okun land. By customary law, a Yoruba child belongs to the father‟s family and automatically becomes a member of the lineage with rights and privileges. These rights are principally two: (1) The child acquires oriki (cognomen), and (2) the child becomes omo onile (landowner). On the other hand, a child does not have the backing of the custom to claim his/her mother‟s family and lineage, (Lloyd 1955). However, as was observed during the course of this research among the Okun, the mother‟s family is sentimentally allowed to claim the child as theirs. By tradition, oriki (cognomen) which is the primary source of ascription to the community is patrilineal. Out of sentiment, the family of the mother often raises their cognomen on behalf of the same child. The Ebi (lineage) is the owner of an individual. All that affects a person, either good or bad, is shared by the lineage. All social, religious and political undertakings or advancements of an individual are done by the backing of the lineage. The lineage head is called Asuwaju/Olori ebi. He supervises and presides at all meetings. He takes decision on behalf of the lineage. The office of Asuwaju/Olori ebi is reserved for the oldest male member of the lineage. He enjoys pecks of the office by being given first portion of everything that is shared at meetings of the lineage like yam, palm wine, palm oil, money and clothing. He settles disputes among the lineage and arbitrates among feuding members. Asuwaju/Olori ebi is forbidden from cursing. He can swear only to confirm the truth. The 79

Asuwaju/Olori ebi can not be seen to be engaged in open quarrels because he is expected to exercise calmness and uncommon restraint when he is offended. The head of each lineage also performs priestly duties. He is expected to pronounce blessings on the lineage at the beginning of the year and he does so at important feasts, like Oro, Muslim and Christian festivals. Among the traditional priestly lineage of Okun land, such priestly duties may be delegated to the town‟s chief priest (aworo) but the Asuwaju/Olori ebi is still expected to make pronouncement of blessing on his lineage. The office of Asuwaju/Olori ebi (leader of lineage) is not autocratic. There is democracy involved, in which at every meeting, everybody has equal opportunity to talk and be heard. Titled chiefs have no advantage over non titled members. Primacy is given to age whereby the elderly ones speak first while the younger ones have the right to speak on any issue as well afterwards.

iii The Quarters’ system (adugbo)

The next level of socio-political organisation of the Okun is the Adugbo/Aku (patriclan quarters) system. All Okun communities are divided into adugbo/aku (quarters) for administrative purposes. Every community is organised into exogamous patriclans which are bases of residential units. All agnates of the patriclan show their identity by living in the same quarter and worshipping one deity. Each adugbo/aku is said to consist of lineages which are held to be related kiths and kins. Among the Okun, the theoretical identity of the entire community as kiths and kins, who migrated as brothers and settled in their present locale, necessarily means that the numbers of lineages are constituted into clans and quarters. Okun traditions speak of three brothers who jointly migrated to establish a community. Ethnographic works by Krapf-Askari (1966) and Obayemi (1978) show that the system dated from antiquity. Every community is divided into two or three administrative set ups (Krapf-Askari 1966). Details vary from place to place but the study of the Bunu, Ijumu, Kiri, Owe and Oworo groups show that the three divisions are Ona (way), Otun (right) and Ohi (left). This triadic division represents the basic building blocks of the community that have ensured stability and progress. Each of the triads is headed by an ololu (monarch). Nowadays due to the flourishing and growth of towns and villages, some new quarters have emerged which necessitated the creation of Baale (head) or Oba Adugbo (head of quarters) apart from the three traditional kings.

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iv Community Sovereignty (ilu)

The final level of traditional government in Okun is the community sovereignty system, in which the supremacy of every community is upheld. Okun monarchical system is based on community autonomy. Each community is divided into three quarters headed by a king. He selection of a king requires the final approval of Ifa, as a source notes that, “Ifa plays a significant role in mainaining equilibrium in the traditional political system. Every oba is given final nod by Ifa. Even if you are a Muslim or a Christian, Ifa has the final say in the choice of a king”. Among the three kings of the quarters that make up a town, one is chosen as oba ilu (paramount ruler). The obaship rotates among the groups in strict principle. Another source stated that, “The principle of rotation elps to stabilize the system. And importantly too the possibility of every male Okun to aspire to the highest office makes everyone work fr the system, because if the system collapses everyone will loose”. Socio-politically and religiously, every Okun community is independently and autonomously governed. Every village is an ilu alade (self governing, fully fledged state), which does not rely on another village for position, power or prestige. Kingship is non-hereditary. This makes it possible for every male, freeborn and landowner to aspire to the highest office in the land. An informant said, “No family is excluded . I am not aware of any group that is excluded from acquiring traditional political power. Important though is the fact that truants and people with bad reputation cannot be given chieftaincy titles in the community”. These concepts are generally adhered to, but in recent years, there are two communities in Okunland namely Kabba and Ogidi where due to Nupe influence, these tenets have been breached and as a result there have been internecine wars, which resulted in crises and fatalities. A key informant opined that, “In the past, things were very peaceful and orderly. That time there was order. The system was based on lineage system, in which one lineage succeeds another. Recent attempts which somw people made to jettison this system has led us to unimaginable crisis in the community”. Effective leadership of the village is provided by the political and religious heads. The political leadership is serviced by non-hereditary kingship system and titled chiefs while religious leadership is led by hereditary priesthood (aworo). The Oba and Aworo hold legislative, executive, military and judicial powers in the various communities with delicate balancing of power. Weighty decisions are deliberated upon and decided on by the political and religious leaders together. Today the power and influence of the latter has whittled down considerably due to declining influence of traditional religion. There is absence of in the traditional Okun culture which is prominent in other Yoruba cultures (Biobaku, 1949; Ezeh, 81

2004; Morton-Williams, 1960). The membership of Ogboni among the Okun people did not predate post colonial times. With increased contact with western Nigeria, some people enrolled as members for personal reasons. So far, there is no known iledi (Ogboni temple) found in Okunland. In a chit chat the monarch of Mopa told the researcher that he personally ordered the demolition of the one built in his domain because it was not part of their culture. Myths play important roles in every community. Two sources of myths available to researchers on Okun culture are itan (orature) and oriki (cognomen). The itan as rehearsed by raconteurs relate how the landowning lineages migrated as brothers from Ile-Ife, Oyo or elsewhere and settled in their present locations. The oriki of the different lineages also give details of migrations. However oriki when critically examined indicates that only few lineages lay claim to Ile-Ife ancestry, while majority of them came from locations within the Okun territory. Yoruba written literature has no doubt created wider audience for the primal position of Ile-Ife among Okun‟s traditions. In any case, no lineage claims superiority over the other and no one claims to have blue blood. Most lineages can count their members among the village‟s kings list. It is instructive that no lineage claims to have come with any crown from Ile-Ife or anywhere. Even if they claim royal ancestry from Ile-Ife, it is said that the crowns were left at Ile-Ife.

Figure 15: An Okun traditional ruler and his deputy

Source: Original to this text 82

4.6.2 Conferment of Traditional Titles

All titled men are conferred with Oye to be called Oloye (chief). Chieftaincy matters in Okun involve four principal rites namely (a) ifa divination, (b) sitting on ritual stool, (c) imposition of paraphernalia (akoko leaves, fez red cap and beads), and (d) beating of ceremonial drums. i Ifa divination: The deity/oracle of divination plays an important role in chieftaincy matters. are done by the ifa priest to determine the suitability or otherwise of planned chieftaincy rites. However ifa has never been known to debar anyone from taking a title, this is because no matter the degree of objection, ifa and esu can be appeased to make things right. An informant said, “Ifa plays an imoortant role. Whoever Ifa cooses is made king. Ifa is real”. ii Sitting on ritual stool: Chieftaincy stools are carved wooden stools upon which a would-be- chief must sit during the ritual of conferment of traditional title. It is while sitting on the stool that the candidates‟s title is made known to the people. iii Rites of Imposition: The imposition of akoko leaves on the head of a candidate followed by pronouncement by the conferral power marks the high point of taking chieftaincy title. This most singular act is acknowledged publicly by ululation from women. No one may claim to be a chief without the imposition of akoko leaves on his head. The new chief is also given fez red cap, and beads. iv Drumming: Two types of drums are noticeable as part of traditional chieftaincy rites in Okunland. The first one called ilu ahoro () consists of a set of leather drums which are used in connection with traditional chieftaincy matters. Expert drummers beat in measured strokes at prescribed intervals to the chiefs. Each drum beat communicates to the audience. During the taking of chieftaincy titles in Mopa, the researcher witnessed people who became excited when they heard their lineages‟ drum beats. The second type is made of a single wooden drum called ogidigbo. The researcher saw the beating of this wooden drum at Ogidi and Mopa. Ogidigbo is beaten at dawn around 5 am to wake kings and chiefs up.

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A man, who has been initiated as oloye (chief), is known in public by the wearing of odi (fez red cap), akun (beads) on his neck and wrist and holding irukere (horse tail) in his hand. The use of ade (beaded crown) is limited to the three Ololu (kings) of the three traditional quarters of Ona, Otun and Ohi. None claims to have brought his crown from Ile-Ife. Horse tails are essential for chiefs as symbols of authority because horses are considered as animals of prestige and power. Those who cannot afford them can make do with goat tails or sheep tails. The use of beads is however not limited to chiefs, it is used often as part of traditional dress by all Okun.

Figure 16: Researcher interviewing an Okun chief

Source: Original to this text

4.6.3 Impact of Modernatization on Okun’s Traditional Political System The Okun political system has been affected in some ways by foreign contacts. The heightening of foreign influence on Okun culture has impacted on the political system. Nigeria‟s modern political system has incorporated rather than destroyed Okun political system. Despite the intensity of modern legal sytems in the country, Okun‟s traditional political system continus to manifest vitality and resiliency. Ethnographic data indicate that the major impact of modernization on Okun polity is found in the settlement pattern of the people. Serious 84 modification has taken place in Okun traditional settlement pattern. Hitherto, a community consists of several clustered settlement but due to the influence of modernization, these settlements have come together to take advantage of modern road settlements, school systems built by missionaries and health facilities. Also, ethnographic data obtained by the researcher indicate that there have been re-adjustment of almost all Okun towns to environmental features which compelled the people to move to a new locales. Due to prevailing security, all the villages sited on hilltops have moved to the planes. The hilltop settlements were used for defensive and protective purposes due to the Jihadists activities of 1840s to 1990s. Another impact of modernization on Okun‟s political system is the large scale migration of youths to urban centres for economic, educational and social services which big cities offer. This has led to severe depopulation of the Okun populace which has impacted on economic activities of the area. Capable hands on farms have depleted, as a result, there are no large scale farm production in the area. Traditionally, Okun chiefs are independent of each other, a system which ensures that no king supretends another king. However, due to modern political system, the state government have graded Okun chiefs in such a way that some are classified as higher than the others. The Okun political system shows the synergy between religion and politics in the modern paraphernalia of titled men. Okun palaces that the researcher visited in the course of his research are doted with Christian and Islamic art works as the case may be. Politically, the powers of the kings have whittled down considerably because most of their offices and functions have been taken by Nigerian modern police and courts especially in relation to death penalty and imprisonment.

4.7 Emergent themes Anthropologists doing fieldwork most often encounter data that are not planned as original part of the inquiry (Ezeh, 2004; Ugwu, 2010). Though such data could be anticipated in a research of this status, following Ackroyd and Hughes (1981), Bernard and Spencer (1996), such data are termed emergent themes. They are identified and discussed because of their anthropological relevance in the discourse on traditional religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba.

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4.7.1 Rites of passage The traditional ritual, which is undertaken within a community to mark the passage from one status to another, is herein defined as rites of passage. This is very prominent among the Okun. It is by it that an individual is gradually and finally incorporated into his/her community. Anthropologists can use elements of rites of passage to study social hierarchies, values and belief systems of different cultures and people. Among the Okun the following rites of passage are identifiable.

i Conception and Birth Conception is expected immediately after marriage. Fecundity is praised because it indicates continuity of the community and reincarnation of ancestors. It is a sign that Olodumare is happy with the people. While in the womb, children are introduced to ifa who will be asked to decipher the type of child the baby would be and to determine what the future portends for it. Child birth is celebrated because children are considered as the greatest treasures from God. Traditionally, certain births were objectionable among the Okun in the past; these are and albinos: At Ogidi before the colonial era, twins were buried alive, while in Mopa one of the twins was killed. The researcher met a woman who said that her father was the one who defied the custom in Ogidi and refused to kill his twins. The placenta is treated with appropriate rites. It is considered to be the most important part of a new child. The destiny of the child which is personified by the ori is believed to be connected to the placenta, hence it is buried with rituals and hidden away from people so that no one may harm the child with it. It is the responsibility of the father of the baby to bury the placenta. In the absence of the father, the nearest male member of the family buries it. It is a taboo for women to bury a child‟s placenta. Women who deliver their babies in modern hospitals collect the placenta of their babies and give it to their husbands for ritual burial. The influence of Islam and Christianity has not affected this practice. By juxtaposition, ethnographic data indicate that the umbilical cord/placenta receives premium treatment among the Igbo. The venerable treatment given to the umbilical cord/placenta in Igbo land which Uchendu (1965) reports indicates that one is a diala (free born). Ethnographic data indicate that childbirth is celebrated among all African cultures. 86

Figure 17: An infant for naming ceremony

Source: Original to this text

ii An important part of rite de passage is circumcision of both boys and girls. Without this ceremony, one is never considered matured or an adult. Circumcision today is not as common for girls as before, while boys are all circumcised. Circumcision is done on the 8th day after birth for girls and boys. This is reserved for experts who have years of experience on their beckoning. Clitoridectomy is a widespread practice in Africa. In some Yoruba groups, it is done on the 8th day while in some, it is delayed as part of marriage rites (Fadipe 1970). This is also the case among some Igbo communities reported by Uchendu (1965). In Okun, the general rule is that circumcision is performed on both males and females. It is done on the 8th day after birth, although circumstances may delay it. Informants told the researcher that a child may not be circumcised if he/she was sick or if he/she was thought to be abiku (children who were born and who die prematurely repeatedly). Boys who are not circumcised face daily abuse and derision from their colleagues, therefore they were generally circumcised in the early stage of their life. 87

Women who were not circumcised before marriage were compulsorily circumcised before childbirth because it is believed that when the head of a new baby touches the clitoris during labour it causes the death of the baby. A woman told the reasearcher that clitoridectomy was performed for her when she was already pregnant. Another said that she was clitoridectomised when she was already mature. iii Birth and Naming Ceremony Naming of a child is celebrated. In traditional Okun society, the choice of name for a child can be done by diverse means. Parents often consult ifa so as to choose names for their children. Circumstances or time or place of birth can also be used to give names to children. The people give assent to this by saying ile lanwo ki ato so mo loruko (The circumstance at home influences the naming of a child). The whole concept of birth and naming ceremonies among the Okun is based on the principle of the continuum of life. Children can be either ancestors/ancestresses who reincarnate, hence they are given names like Babatunde (father has returned) Iyetunde, Iyabo (mother has returned), Yewande (mother visits me). The people also believe that a child can be a new creature without being a reincarnated one and he/she will be given a new name that suits the circumstance of his/her birth. Generally, some children are fated with their names depending on the nature of their birth. Thus twins () are called Taiye and Kehinde, Dada is a child with dread lock, Ojo (male)/Aina (female) is a child whose umbilical cord is wound around its neck at birth, Oke is a child who is born covered with its membrane unbroken and Ige is the child who came out with its legs during its birth. Naming is done by an elderly man in the family. Women are not allowed to conduct naming ceremonies but are permitted to give names to their children. The celebrant then blesses the child with symbolic items. Obi (kolanut) signifies respectability and the child is told to choose dignity and respect on earth. Atare (alligator pepper) connotes endurance, hence the new child is asked to beget and sire children, and endure in his/her tasks. Epo (palm oil) is used to calm boiling soup, so when given to the child, calmness and wellbeing are invoked on the baby. Iyo (salt) is a strong preservative; with it, health is invoked upon the baby. Eja (fish) is the creature that does not drown inside water; the child is told that the vagaries of life will not sweep him/her away. Orogbo (bitter kola) connotes longevity; with it, long life is ascribed to the baby. Oyin (honey) signifies sweetness; with this, the baby is told not to experience sadness but be blessed with joy and the sweet things of life. 88

Figure 18: Traditional items for naming ceremony

Source: Original to this text

iv Age groups There are established age groupings among the Okun. The principle of age differentiation is based on the understanding that growing is the most important indicator of maturity (Onaiyekan 1975). The first age group is the olusele among the Owe and ogbo among the Ijumu. The age bracket of this group comprises 5-15 years. The primary task of this group is learning etiquette and receiving education to be farmers. The second age group is omeko or ogun. At this age, the child gradually becomes a man. This is shown by the gradual freeing of himself from parental control in his ability to own a farm or learn a trade. He is initiated into the traditional religious cult so as to know oro (bull roarer) and he gains admission to the grove of ebora (deity). Next is gbarufu. This age group comprises adulthood. Next is the ijoye which is made up of titled men. Anyone who acquires chieftaincy title is considered an elder irrespective of his age. Finally is the agba (aged) group.

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Table 3: Age Grades among the Okun Age Cluster Traditional Names Age Bracket Omode Omo Owo 1-4 years Olusele 5-15 years Odo Omeko/Ogun 16-30 years Gbarufu Gbarufu 31-60 years Agba Agba 61-80 years Agbalagba 81 years and above

The concept of seniority plays a significant role in the socio-political system of the Yoruba (Bascom 1942). It explains the stability and resilience of the network of kinship relationship of the Okun in the face of westernization. The political, religious and social activities of the Okun are marked by seniority. It is not negated by creed, sex, position, or wealth. Baba (father) is the zenith of appellation by which a man can be addressed. Either he is oloye (chief), or gbarufu (nontitled), a wealthy man or an indigent, the best ascription for a man is baba (father). Iya (mother) is the equivalent for women. The same nomenclatures are given to anyone who is older than one‟s parents. Generally a man who is older by 15-20 years or more than someone is called baba, someone yet older is baba agba (senior father), a woman is called Iya agaba (senior mother). Age differences of 2-14 years make the elderly one egbon (senior), and the younger one aburo (junior). An elder known as agba (elder) among the Okun and Yoruba in general is one who has longevity and good character in his favour. On the other hand, a man or woman who lived long and has questionable character is called agba iya (worthless elder) or agba osi (unprofitable elder). It is also accepted among the people that a young man who has acquired chieftaincy title is respected as an elder. Younger ones are expected to act in deference to elderly ones. Younger persons are expected to obey legitimate instructions from their seniors. Seniority affects the way of sharing meals and meat; for instance it is improper for a younger person to pick a piece of meat before his elder in a common meal. The elderly one is equally expected to stop eating and leave a portion in the bowl for the younger one(s). The arrangement of seats is laid out in order of seniority, while in salutations, the younger ones are expected to greet their elders first. In sharing works and duties, seniority plays a role, as the younger ones are expected to do the difficult or disagreeable services. Anyone who jettisoned seniority in manners and speech is considered 90 uncultured and such a person will be treated like a pariah with whom people do not want to associate. The Okun-Yoruba value age and especially the seniority attached to it, because of the socio cultural privileges attached to it. Culturally, no Yoruba will underestimate his/her age, even educated ones cherish their age. However, the civil service system in the country makes some people to alter their age by cutting off few years so as to prolong their days in office for pecuniary purposes. Among the Yoruba, it does occur that people add more to their years than reduce it, (Fadipe 1970; Ojo 1966), due to the privileges attached to seniority.

v Matrimony Marriage to the Okun portends great anthropological relevance. Marriage is taken for granted as the norm among the Okun.It is a sacred duty to marry and sire children. An Okun marry so as to ensure the survival of his family, lineage and community. Matrimony maintains the process of life as a continuum in which there is the past, present and future. Childbirth is the answer to death in the cosmology of the Okun, in a community where basic health facilities are absent. Apart from the above, wedding and childbirth confer a higher status on those involved within the community. Furthermore, getting married is a sign of maturity and childbirth connotes divine munificence. Also, it is a veritable link between the living and the dead. Among the Okun, matrimony legitimizes children in the lineage and community. Even impotent men have marriages arranged for them to save them from public odium. It is expected that a man will get married latest at 30 years, while women are expected to be wedded after 20 years. The age brackets are not sacrosanct as people can get wedded much younger. However to be above 30 years and remain single will raise eye brows among families and relatives. Betrothal can be arranged by parents as early as when children are in their teens. Refusal to get married is considered sacrilageous because it is injurious to the continuum of life to the lineage and the community. While this research will not go into piquant analyses of the different types of marriage, it shall limit itself to two basic types of marriage in Okun-Yoruba culture, namely, monogamy and . Monogamy (the custom of being married to one spouse) is the more common. Polygamy which is a marriage involving more than one spouse simultaneously is practiced among the Okun-Yoruba. However, the type of polygamy among the Okun is polygyny (a form of polygamy whereby a man has more than one wife at the same time). Polyandry, a form of 91 marriage whereby a woman is married to more than one man, is not known. Monogamy and polygyny are accepted and both flourish among the people. The researcher‟s investigation shows that polygyny was not preferred to monogamy. In fact, monogamy is the most noticeable. However, monogamy is quite prominently practiced and noticeable among the Okun. Monogamy here means a system whereby a man takes one wife at a time under his roof, though he may marry several eventually. Matrimony in Okun is contingent upon three major factors which have great anthropological relevance: (a) to have offspring; this means that one is qualified to become an ancestor; (b) children serve practical purposes of providing free hands on the farm; (c) matrimony checks incontinency and concupiscence. Marriage is initiated when a man reaches puberty. During this time the close relatives begin the onerous task of searching for a suitable mate for their son. Betrothal takes place when a girl is in her teens. In some cases, babies yet unborn can be betrothed by their respective parents. An informant told the researcher that she was betrothed to a man when she was still in her mother‟s womb. She said, “Ifa gave me out in marriage while I was in my mother‟s womb”. No sexual intercourse is tolerated between bethrothed persons. In fact, the bride and groom are not expected to be together for long, except for brief moments. The intermediary (alarina) is the appointed person who is expected to convey messages to and from the lovers. Okun hinges successful marriages on preliminary investigations like other cultures that have been studied by scholars like Egbunu (2009), Ezeh (2004), Fadipe (1970), and Uchendu (1966). Preliminary inquiry is carried out and concluded by relatives of both the bride and the groom on each other. In the course of this research two main reasons for this exercise were discovered. (a) There is strict boundary of coital relationship in Okun culture. Due to the fact that there are ratified and un-ratified coital relationships that are either approbated by tradition or un- approbated by it, it is necessary to avoid sanctions of the community. In the first place, incestuous relstionship is forbidden, therefore, it is necessary to avoid marriage to one‟s relative. The Okun have the total abhorrence to incest, it is therefore considered to be a taboo. As a result, siblings and cousins are forbidden from marrying each other, to do otherwise is an aberration. Among the Okun, one cannot marry a member of his/her lineage, especially on the paternal side but less so on the maternal side. Onwuejeogwu (1992) and Ezeh (2004) have discussed, approved and disapproved boundaries of coital relationship in African societies which are applicable in this case. 92

(b) It is necessary to avoid marriage into a family known with debilitating sicknesses like leprosy, insanity and epilepsy. Also families with track records of unsavoury conducts like alcoholism, laziness, banditry and theft are to be avoided. Basic questions in the course of pre- nuptial investigations will seek answers to what have become the characteristics of the family in question such as sources of their wealth or poverty on one hand and reasons for their fecundity or barrenness on the other hand. Ifa plays a decisive role in all marriages of the Okun. Being very religious, the Okun hardly make a major decision without first of all consulting the ifa oracle. Before the formal meeting of the parents of the groom and bride, ifa would have been consulted individually on both sides to seek the desirability or otherwise of the planned marriage. It is the favourable outcome of such inquiry from ifa that will make the process to go on, while unfavourable response from ifa will automatically put an end to it. It is rare to go against ifa on this matter. Due to the influence of Christianity and Islam, many prospective spouses today might go to prophets/prophetesses for consultation rather than ifa to seek answers to pertinent questions. Babalawo (ifa priests), woli (prophets/prophetesses) of African churches and afa (Islamic marabouts) are both approved and celebrated among the Okun. It is common for the Okun- Yoruba to visit the three for consultations. Formal betrothal is called Ifini moni. In this ceremony, the necessary first instalment of bride‟s wealth is made to the family of the bride by the relatives of the groom. After the formal betrothal, they are referred to as oko (husband) and iyawo (wife) by everybody and the families become in-laws. Idana comes next which is the ceremony in which full bride price is paid on the bride by the family of the groom. Thereafter the parents fix a date of marriage for their children. Items needed include isu (yams), usually 50 tubers in number, epo pupa (palm oil), Obi (), and oyin (honey). Igbeyawo (taking of the wife to the groom‟s house) is the proper wedding. At this ceremony, the father gives out his daughter to the family of the husband. The bride with her head covered, approaches her father, kneels before him and asks for his blessing. While kneeling she will be advised by her father to be obedient to her husband and in-laws. Her father will invoke the gifts of fruitfulness and longevity on her. By now, the bride will shed tears. Next she turns to her mother who will embrace her and bestow on her maternal blessings, wishing her fruitfulness and prosperity in her new home. As the bride approaches the house of her in-laws she would be greeted with tumultuous orin iyawo (wedding songs) and she would be ushered into the house. Every new wife is expected to bring dowry to the husband in form of 93 clothing, boxes, plates, jewelries, and cooking utensils. Clean water is poured over her feet as she steps into her husband‟s house as a sign of purification and fecundity. Anthropologists working in Okunland will come to the knowledge that there are four different types of marital rites now practiced. Two are traditional while two others are modern. The first is the traditional marriage. This type involves the consent of both spouses and the consent of their parents, the payment of dowry and bride price. This is full trado-legal marriage in Okunland. The second type of traditional marriage is widow inheritance. In this type of marriage, the wife of a deceased man is willed to his younger brother or relative on the paternal side. It is against the norm to will such a wife to the elder brother of the deceased. The Church/Mosque wedding is the third type. This has become very popular in the area as most youths are Christians or Muslims. The last type is the court wedding which is controlled by government statutes. It is noted that there is a balanced combination of the various types of matrimony among the Okun. All the weddings which this research covered were amalgamation of three of the different types. The common practice now is that intending couples will first of all perform all traditional rites of wedding, thereafter go to the Registry to get court papers for the wedding and finally end up in the Church for the solemnization of their wedding. Traditionally, virginity is the norm. A girl who goes to her husband‟s house in the state of virgo intacta is celebrated. The stained white cloth which resulted from defloration is taken to the parents of the bride by the family of the groom with assorted gifts which must include kolanuts. Among the Okunran community of Yagba, the visit to the father of the bride is heralded by two gun shots at the back of the house (Otitoju, 2004). The import of this is best exemplified among the Okun by the Ogidi community who have their cognomen as Ogidi Ela aghun ni omo ti on ti obo re (Ogidi the Ela community that gives virginal daughters). In this community, men do not divorce their wives. To do so requires that the man returns the woman virgo intacta to her parents, an impossible condition. This certainly curbs the rate of divorce to the barest minimum in the community. Even nowadays, despite westernization, virginity is still desired by parents and grooms. However because of the prevalent high rate of incontinency in the society, neither the husband nor wife raises eyebrows when it is not the case. Some cultures in Africa have somatic marks to indicate marital status. As pointed out by Ezeh (2004), the Orring in Nigeria bore somatic marks to indicate marital status. This is not noticed among the Okun. A married man has certain obligations to his wife which custom has imposed. A man must protect his wife and care for her by giving her food and sire children through her. In Okun 94 culture, traditionally, a woman marries only once, but men can marry several times. A woman who goes for subsequent wedding(s) will not have any traditional ceremony. A woman who is married with full traditional rites cannot get married to another man while her husband is alive. If she is found in the home of another man other than her husband, she is considered a concubine and this is frowned at. Such a serious crime on the part of the wife attracts strong protest from her parents for bringing them opprobrium. Even this does not necessarily lead to divorce as estrangement is eventually reconciled. Divorce is rare, invariably, the stability of marriage is generally assured among the Okun. Matrimony is held so strong that even the husband of an alleged witch will not divorce her on that ground, though witchcraft is considered one of the greatest evils in the community. Divorce does occur but it is women that can readily separate from their husbands. A woman for good reasons can leave her husband for another man. She is expected to return the bride price in full. If the husband refuses to accept it or if she is unable to refund her bride price in full, then she is not divorced from the husband. If the woman goes to another man and has children for him, the union is viewed as illicit and the children are judged as belonging to her initial husband. Westernization and new religious orientations have not made educated people to jettison this aspect of their culture. There is a caveat in this matter. In some Okun communities, the payment of dowry and bride price has some underlying principles which are hinged on proper positioning in kinship network that anthropologists have reported elsewhere in Africa (Ezeh, 2004). In Mopa, girls who are born outside wedlock by concubinage are given out in marriage without bride price being collected. This bears reasonable similitude to the Orring case in which it was reported that procreation is a consequence of marriage. A child born outside wedlock is not “properly positioned” in the kin network, because he/ she has “no father‟s lineage” (Ezeh, 2004:87). vi Funeral Practices Death is a daily reality which the Okun have tried to respond to in their cultural milieu. Names like Ikukoyi (this one was rejected by death), Ikugbayi (this one was taken by death), Ikubolaje (death has ruined wealth), Ikusika (death has done evil), Molomo (don‟t go), Durojaiye (wait and enjoy life), Durosola (wait and be wealthy) Kasimawo (let us watch this one), Kokumo (this one will not die), are Yoruba psychological responses to the fact of death. The researcher discovered that Okun burials are principally undertaken to aid the reincarnation of the deceased 95 and to make life hereafter comfortable for the dead. It is discernible from field work that there are certain considerations which Okun attach to funerals. The first common indicator of death is the outburst of wailing. Ethnographic data from the fieldwork show that it is a common practice. Among the Okun, however, it is a taboo to cry or show evidence of mourning when a king or chief priest dies. A king does not die, but is said to ascend to the ceiling of the house (oba wo aja), while the chief priest does not die too but is said to go on a visit to the land of orisa (the land of the dead). The researcher observed among the Ogidi community that women cried only after the interment of the chief priest by masquerades. Informants said that people who cry between the death and burial of a chief priest will be fined a black she-goat to be paid to the priestly lineage. Kings and chief priests are given private burials as soon as possible with necessary traditional rites. The locale of burial is important among the people. From observation, locale of burial is determined by several factors like age, status, sex and nature of death. When anyone dies of epidemics like small pox or leprosy he/she is buried outside the community in a forest. Age is also a determinant of burial sites. When the death of omode/omo owo (children from birth to 3 years) occurs, the body is disposed in a shallow grave amidst refuse dump site accompanied with all its belongings. This is to warn the child not to come back and die young lest it risks being given a more ignoble burial. When odo (youth) dies, the grave is dug at the back of the house or at ajataro/ibaluwe (bathroom sewage) and buried immediately without fanfare. However, when an agba (aged) dies, regardless of sex or status, the corpse is buried inside iyara (living room). But if the concerned did not build a house, the grave is sited in front of his/her father‟s house. Titled men are buried inside the owa (reception room). The status of the deceased also determines the type of burial and site of burial. A titled man is dressed in his full regalia and seated in proper position to receive adulation from mourners. Also graves can contain many rooms depending on the status of the dead. Grave contents also form an important part of traditional necrology of the Okun. Burials are done with expensive clothing. The indigent too deserves expensive burial cloths to be provided by relatives and friends. Mortuary practices include ritual bathing, shaving and dressing suited for an interment meant for eternal journey. In recent past, grave goods are included to accompany the dead and ease his journey to orun (heaven). Grave goods include foot-wears, beads, clothes, snuff box, sponge, lantern and his/her favourite food/drinks. In the past, slaves and attendants were buried with the deceased, if he was a slave owner. In some communities like Illah and Ejuku in Yagba, Okebukun and Ofere in Bunu, mortuary practices include embalmment by the 96 process of fire-drying of the dead body for three months (Otitoju, 2004). The process has become obsolete. The death of a titled man involves extra expenses. The obsequies of women who were initiated into Ofosi, Imole or Aruta/Wepon cults are equally expensive and above all they require the rituals of burial to be performed by egungun (masquerades) at night. Necrology is the final rite in which the dead is numbered among the ancestors. It is necessary that the funeral rite be followed in detail so as to arrive at this final stage. The post interment processes can be longer and tasking. Masquerades are expected to take part in the burial rites so that the deceased may enter the league of ancestors. Mbiti (1975) opined that without these rituals the dead might not be able to join the ancestral spirits. Among the Igala, ukwu (death) is marked by concepts rich in rituals. The Igala see death as a reunion with the ancestors just as the Luo of South Africa see death as a process of unification with the ancestors (Egbunu, 2009). These burial practices are being observed, though they are tampered with by government policies which encourage the use of common cemetery. Widowhood is practiced among the Okun. Husbands and wives are expected to mourn their late partners over a period of time determined by the families of the deceased. It was observed in the course of this research that females are initiated into opo (widowhood) in a simple ceremony. In one of such ceremonies, it was observed that the elderly women of the bereaved lineage gathered the wives of the deceased and pinned black pieces of cloth on their chests to initiate them into widowhood. This simple ceremony enabled them to begin the mourning period. Due to the influence of Christianity, such initiations involved Christian men who were invited to offer prayers. It was discovered during this research that among the Ijumu group, only women are initiated into widowhood, but in Mopa land, women and men are initiated into widowhood and widower-hood respectively. The mourning period has more challenges for women. The fate of the women involved is determined by the family of the late husband. The duration of mourning has no definite time. It is fixed by the family of the deceased. It is common knowledge that some women are given long period of mourning because of their alleged strained relationship with their husbands or in-laws. However, among the Ijumu, widows are feted, well fed and treated well. Among the Ijumu, it is the responsibility of the bereaved family to feed and cloth a widow during the mourning period, whereas among the Yagba, a widow clothes and feeds herself during the mourning period. Widowhood is ended in a ceremony called bo opo. During the ceremony, the black clothe worn for mourning is removed and she undergoes ritual purification afterwards which consists mainly of bathing and burning of mourning clothes. 97

4.7.2 New Yam Festival (Odun isu titun)

Okun economy is dominated by root crops. The most important of these is isu (yam) in which the New Yam festival plays a significant role. In all Okun communities, new yams are not eaten publicly or brought to town without the celebration of the New Yam festival, a custom which non-traditionalists have not broken. Land and yam are the most prized possessions of the Okun. Yam is considered, among the Okun, as the best gift of land. Yam is celebrated and has acquired the status of extraordinaire food. The processes of yam cultivation are laborious and they require certain expertise. Farm work is shared so that men cleared the bush, tilled the ground, weed the shrub/grass and tender the yams while women plant grains and vegetables, harvest grains and other food stuffs but not yam. In general, it is the tasks of men to plant and harvest yam. However the researcher was introduced to a woman at Ogidi who owns a yam farm, where she tilled and planted yams and other food stuffs. Such cases are clearly exceptional. Although women were not banned from tilling, hoeing and planting, the Yoruba do not require women as co-farmers, but they serve as planters, harvesters of grains and vegetable (Fadipe, 1970:147). Yam circle is clearly marked among the Okun due to their geographical location. Bush clearing with cutlass (ada) begins at the onset of harmattan in October/November. The trees are chopped to provide good space for aeration and needed sunshine for yams. Grasses and leaves are left on the ground and burnt when they are dry. Heaps are made with hoe (oko) and yams are planted in December/January. Planting continues till the first rains in March/April, called late planting. There are three types of soil used for yam planting in Okun. The types of soil determine the size of heaps. The commonest is ofee (open savannah), which makes up 80% of the total land for yam cultivation. Next is poto (well drained soil), which is used to plant yams of medium sizes and last is akuro (water logged), which in some communities is used also for planting, it has the biggest heaps which are used to plant bigger yams. It was observed by the researcher that subsistence farming is prevalent. Generally this consists of a man and his son(s). The researcher saw collective farming (eesu/aroo) only on two occasions, which people said was very popular in the past. Responses to the researcher‟s inquiries indicated that due to westernization there are fewer hands on the farm and as a result eesu has waned considerably. 98

There are several varieties of yams with different degrees of prestige attached to them. Highly prized ones include these varieties of white yams called ewusu, okumodo, olaka, ogunmole, and kege. There are also some types of yam which are not highly valued but are eaten for relish or to stave off hunger such as ewura (water yam), Olo (yellow yam), ehuru (bitter yam), omino (aerial yam) and koko (cocoyam). Yam no doubt has become the extraordinaire crop in . Studies among contemporary cultures show that Igbo‟s versality in Yam cultivation is shown in their ability to count more than fifteen varieties of the crop which furthermore are ranked in prestige and functionality (Uchendu, 1965:24). Harvesting of new yams is encoded in odun isu titun (new yam festivals). Culturally, no one eats new yam before the new yam rites are performed. Neither is it permissible to bring new yams to town before the rites of new yam take place. The festival begins in June and ends in August on dates chosen by each community. The researcher participated in new yam rites at Mopa and saw that it is associated with religious rites, in which the first new yam that is harvested is taken to the shrine for necessary rituals. The ceremony is complemented with the presence of masquerades, sacrifice of a he-goat, and sharing of meals and drinks at the shrine. In Iyamoye community, the researcher participated in the new yam festival. Annually the ceremony begins with sacrifice to Owaja deity which comes up fifteen days before the New Yam festival. Despite globalization, Islam and Christianity, the New Yam festival is primus inter pares. Owaja festival and new yam celebration form one long festivity. It begins from the Sacred Hill, allegedly the exact spot where the founders of the town first settled, and it is where sacrifices are offered to the ancestors. The procession is always led by the newest wife of the reigning king called olori oba, who is dressed in aso ofi (traditional woven cloth) and carries the sacred Oopo (wooden chest) on her head amid drumming and dancing while accompanied by a tumultuous crowd led by the town‟s king, chiefs and town folks. During the ceremony, ritual boundaries are set for her; she is forbidden from looking backward, she must not hit her foot against a stone, and above all she must not stagger or fall down. The Olori oba was a Muslim in this particular instance. Informants say that the rites admit a woman of any faith from the community to carry the sacred Oopo, provided she is the King‟s newest wife who is a native and a free born. In Kabba community, New Yam festival is celebrated separately by traditionalists and Christians. First, traditionalists mark the New Yam festival with appropriate rituals within the Oba‟s palace, while the following week, Christians mark the New Yam festival by taking new yams to their churches for blessings. In Iyara and Ogbom communities, the principal day of the New Yam festival is devoted to the worship of Ogun (deity of iron). He is acknowledged as the 99 giver of good harvest. Communities like Oke-agi and Ejuku have modernised the celebration of New Yam festival by incorporating the annual town‟s Day into it. This is celebrated with launching of funds to prosecute developmental projects in the communities. The folks mark the day in gaiety, with the printing of special cloth (anko, or egbejoda) for the day. In Ogidi and so many other communities, the New Yam festival has become a family affair devoid of corporate communal celebration, even though the dates are still being kept. During the year when yams are more matured and hardened, the harvested ones are stored in aba (storage barns), which are conically shaped thatched buildings. The dry grass prevents sun from damaging the yams in hot seasons. Apart from basic sustenance, yam serves economic, religious and social purposes, in that it is the major stable of the Okun. It is prepared and eaten as boiled yam (ihon), roasted yam (isu ihun), or pounded yam (iyan) and snacks (epa isu). Though rice and have overtaken the consumption of yam as daily diets, yam is still held for prestige. Like the Igbo (Uchendu, 1966), the Okun man who has plenty of yams to sustain his family till the next harvest season is considered successful. Also, yam is still necessary for chieftaincy ceremonies and marriages. It is equally prized as an item for thanksgiving at Church services. Contemporary migrant large scale farmers from the Gbagyi, Bassa and Tiv speaking ethnic groups are found in the area. These produce large quantities of yams for sales to buyers who come with trucks. The researcher visited one of such markets at Aiyegunle-Bunu and made some purchases. It should be observed that the point raised by Uchendu (1965:24) needs to be repeated: “the West African yam must not be confused with the sweet potato that Americans call yam”. The New Yam festival has anthropological relevance in the sense that it is a community celebration which links the people together. It is also a time to worship the deities for provenance and good rain. It is used to exert control on the community by the religious and political leaders because they decide the date for the festival and it shows the inter-relationship between the religious and political leaders.

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4.7.3 Social Stratification Social status in Okun is mostly achieved by circumstance of birth and personal achievements. Okun communities are aggregates of ebi (lineages) which are distinguishable from one another by their oriki (cognomen). Four prominent social stratifications can be identified among the Okun, namely, gender differences, descent, land and economic factors. Politically, social division between male and female is very pronounced among the people. Most political roles are ascribed by sex. Maleness makes one legible for advancement in the traditional political system. Only males, both free borns and slaves, are initiated into traditional oye chieftaincy rituals. As was repeatedly told by informants during the course of this research, women have no significant roles to play in the matter. The public roles assigned to women are cooking and singing during the rites. In some Yoruba ethnic groups like the Ekiti, women are assigned prominent political roles. The position of regents has been traditionally allotted to women among the Ekiti-Yoruba sub-group but such is not applicable in Okun traditional system. The current regent of Ilasa Ekiti is Princess Jolaade Onipede, whose late father reigned for sixty three (63) years on the throne of Ilasa (Nigerian Tribune Friday, 17 May 2013). However there is a vital occult role played by women in traditional chieftaincy ceremony among the Okun-Yoruba. The researcher was told that among the Ijumu there is a ritual called ihekun (beading) whereby a new high chief has his hair plaited with beads and it is performed by “powerful women” outside public view. After plaiting the head of a new chief with beads, the women would ululate over his head. This ceremony is the highest point of chieftaincy rituals which only few undertake. Ihekun is considered as the seal of traditional oye rituals. Though women are traditionally excluded from the political system, this situation has been softened by modernization so that women are now given honorary chieftaincy titles. Religiously, there is a sharp division between male and female. Initiation into oro is the prerogative of the men folks. Though women are disadvantaged, relatively they have some leverage in the religious system as there are elements of significant rites assigned to them. There are even rare occasions when women have become aworo (priestesses). This is concretized by the interview of two priestesses by the researcher. Also there are women cults which are very prominent among the Okun namely aruta, imole and ofosi. They play significant roles in the religious system of the people. Anthropologically, they are referred to as “wives” of the ebora for want of proper nomenclature. Traditional festivals cannot hold, nor deities be worshipped and kings or chiefs cannot be buried without their active involvement because of the significant roles they play in the ritualism of the Okun. 101

The other social stratification of the community is based on descent by which the community is classified into omo-oke who is a landowner and free born, and omo-odo/eru is landless, slave and considered not free born. Nevertheless, both are considered indigenes. Semantically, omo-oke simply means “those who live up” and omo-odo means “those who live down”. The other name, eru, means slave. This is a divisive element of Okun culture which to this researcher as a culture bearer is clearly outdated. This study did not see any cultural roles performed by the omo-odo which will make this classification to continue. In general, is a common feature of African cultures as it has been reported among such groups like the Igbo and Yoruba (Fadipe, 1975; Uchendu, 1965). Among the Yoruba of western Nigeria, eru (slaves) are captives of war or people purchased with money. Importantly, a slave can gain his freedom after paying his own ransom to his master. Moreover it has been reported that for all practical purposes, slavery among the Yoruba has become “now entirely a thing of the past” (Fadipe, 1975:180). However, among the Okun the concept of slavery is very alive because it is part of the socio-cultural divisions of their culture. Unlike the other tribes of Yoruba, slaves among the Okun are not captives of war but they are so called due to birth: A slave gives birth to slaves. Nobody knows how the system came about and it therefore becomes intractable how to end it. In several communities, issues around it have resulted in wanton destruction of lives and properties. In Kabba, it has led to series of internecine wars which have attracted government attention in forms of military interventions and setting up of tribunals (Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Kabba Disturbances of September, 1994). The concept of omo-odo/eru has Okun‟s peculiarity. They are considered as indigenes but landless. They can acquire chieftaincy titles but of the lower rank. They participate in traditional religious festivals but they are not initiated into ebora (deities) cult, they only have egungun (masquerades). Omo-odo and Omo-oke may be best of friends who share the same meals yet omo-odo are considered ritually unclean. The community shares the same market and streams but they live in segregated quarters. There are no somatic marks to distinguish one from the other but the basic difference is that omo-oke has oriki (cognomen) which is denied omo-odo. The institution is found among Africa cultures (Igbo and Ezeh, 2003; Igbokwe, 1994; Uchendu, 1965). Using data from anthropological studies, it seems omo-odo/eru is a hybrid of ohu (slave) and osu (cult-slave) of Igbo culture following the constitutive elements of these as pointed out by Uchendu (1965). By juxtaposition it will be plausible to opine that omo-odo and eru were separate groups of people like ohu and osu but who among the Okun were forced to coalesce into one clan by dynamics of their history. Omo-odo were “unknown” groups of people whom the 102 migrants of Okun lineages met on arrival and were subjected to servitude as slaves (eru). Okun history did not show that they fought wars and conquered other people and neither did they bring people as captives. As opined by an Okun writer, “the balance of probability is that new immigrant groups, who left their original settlements, either because of antecedent hostility or the search for greener pastures, were absorbed by the host community but were subjected to the normal privations and denials suffered by late comers the world over” (Maiye, 2003:32). Considered opinions among the Okun informed the researcher that linguistic evidence can be the best illustration of the emergence of omo-odo in Okun culture. Omo-odo simply means “those who live down there”, while omo-oke means “those who live up there”. The analysis of the language refers to new immigrants who did not know much about the other group and merely expressed their mind by referring to the other group as “those who live down there”, hence omo-odo. The resulted hostilities among the two competing communities led to the oppression of the side that lost the contest for supremacy. There are growing numbers of youths who jettisoned this aspect of their culture by engaging in marriages across culturally imposed divisions. This is seen as important for the Okun‟s desire to weld a coherent modern society. Some communities like Mopa have completely obliterated the concept of omo-odo from their culture. The Okun-Yoruba discuss this issue in their daily parlance with statements like ranti pe eru ni baba (remember that a slave has a father too) and karan ni ise eru kafi ti omo je (if you are sent on an errand like a slave, be kind to deliver the message as a child). The other social boundary is based on land. Land ownership among the Okun-Yoruba confers status on someone in the community. It gives one access to political, economic, and religious gains. Social boundary is also marked by economic factors. Politically, it is only a wealthy man that can marry, build houses and acquire chieftaincy titles.

4.7.4 Life after Death Life is a continuum in Okun cosmology. From birth to death and hereafter, the Okun have carefully guided explanation to life. Upon death, the immediate possibilities for an individual are varied depending on his age, circumstance of death and his conduct while on earth. The good go to orun rere (good heaven) while the bad go to orun apadi (heaven of pot sherds). The man, who died at old age and is considered as having lived a good life and is celebrated with masquerades, is considered to have died a good death and will be regarded as an ancestor. 103

Among the Okun, reincarnation is an important principle of life after death. This takes three forms: The dead can reincarnate in form of a new baby. The birth of a male child after the death of a father or grand father is considered the reincarnation of the dead person and is given a name like Babatunde (father has come back). The birth of a girl after the death of a mother or grandmother is taken to mean reincarnation of one‟s mother and she is called Iyabo/Yetunde (mother has come back) or Yewande (mother visits me). The birth of any child is scrutinised by ifa to know if he/she is a reincarnated person. Another form of reincarnation is that in which a dead man‟s spirit manifests through his female children by spiritual possession. This is called wepon among the Ogidi and aruta among the Owe Kabba (Onaiyekan, 1975). The third form of reincarnation is by means of masquerades (egungun). For the Okun, masquerades are ancestors. As it has been pointed out in this research, egungun are masked human beings who act grotesquely and speak esoterically. The rituals of masquerades are shrouded in secrecy. Women and non-initiates are completely prohibited from entering the grove of masquerades.

4.8 Grave Offences Some offences are viewed as weighty and deserving serious considerations, because they pose great threats to the community. They affect the socio-religious fabric of the society and they pose grave consequences. These are serious misdemeanours which are classified as taboo and they attract severe sanctions. It was gathered from informal chit chat that the people employed various words to describe this reality like: crimes, misdeeds, wrong doings, malfeasance, malefaction, breach, violation and transgressions. The Okun-Yoruba refer to these collectively as ewo. However, most of these offences now fall under modern statutes. Offenders who commit incest, theft and murder have appropriate sanctions under the Nigerian law. They are arrested by the Nigerian Police and charged to court. Witchcraft, however, remains contentious and are best handled by the traditional legal system. i Incest: Sexually related taboos include coitus with one‟s own immediate family members and the members of one‟s lineage. Sexual contact within the mentioned kin network is termed incestuous among the Okun. As a result, marriages between members of the same family and lineage are not tolerated. There are severe sanctions attached to this because the earth has been polluted. It is reported in ethnographic works that sexual taboo has a pattern of being publicized, as is the case among the Orring (Ezeh, 2004), however, this is not applicable in Okun. Incest is a 104 grave taboo that is viewed as very shameful and a direct affront to the bond that binds the family and lineage together. Punitive measures involve the use of masquerades to inflict punishment on offenders and purify the land, while derisive songs are rendered against offenders during oro festivals. ii Desecration: It is considered an abomination to desecrate religious sites, ceremonies and persons. Persons, materials and sites that are associated with oro are considered to be holy. Related to oro are the ebora (deities), oju ibo (shrines), igbo ebora or igbo egun (groves) and egungun (masquerades). It is considered forbidden to uncover the face of Egungun, fight Egungun, prevent the outing of ebora, and to see ebora without being initiated into Oro cult. It is equally impermissible to molest women who are initiated to Aruta, Ofosi and Imole occultic groups. It is an abomination to fight the Aworo (chief priest). Equally too, it is a taboo to molest kings or titled chiefs. Offenders are promptly anathematized by being ostracized from the community. iii Theft: Theft is another grave offence among the Okun. A thief is despised and ostracised. His family rejects him and friends abandon him. It is even moreso for someone known to be a hardened thief. There are traditional ways of handling theft. The common punitive measure is that the thieves are paraded round the town with children and youth chanting abusive songs against them. In Okun-Yoruba communities, serial thieves and hardened criminals are subjected to the most severe humiliation. One of the punishments meted out to them is to call out masquerades to denounce them. Another punishment is banishment from the community. iv Murder: To kill a human being with premeditated malice is abhorred by the Okun. Homicidal persons, bloodthirsty individuals and wicked persons are considered as pariahs. A murderer/murderess is usually viewed as a wicked person or a demented person. Culpability in murder cases attracts severe punishment from the traditional court. As informed by elders in Ogidi, the customary court that imposed death penalty on persons is composed of the Oba (king), Aworo (chief priest) and olori Uro (head of Uro cult). For practical purposes, murder cases are now guided by statutes of Nigerian state laws, and traditional Okun courts do not carry out death sentences any longer.

105 v Witchcraft: Aje (witch) and Oso (wizard) are the personifications of evil among the Okun. For this reason, the Okun will do all within his/her power to overcome witches/wizards. Those involved in witchery and wizardry are considered wicked and heartless. They are construed as oni ibi (evil persons) who cause hardships, pestilence, accidents, misfortunes and deaths in the community. Among the Okun, it is believed that it is only a witch from one‟s lineage who can harm or kill someone. Witchcraft and wizadry are considered as the apex of evil and people who are accused of such crimes are ostracized.

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CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Overview Religion and political power play important roles in both traditional and modern societies. In this line of thought, this study establishes that traditional religious and political systems are the basic building blocks of the Okun-Yoruba society. For the Okun-Yoruba people, traditional religion and politics are important aspects of their culture. The two give the Okun uniqueness among the Yoruba ethnic group. A synthesis of the ethnography of the traditional religious and political systems shows the interconnectivity between the two. Structuralism presents a general background to this study because of the relevance of its general assumptions as conceived by grand theorists like Levi-Strauss (1968), Evans-Pritchard (1951), and others. It has been appraised for studying the “underlying and relatively stable relationship among element parts or patterns in a unified organised whole” (Hogan, 2006:345). In structuralism, the nature of phenomena themselves, as well as the subsystems into which these relations enter are the foci of study. These perspectives are germane to our study of religion and political power in a traditional but westernizing society like the Okun-Yoruba. This research also owes its theoretical foundations to the nexus which has been established between theoretical concepts and field practicality of structuralism. In line with structuralism, this study of the Okun-Yoruba demands rigorous deconstructionism as an exegetical tool, which is hereby applied in this study. Deconstructionism as used here is an attempt made to critically examine and interprete all the aspects of Okun traditions from the various perspectives so that all bits of data are extracted, separated and interpreted. According to Levy (1988), deconstructionism denies the possibility of deriving one absolute meaning from any symbol or text. In a systematic ethnographic discussion, it is imperative that we must begin by taking diagnostic steps like observing the difference between what has been and what might be, and also critically examine the cultural impetus that is largely responsible for the present state and we must identify the methodology which dictates the observable cultural traits. It has been mentioned in this work that globalization and westernization have impacted greatly on the traditional Okun norms, much as have been shown in anthropological studies in other parts of Africa (Dike, 1985; Fadipe, 1970; Gluckman, 1955, 1968). Despite the onslaught of 107 globalization, the Okun are located in an area where Islam, Christianity and westernization do not exercise dominance on the life of the people, which makes the subculture to maintain a certain level of pristine cultural identity and originality in the face of onslaught of modernization.

General Observation This study establishes a strong relationship between religion and political power in traditional societies like the Okun-Yoruba that are confronted with challenges in their attempt to weld a coherent and functional society. Since this is an ethnographic study of religion and power in traditional African society which uses the Okun-Yoruba group as the focus of study, the imperative of this research is best appraised when the study is juxtaposed with the fact that we are dealing with a globalizing and westernizing society. The study of the political and religious systems of the Okun-Yoruba people like many traditional but modernizing societies has not been ethnographically documented, even though some scholarly treatises have been written on aspects of their culture (Bakinde, 2009; Obayemi, 1979). The ethnography therefore involves direct dealing with living life-ways and processes, description and evaluation of Okun culture. The ethnographic study being carried out, which is concerned with patterned or observed uniformity of human actions, is a holistic and integrative study of Okun-Yoruba people. Thus, in line with structuralism, the research relates the individual Okun person to the cultural setting of Okunland. That the practice of religion and the acquisition cum use of political power continue to be of immense interest to anthropologists and other scholars necessarily make them objects of study in multifaceted ways. This study probed by ethnographic methodology the resilience of Okun culture and discussed the noticeable changes in the culture. Also the research sought to understand the nexus between traditional and western institutions especially in relation to religious practices and political power. It equally ascertained the effects of these changes. Religiously, data indicated that the Okun-Yoruba are very religious, and that they have a complex religious system which has functioned well within their cultural milieu. Politically, the research established that the Okun-Yoruba have a dynamic functional system which has been very useful in their cultural system. Relatively speaking, the face of the religious system of the Okun has changed more than the political system. The people seem to have adapted westernizing influence to enhance their political system, whereas the religious system is going into extinction. The greatest issue confronting Okun cohesiveness is the social boundary erected whereby some are called free borns and others not free borns. Social boundaries are cultural stereotypes. 108

Stereotypes are part of cultures and Okun has lots of them. The researcher asked specifically why there are not-free borns and the answer was “that is how it has been”. When he prodded and encouraged people to break the barrier, someone told him, “take the lead and marry one”.

5.1.1 Anthropological roles of religious and political systems on the Okun-Yoruba people Religion and politics have anthropological relevance in human society which has made them both integral parts of human life to such an extent that only human beings can be defined anthropologically as political and religious beings conclusively. Moreover, both religion and politics have become like handmaids of each other in human society. What are the roles of religion and politics on Okun culture in the light of this research? These can be stated as follows:

Integration: Religion and politics have helped to integrate and unify the Okun-Yoruba. According to Ibenwa (2014:61), religion has been useful as an integrative tool in all cultures of the world. In the same vein, politics and religion have also been useful as tools for social cohesion of the various segments of Okun communities. Within Okun polity, the religio-political system has ensued solidarity and cohesion in the polity. Though religion and politics are mutually exclusive, among the Okun, they have areas of convergence which enhances the collective will of the people to weld together a functional community.

Social Control: The Okun-Yoruba have used their religious and political systems as means of social control. Both their religion and politics traditionally help to control and reinforce the community norms. According to Chuta (1992), religion has acted as an instrument of social control in traditional African societies. The Okun cosmology, which is based on set boundaries by which individuals are bound to operate, gives anthropological relevance to the roles of religion and politics within their culture. These cultural boundaries have served as a means of social control and cohesion for the Okun-Yoruba.

Maintenance of Cultural Values: Another role of religion and politics on the Okun-Yoruba is that they help to maintain cultural values. The cultural values of the Okun-Yoruba equip them with fundamental values of honesty, morality, industriousness, amongst others. These are enshrined among the Okun people and their religious and political systems ensure that they are encouraged and maintained. 109

Promotion of Welfare: Religion and politics are meant for the good of the people. They contribute to the general wellbeing of the people. In this light, the Okun-Yoruba‟s religio- political system has aided the people to cater for the progress of their communities and ensure individuals‟ welfare. Traditional Okun religious and political systems do not depend on unbridled accumulation of wealth as being practiced by Nigerian politicians and religious leaders. It has been pointed out that Nigeria‟s woes partly arose from the lust for money by politicians who siphon government funds and are supported by religious leaders (Egbunu, 2009; Ehusani, 2005). This research confirmed that traditional Okun religious and political systems have helped to promote the individual and collective welfare of the people by helping to provide dedicated leadership to the community. The community will not hesitate to remove from office leaders who have proved to be corrupt.

Explanation of Life’s Problems: Human beings face a lot of challenges in life. They include misfortunes, illnesses, death, poverty, amongst others. The Okun-Yoruba have found answers to the vagaries of life within their traditional culture especially through the mediation of ifa oracle. The daily human challenges within Okun cultura milieu can be attributed to the activities of spirits, deities, ancestors, destiny, man and nature. This explanatory role has helped to reduce fear, conflict and confusion that could arise out of existential human life.

Group Identity: One of the functions of the religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba is that they give and enhance their group identity among the larger Yoruba ethnic groups. What constitutes the Okun-ness of the people under study are principally found in their religious and political configurations. Generally speaking, Christianity, Islam, and westernization have weakened the autochthonous religio-political system of the Okun-Yoruba but, by and large, the people still adhere to certain traditional cultural practices that give them distinct group identity among the Yoruba. Despite the enormous conflicts that ensued between traditional Okun culture and Islam cum Christianity, westernization cum modernization, the contact between these different cultures has resulted in acculturation that did not erase traits of group identity among the Okun. In essence, traditional Okun religious and political systems have helped to maintain their group identity despite acculturation. 110

Despite the salutary roles of religion and politics within Okun cultural milieu, the people are still facing some challenges, which partly arose from the religious and political configurations such as conflict, violence, gender issues, discrimination, and exclusivism.

5.2 The State and Personnel of Government and Religion The concept of statehood and personnel of the state among the Okun have distinguishing characteristics. Among the Okun-Yoruba, the state is coterminous with a community-kingdom. The kingdom consists of citizens who are domiciled in a community of few interconnected settlements, and who owe allegiance to an accepted traditional political authority and worship the same pantheons of deities. For the Okun, the state is the community-kingdom which is an independent state that maintains its legislative, executive, judicial, political, religious and cultural functions. Each Okun kingdom is politically, socially and culturally independent. The Okun community is a geographically and culturally circumscribed-autochthonous kingdom. In this light, it can be seen that Okun polity shows a unique model, whereby the size of an Okun state is not larger than a single community, which consists of relatively few settlement units. The settlement patterns show two set ups. The first are towns which are considered as ilu (original homes). These are also the capital centres where the king lives and the chief priest is also domiciled. The second are farm settlements and hunters outposts which are called igberiko (outlets). Okun‟s statehood can be described as mini-kingdoms compared to the larger political kingdoms of their Yoruba kins which are mega-kingdoms. Johnson (1970) pointed out that the Yoruba kingdoms, apart from Ile-Ife, achieved eminence because of their population and military prowess. This does not apply to Okun- Yoruba. Among the Okun, military prowess has no political or religious relevance in the reckoning of towns and villages. Also the size of a town does not play any significant role in the traditional religious and political systems. What really counts is the accepted ranking of seniority among villages/towns which is based on the status of being an early settlement or late settlement. Politically there are three basic traditional principles of kingship among the Okun. First of all, the basic ground of kingship is that it represents the collective will of the people. It is conceived as the peoples‟ commonwealth. Secondly, the principle of rotation is embedded into the traditional political system as an office in which no family or lineage claims exclusive ownership. Anyone with the basic qualifications of being a male, freeborn and landowner can aspire to the highest office. Obaship is rotated among the component landowners‟ lineages. 111

Thirdly, the people do not believe in absolute and the monarch is understood to be principally just first among equals. No Oba claims to be blue-blooded and there are checks and balances imposed on him. The first check on the king is the presence of two other kings in the same community in which none may act without the consent of the others in the general affairs of the community. Another check on the power of the monarch is the separation of the religious and political powers. In some Yoruba groups, kings are considered sacred persons (Lloyd, 1960) and are called igba keji (deputies of the deities). Among the Okun, the Oba (king) is not considered sacred but a primus inter pares. He is oni owo (the honoured one) and not deputy of ebora; only the aworo (chief priest) is considered a viceroy of the deities and as such the chief priest is held in awe more than the king because he (chief priest) is considered to have divine attributes. The chief priest is considered as the anointed one, who is “set apart”. The aura of the chief priest is strengthened by the hereditary status of the office. Traditions collected in Okun communities say that the hereditary priestly lineages were the first settlers who initially combined political and religious offices, but were forced by circumstances, not really explicable, to give up political power but held on to the more prestigious religious power. Despotism is discountenanced among the Okun. Kings with such tendencies are quickly deposed and sent on exile as cases in Mopa and Ijumu buttressed. The traditional religious and political systems of the Okun have varieties of religious and government functionaries and the way they work cooperately for the good of the commonwealth shows the import of this research. There are three principal functionaries that run across the religious and political systems. They are examined below:

1 Leadership (Olori): The Okun maintained distinct religious and political leaderships, namely aworo (chief preist) and oba (king) respectively. Civil governance in all Yoruba land is headed by the king, while the sacral duties are held by the chief preist. In Okunland, the king is ranked as primus inter pares. He is not viewed as hyper-human, nor is he addressed as viceroy of the deities, like their other Yoruba oba who are called igba keji orisa (deputies of the deities). An Okun king represents the collective will of the people but he is not superior to the people and their will. He reigns at the pleasure of the people. The chief priest is seen as a viceroy of the deities and he is the go-between the people and the deities. The duties of oba and aworo are mutually exclusive and the principle of non-interference is deeply engraved in the peoples‟ culture which enhances the stability of the community. Some importan functions hitherto 112 performed by kings have been taken over by modern states. Such functions will include execution, imprisonment of offenders.

2 The Council of State (Igbimo Ilu): The Council of State in the first instance consists of the three ololu (kings) and other oloye (chiefs) and the aworo (chief priest). The deliberative session of the Council is called iworo. By extension, it comprises the chiefs, chief priest, leaders of the youths, and head of the hunters and in extreme necessity the women leader is added. The functions of the Council of State are multifaceted. It has juridicial power, legislative capacity, executive function and sacral role. It is concerned also with policing, external relation, internal security, intelligence gathering and attending to health matters. In some Yoruba groups like the Egba, the Ogboni cult is the religious dimension of the political system, but the absence of Ogboni society in Okun political system makes it easy for the chief priest to wield enormous power in the polity. It is the Council of State that brings out clearly the strong nexus that exists between religion and politics in traditional Okun kingdom. The igbimo ilu is the avenue for mutual relationship of the religious and political leaders. The day-to-day running of the administration of the community is left to the king and his chiefs, but difficult cases demand the attention and consent of the chief priest.

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Figure 19: Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun chief priest Source: Original to this text

Figure 20:Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun Figure 21: Researcher interviewing a traditional Okun chief at Iluke Chief at Igbagun

Source: Original to this text Source: Original to this text

3 Pages (emese): This term literarily means “sitting at the foot”. This refers to boys who are Source: Original to this text palace pages. They are primarily the emissaries between officials of the kingdom. Emese provide

114 synergy between the functionaries of the community and they ensure constant contact among them. Among the Okun, this function is open to boys who come from the most influential families of the community, and whose fathers, or uncles or cousins, are titled chiefs who attend iworo (meeting of the Council of State). Emese is primed among the Okun. They keep safe the food, drinks and pieces of meat of their patrons which are shared in the Council chamber. They are smart and neat boys who will watch the property of their patrons with eagle‟s eyes. They must be boys who are known to be able to keep secrets since they are present at council meetings. They witness deliberations and decisions of the council, though forbidden from making contributions at the council meeting. During the course of this research, there were few emese seen at all the palaces visited. Palace sources said that the concept of emese has been challenged by modernity whereby modern school, technological devices like videos, satellite television, European-league and snooker have combined to take young boys away from the palace. The duties of emese are now carried out by civil servants and members of the Civil Defence Corps.

5.3 Traditional Sources of Revenue and Remuneration Traditional political and religious systems have cultural ways of getting sustenance and running the machinery of the state. There are four major sources of culturally approved sources of revenues for the Council of State among the Okun, namely; owo ejo (court fees), owo oja (revenues from market), owo oye (chieftaincy fees) and owo oku (funeral fees). Apart from these approved fees, traditional priests get their added remuneration for their sacerdotal duties. Among the Okun-Yoruba, it is understood that chief priests/priests are ordained for life, yet they do not live wholly on earnings of priesthood; kings too are expected to provide daily sustenance for themselves. Priests are expected to provide for their daily sustenance themselves either by farming, divining, hunting and processing herbs. Informants said that within living memory, remuneration for traditional priests have shifted grounds. An elderly informant said that he knew that farm produce, goats, and chicken were given to diviners, herbalists and priests. It shifted to coins. Now cloths, clothes, bicycles, automobiles, and building of houses for them have become common practice. The picture painted is that diviners and priests were generally poor in the past. Nowadays they show some affluence. Due to pecuniary gains, charlatans have entered the work of traditional priests, herbalists and diviners. Similar data have been collected among Muslim and Christian clerics (Ebonugwo, 2005; Ehusani, 2005). 115

1 Court fees (Owo ejo): As social beings who live in communities, litigations are prevalent among the Okun. The issues that can be brought before the traditional council range from land tussle, theft, marital problems, inheritance, fighting, breaking of taboos and committing of sacrileges and many more. Anyone can freely approach the king for litigation and adjudication on any matter. Generally fees are paid both by the applicant and plaintiff to the palace. Anyone who initiated a case in the palace pays a fee called owo ipejo to set the case in motion. The respondent also pays a fee to act as an acceptance to appear before the palace. After adjudication, a fine is imposed on the guilty party. Fines include goats, chickens, money and palm oil among others. By and large the severity of a case determines the fine to be imposed. It was noticed during this research that the traditional court is still very popular among the Okun, which makes this avenue a source of income for the traditional political system to subsist. People declared that the traditional judicial process is more transparent, faster and less expensive than the government courts. People who are dissatisfied with the judgement of the palace can take recourse to the civil court. Only rare and most severe cases are brought before the chief priest for adjudication. The judgement of the chief priest is final because it is believed to be backed by the deities. Ethnographic data obtained among the people indicate that kings and priests still adjudicate criminal matters, ocassionally if the parties involved seek their intervention, otherwise all criminal cases are handled by modern courts.

2 Revenue from the market (Owo oja): The market is another place where the strong nexus which exists between traditional religion and politics is brought forth concretely. This comes out in the joint ownership and management of markets by kings and priests. Community markets are held at an interval of five days in Okunland. There is traditional taxation imposed on those who sell in the markets. This makes it possible to get sizeable revenue on weekly basis. The tasks of supervising markets, repairing facilities in the markets and collecting revenues rest on the Baale oja (king of the market). Revenues collected from the markets are sent to the palace. Markets serve social, political and religious functions in Okunland. Market squares are traditional grounds where people aggregate for buying and selling of commodities and wares. There are shrines sited at every market, which underscore the religious importance of market squares. They are also the venues for major religious ceremonies. In addition, meetings are held at market squares.

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3 Initiation fees (Owo oye): A major source of revenue for the traditional religious and political systems comes from initiation fees payable by would-be functionaries. Usually, it costs a fortune to be initiated as a traditional title man among the Okun. It is a common saying among the people that to be initiated as a chief means that one has enough to eat and still has plenty as left over. The amount of money to be demanded by the palace depends on two factors namely, the grade of chieftaincy title to be acquired and the particular name attached to the title because some titles by their names indicate wealth and family connections. Initiation fees are prerogatives of the king who confers the title. Religiously the chief priest also receives tokens from the people in the forms of food, animals and money from trainees.

4 Funeral fees (Owo oku): Death among the Okun is another means of studying the interplay between the religious and political systems. Funeral practices have social, political and religious consequences for the people. Whenever a person dies, the chief priest and the palace are notified as soon as possible. Also, custom demands that the emissary who was sent to the palace will present owo oku (notification of death fee) to the king. It is only after the king has accepted the fee that relatives can begin funeral rites. The notification of the chief priest and payment of fees to the king have anthropological implications because they are meant to register the dead into the necrology of the community. By juxtaposition, it can be likened to Catholic funeral rites in which a fee is paid to the priests so as to offer holy Mass for the departed faithful. Traditional obsequies register vividly in the minds of the community that the spirit of the dead continues to live among them. This is found in other African cultures as reported among the Igbo, (Okafor, 2011), the Orring, (Ezeh, 2004), the Yoruba, (Fadipe, 1960), the Igala, (Egbunu, 2009). A person who is not given proper burial is seen as lost in the annals of the community. The chief priest plays the most significant role in funerals among the Okun. It is the responsibility of the chief priest to give permission for funeral rites to be peformed for the dead. It is also his duty to invite the masquerades to perform during burial. It was noticed by the researcher that muslims and christians tend to jettison this practice. However when the deceased is a titled chief, it is compulsory that the traditional fees and processes be followed no matter his religious affiliation.

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5.4 Post Traditional Governance and Religion Modernity has posed a critical challenge to Africa (Joinet, 2000); this study corroborates this assertion. Colonial ethnographic studies among the Okun (Meek, 1931; Krapf-Askari, 1960) have shown that colonialism, Christianity, Islam and modernity have impacted tremendously on Okun polity. Modernizing influences are noticeable in Okun political system and religious practices. Two prominent external political institutions impacted greatly on Okun-Yoruba traditional religious and political systems, namely Nupe Islamic imperialism and British colonialism. Between 1843-1897, jihadists from Nupeland dominated and ruled Okunland and brought with them many changes. Also certain elements were introduced into the traditional political governance by the British colonialists between 1897-1960. The major intrusion by Britain was the grouping and classification of traditional rulers into Native Authorities. The distortion of traditional chieftaincy of Okun land which ensued as a result of that act has not subsided. Hitherto traditional rulers of equal importance were subsumed under one another for the administrative convenience of the British Colonial Office. The Nigerian state continued with the system whereby traditionally coordinate kings were segregated into different ranks and grades. This is clearly alien to Okun culture. Traditionalists frowned at the grading of Okun kings by the state government into three groups of Royal Majesties, Royal Highnesses and Highnesses. Prior to the colonial intrusion, all Okun monarchs were equals. Also the availability of state police has almost removed the efficient function of traditional hunters guild in Okunland. The hunters were the ones who provided intelligence, policing and defence services to the communities. Due to the defect of modern policing in Nigeria, the traditional hunters are now organised into vigilantes who provide the needed security on Okun roads that are prone to banditry. The modern Nigerian police have not been able to stem the tide of armed robbery on Okun highways which necessitated the deployment of local hunters, an act which is working well. The building of central palaces is a new innovation in Okun traditional polity. Traditionally, the personal house of a reigning king is also the palace. So far, only two palaces have been built in Okunland. The first central palace was the Olujumu palace at Iyara, built in 1960s by the Ijumu. The next was built in 2012 at Mopa. The gap between the building of the two central palaces shows that the idea does not seem to be popular among the Okun. The Ilajo clan of Kabba also has a common palace used when a member of their lineage ascends to the throne at Kabba. 118

The religious system of the Okun has come under severe onslaught by forces of westernization and foreign religions. The office of the traditional priest is still held sacrosanct but membership of traditional religion has dwindled greatly in every community. A key informant said, “It is dying off. It is Christians who are celebrating oro with us. All our children have gone to the church. We are all old and now no one wants his son to join again”. Traditional shrines are left descrepit in many towns, while initiation rites into traditional religion are almost gone. However, the researcher observed that Christian and Muslim youths join the traditional religious festivals without qualms of conscience. A key source noted that, “Chieftaincy and kingship cannot end till the end of the world. It will endure”. Another said, “Something may be good, but someone may not like it. So oro is good, but children of today don‟t like it”.

5.5 Women in Traditional Okun Political and Religious systems Politically and religiously, women in traditional Okun milieu are on the margin. Women, either freeborn or slaves or settlers, share the same fate. No matter how successful a woman is, she is never initiated as a traditional titled chief or permitted to know oro. A key informant said, “Only men infact can aquire chieftaincy titles or be crowned king in our tradition. Even yong boys can acquire chieftaincy titles if their fathers acquire it for them”. However, ethnographic data available to the researcher suggest that women play significant roles behind the scene in traditional chieftaincy and religious matters much more than what the general public is made to believe. The research established that, by and large, women are discriminated against, but they exert some leverages on the religio-political system. As against enshrined positions to have priestesses, the researcher met and interviewed two preistesses. The emergence of these priestesses was due to some peculiar circumstances that are traceable to the gods. Also, the researcher saw that one of the greatest traditional roles performed by women in Okun polity is the traditional purification rites of the community. An example is the office of ajiroba which means “the first to see the king at dawn”. This office is exclusively reserved for women. Before the king comes out to the open in the morning, he is first seen by the ajiroba. The researcher visited an ajiroba and inquired from her what her duties entailed. She said that, she wishes the king long life every morning. But in chit chats, people opined that the ajiroba performs rituals to fortify the king every morning. In addition to the above, the infiltration of foreign influence has led to the introduction of Erelu titles for women in Okunland. Among the Egba, where the title originated from, the erelu 119 is the only female member of the secret Ogboni cult (Fadipe 1970). The title as at now is relatively new in Okunland being no more than a decade old. The specific characteristic of this title is just evolving. So far, it is given as an honorary title to important women of Okunland who are wealthy, influential, and have political clouts. A key informant noted about these women , “Strictly speaking thay don‟t play anyn traditional role. They are recognized by the reigning king for various reasons, may be a recognition of their contribution to the community”. Another added, “They are women who are very close to the king. They have his ears. They can influence things underground.

5.6 Stability, Cohesion and Change

Anthropologists would notice the way the Okun have managed stability, cohesion and change in the traditional Okun political and religious systems. It recommends itself to Nigeria in particular and African nation states in general. The need for political road-map is germane to Nigeria in her quest to build a unified stable and progressive polity, where up till now governance and politics have been marked by chaos (Mbah, 2001; Sagay, 2002). The Okun traditional political system provides a model in responsible governance in which political actors are not involved in do-or-die politics as practiced in Nigeria. The judiciary in Nigeria has also been called to question on several fronts. The Okun‟s religious system, which is characterized by peaceful co-existence among adherents of different faiths, is recommended to Nigeria where religious mayhem has become part of the country‟s experience for decades. In the political realm, Nigerian leaders behave as if they are above the law. In juxtaposition, an Okun king is simply first among equals. His title has no primordial privileges. There are no hereditary rights, because the office is open to all. Anyone who is a free-born indigene and who is a landowner can aspire to the highest office in the land. The Okun-Yoruba run a monarchical government which is characterised by its indigeneity, traditionality and democratic norms. It is apropos to borrow the term “autochthonous monarchical democracy” of Ezeh (2004:92), to describe Okun‟s traditional political system. The traditional political system is open to checks and balances. The first check on absolute monarchism is the freedom of expression which is guaranteed to all Okun indigenes in their culture. The next instrument of check is the traditional presence of three coordinate monarchs in the community; out of these three monarchs, one is chosen as first among equals to rule the community. Another check on absolutism is the rotation of kingship among the three traditional 120 quarters. Nigeria‟s tortuous political journey can borrow a leaf from Okun traditional political system whereby the throne is rotated among the component quarters of the community, thus the “concept of power shift” is traditionally embedded in Okun cultural polity.A key source said, “The principle of rotation helps stabilize the system. And importantly too the possibility of every male Okun to aspire to the highest office makes everyone to work for the system, because if the system collapses, everyone will lose”.

5.7 Anthropomorphisms

Ethnographic data revealed that Okun religious system is highly anthropomorphic. In the first instance, Olodumare, the God of Yoruba, is conceived as a pure spirit that has no corporeal elements, yet he is invoked in concrete human terms. He has no shrine, totem or priests, yet he is the final appeal in all human endeavours. Anthropologically, God is real to them to such a degree that He is described in human language as the One who sees, hears, listens, reasons and talks. He has emotive and affective characteristics which make Him capable of loving and hating. He can be happy or sad, asleep or awake, bless or curse, give and take back. On another level the ebora (deities) are strictly conceived as intangible spirit-beings. For socio-cultural reason of connecting them to the people, they are also described in anthropomorphic terms. The general name of ebora is oluwa (lord) who rules, blesses, protects, heals, sees, curses, gives fecundity, kills, gives rains, and gives prosperity at the disposal of Olodumare (Supreme Being).

5.8 Effects of Cultural Contact A recent ethnographic work by Ugwu (2010) opines that there are effects of cultural contacts which are noticeable changes that occur within social systems of human society. Though the basic structure of the society remains, there is a shake-up of the social system from within or from outside. Among the Okun-Yoruba there are noticeable changes in primordial cultural settings. Informants say that the Okun have lost a great deal of their autocthonous cultural lifeways, yet they insist that the distinctiveness of their cultural identity perdues. Data from the research indicate the presence of the effects of cultural contacts which emanated from Islam, Christainity and globalization.

121 i Syncretism

Anthropologically, syncretism is the amalgamation of different beliefs. For this study, it is the reconciliation of the differences in Islam, Christianity and Traditional Religion among the Okun-Yoruba. Syncretism, which is defined as a compromised form of religion, is prevalent in Africa, according to Muonye (2011). Syncretic elements are quite noticeable in Okun religious system which came mainly from Islam and Christianity. These foreign religions have intruded into the traditional religious system of the Okun and they are exercising tremendous influence on it which has resulted in the distortion of certain aspects of traditional religion. On the other hand, Traditional Religion, Islam and Christianity have symbiotic relationships and anthropologists will notice that they have impacted on one another among the Okun to such an extent that hybrid forms of the three religions are practiced. Islam is more tolerant of Okun Traditional Religion, therefore, it adopted some aspects of the traditional religion like polygamy, the making of charms and use of amulets. Christianity, generally, is least tolerant of Traditional Religion, for it looks at Okun religion as fetish. Nevertheless, the Christian denominations have acculturated several African religious practices into their worship. The most common are clapping, drumming and singing with African percussions and tunes. African spiritual churches have also incorporated aspects of Traditional Religion into their brand of Christianity, like placing sacrifices at road junctions, use of palm fronds and other propitiation rites of healing which have African background (Ezeh, 2004; Ezeanya, 2004). During this study, it was discovered that many Muslims and Christians patronise native healers and traditional diviners to find succour in times of crises. Many educated Muslims and Christians also consult and offer sacrifices to the lineage deities so as to gain favours. In any case ethnographic data elsewhere indicated that syncretism is prevalent in Africa. According to Ezeh (2004:91), converts to Christianity among the Orring “dared not violate rules” of their traditional religion. The elite in Okunland like their Orring counterparts employ the “strategy of avoidance”, without desecrating traditional religious practices. The best Christian and Muslim zealots would simply avoid the traditional religion but dare not confront or desecrate it. The researcher witnessed the recurrent symbiotic relationship between Traditional Religion, Christianity and Islam on few occasions. At Iyamoye where traditional religionists have dwindled to less than 10 members, during the 2012 Owaja festival, over 2,000 participants thronged the streets. This number was certainly an amalgamation of adherents of the three religions. The festival was actually led by a king who is a Muslim. The funeral rites of a traditionalist which the researcher witnessed at Mopa had more Christians than traditionalists in 122 attendance. In fact, the masquerades were borne by Christian youths. In the same community, the new yam festival was presided over by the Chief priest who is a baptised Christian known to the researcher. The symbiotic relationship is best illustrated by seeing the people freely consulting Ifa priests, christian healers and muslim marabouts without qualms. Culturally, Okun is undergoing a transitional phase amidst globalization. Thus the classification of one as Christian, Muslim or traditionalist is acephalous in most cases. Traditional priests who chatted with the researcher said that almost all their clients were christians and muslims. This factor is due to the fact that they form the majority of the population. Among the Owe speaking people, all the young girls who were initiated into aruta cult from the last decade were Christians. Though, parents weep when their daughters are possessed by aruta, because their education will be stunted, and their social life will also be circumscribed when they are possessed, they still allow their children to be initiated into traditional religious rites, because they dared not violate the traditional norms. In general, it is anthropologically certain that traditional religion is at its lowest ebb. In the course if this research, it was observed that nobody wishes to be possessed by the deities. Initiation into traditional religion has practically ended in Okunland, with the noticeable exception of Owe and Alu communities where boys and girls are still being initiated into traditional religion. Only aged women remain as traditionalists in Okun communities. The few who remain as acclaimed traditionalists see it as family inheritance that must be preserved because they are afraid that the deities might destroy them if they refuse to serve them. Many youths who participate at traditional festivals do so largely for the revelry that accompanies such rituals, and partly as apects of their traditional culture. ii Modernization

Modern technology has made significant inroad into all spheres of life in Africa (Joinet, 2000), especially in traditional religious and political systems. The impact of globalization and technology is clearly seen in the accoutrements of divination and paraphernalia of priests and chiefs. A key informant noted, “Modernization is the greatest thing that hampers us in our traditional duties. Methods are changing. Values are re-defined. Norms are no longer sancrosanct. Civilization is good but it is eroding our influence”. For religious purposes, Chinese-made padlocks are now used to make charms, which informants said have the ability to lock up the success of a targeted person. People who desire to marry certain individuals can “padlock” their prospective spouses so that they will agree to their proposal. Also modern 123 products have replaced traditional ones. Herbs and charms which were made with shea butter and red ochre are now made with Vaseline cream. Plastic water bottles and bottles are now in use as containers for herbs. Despite this, gourds and clay containers are still used, though on a small scale. Similar trends have been reported in anthropological studies of the Fante by Christeen (1958). Herbological practice is another area where the impact of modernization is felt among the Okun-Yoruba. African herbology thrives along with modernization and technological prowess. Traditional herbs are the first usage for most Okun when they are sick though clinics and hospitals are available. Among the Okun, there are experienced herbalists who are adept at their tasks. The anthropological relevance of this is that both men and women are involved in the onerous medical endeavours. Few of these herbalists use modern means of public address system to market their products. They move about in vehicles mounted with powerful loudspeakers through which they advertise their drugs. The range of these drugs are quite diverse; from aphrodisiacs to treatment of toothache, backache, waist pain, jaundice, malaria, typhoid, barrenness, and diabetes. Others are blood purifiers and even elixir for retentive memory. The uniqueness of these drugs is that the sellers claim that they are capable of curing all kinds of ailments. The potency or otherwise of these herbs will be left to medical anthropologists to study and verify their claims. The conclusion that can be drawn from the data is that, by and large, the people believe in the efficacy of herbs, they see them as affordable and also available.

Summary and Conclusions This study, using ethnographic techniques, examined the concepts and operations of political power and religious beliefs in traditional African society by using Okun-Yoruba as a case study. The research became necessary so as to document the traditional culture of authochthonous cultural communities before they are obliterated by external influences and due to the prevailing religio-political crises that dot several parts of Africa. It therefore becomes imperative to look at how traditional societies have coped with maintaining stability and cohesion in the polity. After studying the specifics of the objectives of this research as mentioned earlier in Chapter One, the outcomes of the objectives of the study are as follows: The study identified religion as a complex phenomenon. What has been described in this work can be regarded as an exploratory treatment of the religious beliefs of the Okun. This study 124 seeks to understand what connotes the “what of worship” and the “how of worship”. Religion for the Okuns has ethical value, social value, economic value and political value. This study discovered that political system among the Okun is monarchical. It is headed by an oba in which the sovereignity of each community is upheld. Political power for the Okun also portrays that sovereign power belongs to the people and not to the king. So, the issue of absolute monarchy is absent. The Okun hold important political and religious structures which have helped to maintain cohesion and stability in the face of the onslaught of foreign influence. The political and religious structures have enabled the Okun to adapt to the changing socio-political system brought about by globalization and westernization. There are perceptible changes in Okun traditional religious and political systems due to the influence of Islam, Christianity and westernization. This is noticeable in the post traditional governance and religious practices of the Okun. As a result of this, syncretistic elements have crept into their culture. There are noticeable similarities between Okun traditional system and modern political systems. The major similarities include recognisable leadership, separation of power, norms for political successions, amongst others. There are also dissimilarities, the most prominent being lack of Universal Adult Suffrage in the election of a king. The study equally discovered that there are similarities between traditional Okun religion and modern religious movements. The major similarities can be found in the concept of deity/deities, rituals, defined places of worship, and defined religious offices. As a result of the influence of foreign religions, certain African deities have been stigmatised which has resulted in the distortion of the people‟s beliefs. The study discovered a symbiotic relationship beween traditional Okun religious system and modern religious movement on the one hand and traditional Okun political system and modern political system on the other hand, details of which have been pointed out earlier. The following conclusions can be drawn from this study: This study has established the interplay between religion and political power in Okun land. At this stage it can be concluded that the religious system gave impetus, form and sanction to the political system of the Okun. Considering data on the anthropological developments within Okun traditional society, the case study of Okun allows for both continuity and divergence, which has great relevance to scholarly study of the socio-political aspects of Nigeria in particular and Africa in general where 125 severe crises have inundated the whole continent. The study of the religion and politics in traditional Okun society leads us to frontally confront the question of continuity and change, flexibility and adaptability. A key source opined thus, “Good titled men are a credit to the institution. Honourable chiefs bring enhancement to traditional political system. But bad ones debase it. By and large, the custom of traditional chieftaincy rites and political system cannot be cancelled. The system may be modernized but it will endure for ever”. The traditional Okun cultural system shows symbiotic relationship between politics and religion, though modern man/woman treats them as mutually exclusive. Ilega (1991) offers a rationale why modern men exclude religion from politics. From ethnographic data gathered in this research, it is certain that religion holds the strongest unifying factor for the polity among the Okun. Data indicate that chief priests once combined political and religious powers in their persons as priests-kings. In this instance, the lineages of the chief priests in all communities were adjudged to be the first group of settlers. Due to political exigencies the priestly lineage relinquished the political office so that it could be rotated among the component landowning lineages. They however held on to the important priestly office. The result is that any freeborn and landowning male can aspire to the highest political office in his community, while the priestly office is held exclusively by a lineage. The anthropological import of this is seen in the principle of balance of power in Okunland. As already pointed out, every Okun community has multiple kings but there is only one chief priest. The presence of more than one king in a community is a cultural antidote to absolute monarchism; it weakens political power. The Okun political system abhors god- fatherism which is prevalent in Nigeria‟s political system (Dukor 2004). The singularity of the priestly office at any time and its permanency in one lineage enhances the position of religion in the community. The cultural importance of this arrangement is concretely shown in the fact that priests were feared, revered and honoured more than kings in traditional Okun culture. Ethnographic data told of how kings have been confronted in public, argued with in discussion, and challenged over their decisions. Kings have been exiled, they have been pursued out of the town, their wives have been taken but no one has dared to challenge chief priests in any of these areas. Even in the midst of modernization, no one has been rude to traditional priests. Statecraft and religion are exclusives as clearly indicated among the Okun. However, the growing phenomenon of human mobility which arises from social, economic, political, and religious reasons has continued to cause a crossing of hitherto religious and political boundaries. It is not easy to state the clear overview of the current situation in view of religious plurality. 126

There are diverse situations from one community to another. Islam and Christianity have changed the religious face of Okunland to the extent that some communities no longer have any modicum of traditional religion. Children in their teens who are residents in places like Igbagun, Ayegunle-Gbede, Ife-Olukotun and Ogale told the researcher that they had never witnessed any traditional religious ceremony in their various communities, because Islam and Christianity have become their new religions. Politically, Okun‟s statecraft has remained largely unchanged in structure but it has been modernised. This ethnography establishes Okun within the Yoruba culture by its broad similarity if not exact patterns of culture in ethnic history, language, kinship network, religion, political, economic, social, cultural and moral affinities. What exactly is the nature of this relationship? This inquiry furnishes data that frontally challenge basic assumptions that have been used to establish this relationship. Oral history speaks of founders of Okun as migrants from Ile-Ife. The popularity of this strand of history would be due to linguistic affinity and other cultural norms shared on morals, social, religious and political systems, coupled with fertile literature that eulogises Ile-Ife culturally above other Yoruba sub-cultures. This study was able to unearth long buried data on the religio-political similarities and dissimilarities between the Okun and other Yoruba groups. The general observation to be made on places like Ile-Ife in the Yoruba history is that the city enjoys pre-eminence in Yoruba traditions. Clapperton (1829) and Frobenius (1913) amongst others have assessed the central role of Ile-Ife on the culture and traditions of the entire Yoruba nation by re-asserting the well known generalization that all Yoruba are descendants of Oduduwa, who lived at Ile-Ife. This study is critical of their submissions in the light of new findings in Okunland. Information gathered in this study calls for a critical appraisal of their assertions. Most people today will say Okun people migrated from Ile-Ife, which is a belated cultural statement which came due to increasing contact with Yoruba of Western Nigeria and profuse pro-Ile-Ife literature. Ethnographic data collected in this research challenged the popular Ile-Ife theory of origin. Oduduwa was seen as a son among the Okun rather than their progenitor. An aged informant said in the course of this research: “We did not migrate from anywhere. My son, listen to me. This is our home. That is the truth”. Colonial ethnographers had much to say in this regard. At Iya village, one of the accepted traditional ancient Okun communities, the following ethnographic data was collected: In the beginning of things, goes a tradition, there was an old man 127

who lived (at Iya) who had 5 sons and 5 daughters. These he sent out to people the world, one couple were the fore parents of the Yagba, they went North. From the couple who went to the East, the Binis sprung; and the Akokos from those who went South. The Aides descended from those who went West. (N.A.K/Lok prof 1644 vol 1). Following from this are archaeological data which show that human habitation in Okun predates Ile-Ife by several centuries (Bakinde, 2010; Obayemi, 1978, 1981; Oyelaran, 1991). From available archaeological, linguistic and ethnographic data, it can be concluded that Okun predates Ile-Ife. Olodumare is at the apex of the religious systems of the whole Yoruba nation. After this basic concept, there are divergencies in their religious traits. (1) Linguistically both Okun and Western Yoruba call their deities by different names, while other Yoruba call them Orisa, the Okun call them Ebora. (2) By nature Orisa are deified human beings, whereas Ebora are strictly spiritualised beings. (3) Okun deities (ebora) are territorially circumscribed to single lineage and by extension to single community unlike the Orisa which are worshipped across territories. (4) There are no statues and carved images of Ebora because they are spiritualised beings whereas Orisa are carved in statues/images. (5) Moreover there is lack of commonality in the list of deities among the two groups, such important ones like Oodua, , Obatala, Olokun, Oramfe of Ile-Ife do not exist among the Okun. “The ones they share in pre-Christian times like Ifa, Ogun, Ohonyin had different distinguishable features from those of other Yoruba” (Obayemi, 1976). Politically, Okun show outstanding differences from the other Yoruba sub-groups. (1) There is no concept of royal families/lineages among the Okun, unlike the established ruling houses found in other parts of Yoruba land. Every Okun male, freeborn and landowner can aspire to the highest position in the land. (2) Politically every Okun polity is a mini-kigdom which means that it is circumscribed by geography, religion and politics whereby every community is independent and sovereign unlike the mega kingdoms of Ijebu, Oyo, , Ife and others. (3) Grand central palaces and prominence of Ogboni cult mark the Yoruba political system (Llord, 1968; Ezeh, 2004), but they are not applicable within the Okun milieu. It became necessary to point out linguistic infiltrations among the Okun. Their language today is composed of 95 percent Yoruba with 5 percent elements of Hausa, Nupe and English words. Words like adura (prayer), alafia (health), amin (amen), shaba (deputy), etsu (King), gbarufu (non titled adult) and names like Bello, Jimoh, Makun, are of Nupe origin. These 128 resulted from Nupe‟s hegemony on the Okun from 1830-1897. Also English has passed into Okun language with words like „and co.‟ now called anko (clothe for company of friends), „aunty‟ now called anti for elder sister which is egbon obirin, also „elder brother‟ now called boda which is egbon okunrin, and mama (mum/mother) instead of Iya. Globalization has precipitated severe cultural shock and changes in Okunland as in other parts of Africa and elsewhere (Ezeh, 2004, Ugwu, 2010). Ethnographic evidences from Okun suggest resilience on their part as the people responded to external cultural infiltrations as Dike (1958) and Ezeh (2004) reported in their ethnographies of the Igbo and Orring respectively. Data on the field indicated that the traditional religion of the Okun has been worsted, while the political system has adjusted favourably to emerging trends. The research also has evidence of the erosion of traditional ethos. The erosion of traditional ethical norms among the Okun can be illustrated by two examples. First is oath. Oath taking is viewed as a serious matter among the Okun. No one wants to be forced to take an oath, especially at shrines. Due to the influence of Christianity and Islam, oath taking with traditional methods is discountenanced. Instead of using the dreaded traditional methods of dane gun, bow, poisoned arrows, and cutlass, people now prefer to take oaths by Bible and Quran. All the Christians that were interviewed said that they expect forgiveness from God if they confess their sins in secret to a priest or plead the “Blood of Jesus”, depending on individuals, after advertently lying on oath with the Bible. The anthropological relevance of this is that the erosion of traditional ethical norms has created high level of unfaithfulness in business, marital, political and social relationships. This position is supported by Christeen (1958), Ugweye (2003) and William (2006). Another illustration of the erosion of traditional ethos among the Okun is seen among the political leaders. The researcher participated at several title-taking ceremonies at Mopa where such rites were held in public due to the influence of Christianity. Traditionally, such ceremonies should take place in the recesses of the palace. Moreover, at Mopa as well, Clergymen led the prayer session with Bible reading and homily, instead of traditional invocation by traditional priests. In the course of this study, the reseacher was called on three different occasions to lead such prayers and preach at chieftaincy ceremonies at Mopa. Data accrued from the research indicated evidence of acculturation in the political system. This is shown by kings in Okun land who indicate their religious affiliations in the way they dress. There are kings who wore Islamic or Catholic rosaries depending on their faiths alongside traditional beads on their necks. There are Muslim kings in Okun land who wear the turban like northern emirs, but do not wear the Yoruba beaded crowns. Some palaces are 129 decorated with huge crucifixes and pictures of Jesus and Virgin Mary. However it has been observed by Herskovits and Bascom (1959:3) that “there is no African culture which has not been affected in some way by European contact and there is none which has entirely given way before it”. This is a fair anthropological representation of Okunland. The research can conclude that the Okun political system offers plausible explanations for the emergence of mega states in Yorubaland. The anthropologist Keesing (1958:294) posits that “the simplest groupings foreshadowed the ordered elements that comprise the modern state” which is applicable to Okun and the mega Yoruba geo-polities. The Okun-Yoruba political organization comes from amalgamation of lineages which was accentuated by geographical proximity, acceptance of common pantheon and cohesion of political office. The simple grouping of community-kingdoms in Okun has been adjudged to serve one central purpose as they provide the stage from which all of the great kingdoms of Yoruba took off (Obayemi, 1977). Scholars like Clapperton (1829) and Frobenius (1913) have buttressed the importance of Ile-Ife in the culture of the Yoruba nation, and several authors have reasserted the well known generalization that all Yoruba are descendants of Oduduwa who lived at Ile-Ife. Archaeological and anthropological data, however, point to the antiquity of Okunland as predating Ile-Ife by several centuries (Bakinde, 2009; Obayemi, 1977, 1985; Oyelaran, 1996, 1998). Anthropological data from this research support the scientific fact that Okunland is older than Ile-Ife. The continuation and prevalence of social control and stratification in Okunland despite modernization is shown in this study. Anthropologists could apply the persistency of structuralism‟s paradigms in Okun land which are exemplified by the various forms of opposing qualities such as gender issues, landowners versus landless, initiates versus non initiates. By deconstructing Okun‟s religion, this study discovers the tension between religio-ethical rationalizations of the Okun, which unlike Islam or Christianity is not a determinant of salvation. Thus traditional Okun religion does not have salvific person nor does it preach salvation for its members. Ethically though, those who are good will go to orun rere (good heaven), while the bad ones go to orun apadi (heaven of potsherds); the same terms that Yoruba Muslims and Christians used to render heaven and hell in their translations of the Koran and the Bible. Also Okun religious and political systems are not based on economic rationalization. The death practices can be seen as parts of the symbols and referents of Okun, especially so in this part of the world where we have to deal with unwritten histories. We can use ethnographic derived symbols and referents of the mortuary practices to test models that are specifically formulated to link the past and the present. Importantly too, as part of the study on the necrology of the Okun- 130

Yoruba, the ethnographer can take note of the extent of social boundaries which are shown by graves and grave-goods that can furnish a lot of data on the Okun-Yoruba.

Structuralism, Religion and Politics Structuralism gains current as an important method of analysis in multiple fields of study such as Anthropology, Biology, Sociology, Psychology, Linguistics and Philosophy. Structuralism brought to bear on Anthropology a realization of the nexus between language and culture. It helps scholars to understand that cultural elements are meaningful if they are interpreted in terms of their relationship with the larger system. It is in this light that structuralism as an anthropological theory is examined in relation to religion and poitics. The basic relevance of structuralism to this study can be examined in its capacity to uncover structures that connect human activities, thinking and feelings. It is also apropos to this study because it espouses the interrelations of human life phenomena as well as the study of the subsystems into which these relations enter (Saussure, 1966). Structuralism‟s claim and the correlates, though fundamental, did not form the overriding principles of the religio-political organization among the Okun communities. The validity of structuralism can be measured by the specificity of delineated roles which form the totality of variables which many structural scholars tend to ignore. Vital areas of modern life like ecology, subsistence and social mobility are variables found in all Okun communities as in all human communities, but the combination of these factors have not and may never be constant for different people at different locales and at different times (Andah 1988). Using structuralist‟s paradigms, the study of Okun‟s religious and political systems has helped to critically examine the very nature of the people‟s cultural phenomena in general. This has helped to study the various subsystems into which these relations enter, especially as they relate to the cultural elasticity, resiliency, dynamism and vulnerability of Okun cultural group. Theoretical orientations prior to strcucturalism have been embedded in orthodox apologetics which primarily dealt with upholding the supernaturalities of the history of mankind. With structuralism, rigorous theoretical orientations and methods have been employed by social scientists to study aspects of religion and politics. It thus became pertinent for this researcher to be concerned with the present culture that pervades Okun cultural milieu. According to Piaget (1968:5), “the notion of structure is comprised of three key ideas: the idea of wholeness, the idea of transformation, the idea of self-regulation. 131

In this study of the Okun, structuralism has provided a ground for a critic of Hegelian evolutionism and Marxian perspective of history which have entrenched the idea that human societies made unilineal progressive development and went through successive stages, going from small scale to large scale (Caneiro, 2003; Dawkins, 2010; Embar, 2014). Within the Okun cultural milieu, the perspective that bigger political centralization and bureaucracy are indications of advanced political systems is untenable, because it does not properly provide an adequate anthropological basis for such a perspective. The idea of wholeness which is a notion of structuralism can account for the existence and vitality of mini-political systems. Anthropologically, there is no datum to indicate, either remotely or otherwise, that the mini- political systems of Okun land is not an advanced polity. The idea of self-regulation of structuralism indicates that the mini-polities of Okun land are not less developed, less complexed or less structured than the mega-polities. Structuralism has enriched anthropology with a deep reflection on the nexus between culture and language (Levi Strauss, 1968; Saussure, 1966). This research on the religion and politics of Okun indicates that culture is more than language. There are non-linguistic symbolisms that make anthropological statements in traditional Okun society. The religio-political rituals of the Okun contain diverse elements of speech, gesture and the use of ritual objects. Therefore, the main focus of structuralism and post-structuralism on syntagmatic relations of the Saussurean notions and Levi Straussian communicative forms fail to explain the pervasiveness of Okun culture so that despite the onslaught of modernization, Christianity and Islam, the Okun still maintain an autochthonous culture. Moreover, the ethnography of Okun religio-political systems show that language is not the most important element in their interpersonal discourse. This study shows that Okun language does not inextricably constitute the sole means of cultural expressions. Structuralism has largely excluded the study of the complexity of Okun‟s spirituality and relegated the dynamics of its social institutions. The application of Structuralism to the study of the religion and politics of the Okun-Yoruba has helped to put the study in sharp focus. It has shown the resilience and change that are taking place within Okun cultural milieu. Structuralism, the theoretical orientation adopted for this research, has provided a holistic and integrative study of the Okun. It also provides a theoretical base and support for this research. It has been useful because of its concern with observed uniformity of human actions, the relations between the diachronic and synchronic, the objective analysis and subjective experience, and the use of binary oppositions. The usefulness of structuralism to this study notwithstanding, its use can be critiqued on the following four points: (1) Structuralism, though effective, proves to be static and 132 a historical theory in the explanation of Okun cultural milieu. (2) Structuralism does not accont for human individuality within the Okun culture. (3) The theory does not account for independent human act. (4) The dynamic aspects and vitality of Okun culture are not adequately addresses by Structuralism.

Recommendations This ethnographic study aimed to examine the traditional religious and political systems of the Okun-Yoruba. It became germane to discuss religio-political interplay within the larger intellectual discourse and also to show how the Okun-Yoruba have achieved synergy of religious and political systems within their communities. It became salutary for its relevance to modern African states which are grappling with crises to learn how traditional communities, which have come under the influence of globalization and westernization, have wielded coherence and change. Anthropologists, from the data drawn from this study, have onerous duty to research, document and make available to governments the dynamics which make traditional societies to work maximally without bellicosity between adherents of various faiths and political divide. A number of the educated suffer from what can be called “cultural illiteracy”. The danger is real, because ignorance of this status can be manifested in phobias, which impede national cohesion, a necessity in Nigeria‟s quest for nationhood. To solve the problems of cultural illiteracy and phobia and create national cohesion, it is recommended that academic syllabuses in Nigeria should have basic courses in cultural anthropology. In a study of this nature, topics such as religion and social responsibility, politicization of religion and militarization of faiths in Nigeria, African religion and evolutionism and religious fundamentalism are germane but they are not covered in this research. Furthermore, it would be of interest if linguistic study is undertaken to show the richness of the Okun trado-religious and social systems in a way that will be properly suited for the fields of symbolic anthropology and linguistics. This is not covered in this research and it is recommended for further study. Considering the success of the Okun-Yoruba in welding a coherent society with traditional life-ways in spite of the onslaught of westernization, they present for African societies with a case study on continuity and change in cultural setting. However, a certain area of culture that needs to be studied and remedied in the light of modern anthropology is the issue of class differentiation into free born and non-free born, which divides the community. 133

Moreover, it would be worthwhile to examine the entire ingredients of collaboration between religion and politics in traditional societies. This task will help to ameliorate violence in modern African states. This calls for the integration of aspects of traditional norms with modern methods and ways of life. Westernization and globalization have brought rewarding enterprises, however societies which have not been able to titrate and manage them successfully have not benefitted much from them. This study has shown that traditional but westernizing societies often become dysfunctional. A deliberate synthesis of both traditional and modern systems can help to assuage the present failures of African states. This study confirms the works of scholars like Basden (1983), Ezeh (2004), and Meek (1931), on the gradual erasure of autochthonous institutions in Africa and their replacement with foreign ones. This ethnography submits that there is need to preserve indigenous communities from cultural annihilation.

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Appendices Appendix A FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION GUIDE Introductory Remarks Focus Group Discussions are research techniques used in this research among selected discussants to discuss issues. Discussants were made to discuss the topic rather than talk to one another. The researcher let the discussants know that comments, opinions, and suggestions were welcomed and that they will be treated with maximum confidentiality. The followings are guides used for Focus Group Discussions.

SECTION A: Issues on Religion 1. Do traditional rites have great influence on the Okun people? (The researcher probed for specific aspects in which socio-religious rites are vulnerable on one hand to globalization, and resilient on another hand. The researcher obtained relevant data on practices like rites of passage, initiation rites, marriage rites, burial rites, new yam rites, and others). 2. What do you think are the greatest challenges facing traditional Okun religion? (Researcher probed for activities of Muslim and Christian missionaries and the effect of modernization on Okun people and their culture). 3. What are the elements of enculturation and acculturation of religious practices noticeable in Okunland? (Researcher probed for possible causes of diffusion and independent evolution of religious rites in traditional Okun culture).

SECTION B: Issues on Political Power 1. Which group of the populace do you think would be affected negatively if the present political structure of the Okun people is changed? (Researcher probed for those who enjoy political patronage and seek clarification for the likely effects of such changes on the community in general. Who benefits/looses if there is alteration in the modus operandi of political structure?) 2. What in your opinion is the relationship, similarities and differences between Okun political structure and the larger Yoruba group? (Researcher probed for the specifics in traditional Yoruba and Okun political systems by taking note of similarities and dissimilarities between the two). 3. Do you know of any institution which is the sole regulatory/supervisory authority in matters of political power and religion in Okunland? (Researcher probed for the existence or absence of 146 kingmakers as well as the presence or absence of Ifa oracle in choosing the monarch and chief priest). 4. What in your opinion is the future of traditional power and religion in Okunland? (Researcher probed for activities and programmes that are inimical to the existence of traditional political and religious configurations among the Okun people).

Conclusion The researcher expressed sincere appreciation to the discussants and played part of the tape to their hearing.

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Appendix B KEY PERSONS INTERVIEW GUIDE Introductory Remarks The researcher explained the purpose of the interview. He ensured that a good rapport was established with the people while stressing that all comments and opinions were germane to the research. He emphasised on confidentiality. The following were used in executing the In-Depth Interview:

SECTION A: In-Depth Interview guide on traditional political power system of Okun-Yoruba people. 1. What do you understand as traditional political power? (The researcher probed for what this statement entails, focusing on who can acquire power and who cannot among the Okun people). 2. What do you view as the stabilizing factor in traditional power system of the Okun people? (The researcher probed for the roles of traditional chiefs and kings in Okunland and the grades of chiefs). 3. Who makes decisions on political power among the Okun people? (The researcher probed for the specific roles of diviners, women, strangers and outcasts in Okun political system). 4. How do you assess the roles of government in the traditional power system of the Okun people? (The researcher probed for government interference or otherwise in traditional power structure of Okunland especially with regards to filling vacant stools). 5. Are there problems associated with the exercise of political power in Okunland? (The researcher probed for specific aspects in which the use of power is encumbered, tolerated or enhanced).

SECTION B: In-Depth Interview Guide on traditional religious system of the Okun-Yoruba people. 1. Do you know or have an in-depth knowledge of traditional rites and religious practices in Okunland? (The researcher probed for extant religious rites which still flourish among the Okun people, identifying such rites and communities. Also he probed for extinct religious practices among the people). 148

2. What are the problems associated with the practice of Traditional Religion among the Okun people? (The researcher probed for factors that militate against the practice of Traditional Religion among the Okun people and compared it with effective missionary activities of Christians and Muslims). 3. What are the roles of chief priests in traditional religion of Okun people? (The researcher probed for specific activities of chief priests in traditional Okun culture and juxtaposed with priesthood in Christianity and Islam, showing similarities and dissimilarities). 4. Are you aware of reformation or modernization of traditional religion of the people? (The researcher probed for changes, adaptations, resiliency and vulnerability of Okun religious system and compared it with inculturation in Christianity). 5. Are there problems arising with devotion to traditional deities among the people? (The researcher probed for specific aspects of opposition to adherents of Traditional Religion in Okun land).

Conclusion The researcher expressed sincere thanks to the discussants and played part of the tape to their hearing.

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Appendix C PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION GUIDE 1. To observe the constituent elements of Okun‟s traditional political and religious systems in general. 2. To observe and document elements of continuity and change in the political and religious aspects of the Okun people. 3. To observe, document and analyze effects of Islamic and Christian missionary activities and globalization on the traditional political power structure and religious beliefs of the Okun people. 4. To observe, document and analyze the orature of the Okun people on religion and power, as expressed in verbal and non-verbal communicative skills. 5. To observe, document and analyze the roles of women, chief priests and specific officials associated with political power and religion in traditional Okun society. 6. To identify and analyze areas of conflict in modern Okunland in its desire to maintain traditional political and religious systems in the face of globalization.

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FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION SESSIONS Below are the transcriptions of interviews that took place during the field work. The Symbols given below are used following the standards set in ethnographic works of Myers (1998:108), Ezeh (2004:107) and Ugwu (2010:100).

Symbols ____ Brief, untimed pause.

( X X X) Unintelligible words.

/ Beginning of overlap.

= No interval between words.

. . . . Part of a turn deleted.

>< Quieter talk.

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Appendix D FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON RELIGION Venue: Ilonkan Ogidi Discussants: This session comprised 6 discussants. Initials of names and relevant data of each are given. A.S.: age 72, chief priest, no formal education; Y.A.: age 84, farmer, no formal education; O.A.: age 103, traditional chief, no formal education; A.A.: age 60, education; primary school, teacher; A.S.E.: age 99, farmer, no formal education; J.A.: age 70, education; post primary, retired civil servant.

Moderator: Good morning Sirs. I am carrying out a research on the religion and political systems of Okunland. I will moderate this discussion and will ensure that everyone participates. The outcome of this discussion will be of interest to scholars. Let us begin straightaway. My first question is: What role does religion play in the social life of the people of Okun in things like marriage? A voice: - Ologa (maiden rite) is part of traditional wedding; in fact it is the beginning. It is partly a social rite and partly religious too.

Moderator: Can we talk of Ifa? / A voice: = We get explanation of things from Ifa by using idi-opon (Ifa corpus).

Moderator: Is there any significance attached to dates in marriage? A voice: Ifa is the sole determinant of dates for major ceremonies. Ifa decides for those concerned. Even names! / Another voice: = Even names are given by Ifa or names might be derived from the circumstance of birth, or due to situations.

Moderator: May I know if this applies to new yam festival too? A voice: The deity called Amuwo was associated with new yam but it has been cancelled due to influence of Christianity. Moderator: Can you tell me how Oro festival is celebrated? A voice: Oro festival begins in this town if the Itaaji lineage comes to Ilonkan lineage and announces to them that Oro will start.

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Moderator: What month of the year is that usually done? A voice: Oro begins in November. Ifa decides the date. We begin with divining with what is called Ifa ori (the head corpus of ifa). This is done by the official town diviner. Today we don‟t have such a person again.

Moderator: How many deities do you have in Ogidi town? A voice: We have many. A voice: = Oluwo, Agira. / Another voice: (son of chief priest) = Oda, Igongo, Osomo, Ololu.

Moderator: What are the rites associated with their worship? A voice: Most of them have been distorted / Another voice: = Say obliterated. A voice: People with problems used to come. They go to worship the deity of their own lineage.

Moderator: As a member of Sasu lineage how can I be initiated into the traditional cult of Oluwo deity? A voice: You are free to know it. Another voice: You are as free as anyone here. There will be no special rite for you. If you want to know the deity Oluwo, it will reveal itself to you.

Moderator: The chief priest and the monarchs are very prominent members of the community. How do these important personalities synchronise their relationship? A voice: In the past, the chief priest was superior to the monarch. Another voice: All kings must come to the deity Oluwo through the chief priest. Previous voice: It is only the chief priest and the lineage of Sasu that know how the reign of the new king will be. We can tell him whether his reign will bring good or evil to the community.

Moderator: Among the deities in the town, is there any that was introduced from outside? A voice: None. Another voice: No deity was introduced from outside. The deities are autochonous entities.

Moderator: Can we guess what the future holds for traditional religion? 153

(All silence). A voice: (Addressing researcher); You are a member of this lineage tell us what the future will be. Another voice: (Addressing researcher); Tell us in your own words what the future holds. Moderator: Only God knows what the future holds for traditional religion. I don‟t know. Yet another voice: That is correct. Only God knows. A voice: (talking to the chief priest); What did people teach you about the Oluwo deity? Another voice: Nobody taught me anything formally. I was initiated as a child and grew up in it. We learn by association. A voice: (talking to researcher); You should learn more about Oro, because you belong to this lineage. You are one of us.

Moderator: Let us talk about women and traditional religion. A voice: - There are basically two groups, namely Imole and Ofosi.

Moderator: How are women initiated into these cults? A voice: It is done by possession. The spirit of Imole or Ofosi possesses people. Another voice: The spirit can posses anyone it wishes to possess. No matter where the person may be, she can be possessed by the spirit. Once she is possessed by either Imole or Ofosi, she will come home even if she is far away. Yet another voice: I have seen people who have been possessed by the Imole or Ofosi in distant places like Kabba, Iyamoye and elsewhere, and they trekked home unaided.

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Appendix E FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON RELIGION Venue: Mopa Discussants: 6 women took part in this discussion. The initials of the names and relevant data are given: J.J.: age 89, Queen to late regent, no formal education; E.A.: age 73, house wife, ex traditional devotee, no formal education; A.R.: age 69, house wife and petty trader, no formal education; A.E.: age 83, house wife, no formal education; M. A: age 86, house wife, literate in Yoruba; D.A.: age 75, house wife, no formal education.

Moderator: I sincerely welcome all of you to this group discussion. We are gathered to discuss issues on some aspects of religion and politics as we practice them in traditional Okun culture. As we begin may I get to know your names. I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi, a catholic priest and an Okun indigene. I am carrying out a research on the traditional religion and political power structures of Okunland. I desire to have your opinions on records both on tape and video. A voice: My name is Mrs Josefini Joledo, A voice: My name is Esta Agbale, Another voice: I am Abigeli Raphael, Yet another voice: I am Alisi Elega A voice: My name is Maria Aloko Another voice: My name is Debora Ajayi.

Moderator: As women what do you understand as Oro? A voice: Oro in the past has two components. A voice: Oro is different, Imole is different. Another voice: My mother was an imole. Yet another voice: What I know about Imole is that in those days, during the reign of Oba Aloko, we worship Oloke deity. Oba Aloko used to sacrifice cows to the deity. The ceremony was always accompanied with great festivity.

Moderator: What is the name of God in traditional religion? A voice: He is called Osa Baba Idu (The Big Father Deity). Another voice: My husband‟s name was Osa-dare (Deity justifies). Yet another voice: Osa Baba Idu is His name. 155

Moderator: What do you know about the relevance of Ifa? The voice: When Ifa is consulted, there is a totem. It is respected. It is a totem of God. It was usually brought out and returned after the divination has been completed.

Moderator: Though women are forbidden from seeing the deities, may I still ask if you know their names? A voice: There are many of them. Many Voices: Oloke, Osa, Oghoin, Ogo, Ajirin, Ajagbe, Agha, Obadofin, Aruni.

Moderator: It seems that there are many deities. How do they receive due worship? A voice: Deities are aligned to lineages. Aren‟t they? A voice: Aruni is worshipped by my lineage. A voice: Osa belongs to my family. / Another voice: = Oghoin belongs to my family. / Yet another voice: = Oliwo belongs to my lineage.

Moderator: I am happy that you can recollect the names of these deities. May I ask if Oro is still being actively worshipped? Another voice: Many are still being celebrated. A voice: They do not have adherents as before. Another voice: Next Sunday there will be a festival of one of the deities. Ogo deity is still very popular. A voice: People come from all over the whole world to celebrate it. They all come from Lagos, (xxx) everyone. All Nigerians come for it. Yet another voice: Those days, the time of Ogo festival was a great festival. Whenever it is time to mark it, people will descend on Mopa en masse.

Moderator: Perhaps we can suggest that only Ogo deity is worshipped at the moment? Another voice: Ogo is still very popular. Though it is dwindling in importance. People come from towns like Iyah Gbede for it. People are converting to Christianity – but it is celebrated. / 156

Yet another voice: = I saw someone who requested for children from Ogo and she was given the following year. I know of a person who requested for a male child and was given a son the next year.

Moderator: When does Ogo come to town? A voice: In the past he was called Egun Oru (night masquerade). The voice: He comes out only at night /. Many voices: That time involves total silence. Nothing moves. Nothing even talks. No one is expected to sneeze /. A voice: Some dogs bark / Another voice: =How? No, it is not possible. Yet another voice: = My father‟s dog once barked and the dog was given to the deity because it barked. A voice: - Okura deity used to come out every three years. It is a very tall masquerade.

Moderator: What do you see as major impediments to traditional religion? Many voices: Christianity! Christianity is impeding the practice of traditional religion. A voice: Most of their leaders have become Christians. Another voice: Some are very elderly.

Moderator: We might say that Christianity is growing, why is Oro not doing the same? A voice: It is Christianity. Another voice: Simply put, it is Christianity that impedes traditional religion. Yet another voice: >< Few are still there. A voice: But Christianity has taken over almost completely. Another voice: How can you say completely? / A voice: = Almost completely. A voice: Aaah I used to prepare plenty those days ><

Moderator: Can you identify the specific duties of priests? A voice: A priest is a leader. Another voice: He is the leader on issues concerning the deity. 157

Yet another voice: Those days during Oro procession, the priests combed the town to see if evil is locking anywhere. A voice: He explores the spiritual world and tells the people what would happen. A voice: Chief priests are like pastors. Previous voice: During the Imole festival, the priest warns against evil. For instance he might warn that nobody should commit abortion within a particular year. Anyone who contravenes will suffer the consequences. Moderator: I am enlightened by your contributions. Does any of you have more to add? A voice: It is as she said. Another voice: Her husband was a prominent member. We are mere onlookers. A voice: The chief priest is the leader who takes the lead in Imole festival. Yet another voice: The priest is the one that appeases the deities. He inquires about the Earth spirit.

Moderator: Considering the enormous tasks before him, what do you think empowers him to do these so well? A voice: He has the gift of seeing things beyond our eyes. A voice: He can make divination. Another voice: He divines for people. Previous voice: Aworo gives warnings to the community. Another voice: Whatever he says must surely come to pass. A voice: He meticulously works for the progress of the community. If he gives warning, he must be obeyed.

Moderator: Can any of you see a correlation between a pastor and a chief priest? Many voices: = Both of them pray. Many voices: They both talk to God. Many voices: They pray to avert evil in the community. (Discussants greet a visitor). A voice: Please my people contribute more to this issue. Another voice: The priest shows us the path to God A voice: Pastors too show us the path to God. Yet another: No. The chief priest can not do that. 158

A voice: Do you mean that the chief priest can not show us the path to God? Previous voice: They both worship God. Another voice: God is known to them and He is called Olorun Ba’risa, (God, the father of the deities). Yet another voice: Chief priest and pastors are doing the same work.

Moderator: Let us not concentrate only on pastors. Do you see any correlation between the tasks of the chief priest and Islamic clerics? A voice: They both call on God. A voice: Everyone does his own in his own way.

Moderator: I appreciate your contributions thus far. May I go further and ask you the effect of modernity on traditional religion? A voice: Oro festival has been modernised.

Moderator: How has traditional religion been modernised, if I may ask? A voice: Christianity has spoilt everything. Another voice: In the past when rain does not fall, just as we are currently experiencing lack of rain / Many voices: = Elderly women will go through the town with one breast exposed and as they walk through the town rain must fall on them. Moderator: What do we do nowadays? Many voices: We rely on prayer. We can only pray.

Moderator: Let me still draw you back to the issue of modernization.. A voice: Days have not changed. Another voice: It is always in the fourth month. Yet another voice: It is held for three days. A voice: Their clothing has not changed./ Yet a voice: = No. Clothing has changed. / Previous voice: = It is the same. They are wearing the same dress. A voice: When I was young how many people wear clothes? 159

Another voice: They used to go and borrow new clothes. We give them our clothes. They return them to us after the Oro festival. A voice: Pastors used to preach against us because we borrow them our clothes. As a result of this we no longer give our clothes to them. (Discussants burst into laughter). (Moderator laughs too). A voice: That is why children are reluctant to follow them. Children are scared because pastors will preach about them during their sermons on Sundays.

Moderator: Does sacrifice play an important role in traditional worship? If yes, do you know the things used for sacrifice? Many voices: They used many things. / A voice: = They used cooked meals. Another voice: They cooked beans. / Previous voice: It is the wives that must prepare the beans meals/ Yet another voice: = Say some of us. A voice: They use shea butter as oil in cooking their meals.

Moderator: Can we discuss together the types of impediments which confront traditional religion, if any? A voice: Christianity is the main impediment.

Moderator: Don‟t they have internal wrangling? A voice: No. They don‟t quarrel with one another…. A voice: They are better behaved than Christians… Another voice: They love each other. A voice: They are better than Christians… Yet another voice: They don‟t snatch one another‟s wives…

Moderator: May I / A voice: = They don‟t denigrate each other. A voice: They are more humane. 160

Another voice: The world is worse than it was… Yet another voice: They used to see evil before it occurred… Another voice: Imole used to see it before it happens, but nowadays nobody sees anything / A voice: = Who sees again? Christianity is everywhere. Nobody can see anything as before. / A voice: = Adherents of traditional religions used to call someone here (pointing) and there to make inquiry about solutions.

Moderator: Let us now talk about Oro and women. Does any of you have contributions to make? A voice: My mother was an Imole. What happened in their Ipara (novitiate house)… I may not know. But what they did at home is known to me. They cook for people. It used to be a big festival. Just as they do in your Church at harvest time.

Moderator: Mama Ojo, may I request you to make your contribution. A voice: Imole has power to give warnings. They can see beyond the ordinary.

Moderator: Mama Hannah, please make your contribution. A voice: During the Oro festival, two women accompanied them to the forest. Though women are not initiated into Oro, but these women are permitted to go with them. They bear the same names with the deity. Only these women can accompany them to the grove in the forest.

Moderator: Are women initiated into Imole (cult of the Earth spirit)? A voice: It is the Earth spirit that possesses them. When the Earth spirit possesses any woman, it will show by her falling down in a trance. The initiated already know the signs. They will come and attend to the one possessed and make necessary inquiries like “if you are possessed by Imole spirit stand up”. If she was possessed by the spirit she will stand up, or they may say, “if you are possessed by Imole spirit sleep on”. Another voice: I was already a grown up when my mother was initiated into Imole cult. It was sudden. She just fell down in trance. People began to shout, “it is Orisa” she was then taken away to Ipara (novitiate house). She spent three days in that house..

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Moderator: What is Ipara? A voice: It is the house for new initiates. (xxx). My mother eventually returned to our house but she was unable to recognise me. Her language had changed. She had a new language that I could not understand. She couldn‟t comprehend anything. After seven months as novices, they let them out of the ipara to go round the town. They moved swiftly around the town, ate at anybody‟s house and they could eat anybody‟s food without permission. They ate voraciously. They ate unrestrainedly. They would eat without even asking for soup. The different Earth spirits have their characteristics. Women who are possessed by Imole Oloke are known by their habit of drinking palm oil in large quantity and they voraciously eat dry fish too.

Moderator: Please highlight the difference(s) between the Earth spirit called Oloke and the Earth spirit called Osa. A voice: They identify them by singing their names like; “if you are Imole Oloke” or “if you are Imole osa..” A voice: They sing Imole songs.

Moderator: When was the last time the community had initiation into the cult of Imole (Earth spirit)? A voice: It is a long time ago. Another voice: Christianity has effectively stopped it.

Moderator: Are we suggesting that the deities have disappeared? A voice: No. The deities are alive. / Many voices: = Christianity has spoilt everything. A voice: Remember I said my mother was an Imole. My daughter attended ECWA primary school. She wrote an examination. A boy called Abiodun came and said concratulason (congratulation) to my daughter on her excellent result. My husband went to the church president and said he learnt of the good result of his daughter. The church president however said “You must have been hearing what we have been preaching in our church, that children of traditional religionists will not be given their result unless their parents are converted”. As I am talking to you today, my daughter‟s examination result which was paid for and written has not been released because her grandmother was not a Christian. As a result of this I went to my mother 162 and said that Martha passed her primary school leaving examination, but the certificate was not given to her because she is the daughter of Imole. I said to my mother “if I eat good meals, wont you feed as well?” I then pleaded with her to leave traditional religion and be converted to Christianity so that my children will make progress in the community like their peers.

Moderator: Are you aware of new initiation of women into Imole cult? A voice: Christianity has killed interest in it. A voice: If the community has an effective chief priest, the worship of the deity would not have died. Another voice: Olayemi, a woman became chief priest. A priestess as a woman has her limitations; she can not be like a man. A voice: She got to that position because of emergency. Yet another voice: It was a case of necessity, because there were no qualified men. Another voice: She is now going to Church. She has just converted to Catholicism last year.

Moderator: What role does Ifa play in traditional religion? A voice: It gives clues. Another voice: Ifa foretells what will happen in the community.

Moderator: Who is an Ifa devotee? A voice: He is a diviner. He is devoted to Ifa deity. Ifa diviner is always a man.

Moderator: Do diviners learn Ifa or are they endowed naturally to divine? A voice: It is learnt. Ifa divination is complicated and must be learnt Another voice: Ifa requires a long period of apprenticeship under an experienced Ifa priest. Yet another voice: I was given in marriage by Ifa. Ifa priest told my mother while she was carrying my pregnancy that the baby in her womb will marry the son of that same Ifa priest. My mother requested that Ifa should be appeased to reverse it, but the Ifa priest said that it cannot be reversed. Eventually I was born and to my mother‟s surprise I was a girl. As soon as I was four years old, I was introduced to the family of my would-be husband. I was visiting the family regularly and they treated me as a wife would be treated. At twelve years my would-be father-in- law took me away from my family and I began to live with him in another town. A voice: - Hmmm… a girl of twelve years given in marriage! 163

Many voices: (xxx) Yet another voice: - In the days of old, even children in the womb are betrothed.

Moderator: Do you know the paraphernalia of Ifa? A voice: Cowries, Kolanuts Another voice: Seedlings

Moderator: Can you recite the litany of Ifa. A voice: It has litany. Another voice: (reciting the litany of Ifa) “Ifa reveals what is hidden. Ifa shows man the secret”. Ifa shows that what might be unknown to human beings is known to the deities. God knows all things.”

Moderator: What is the role of Ifa in your community? A voice: It gives clues.

Moderator: Can Ifa reveal divine will? A voice: Yes. Another voice: Ifa is like the Bible.

Moderator: I wish to seek clarification: Tell me if Ifa tells the truth or lies sometimes. A voice: Everything which Ifa says is always true. Another voice: My father was an Ifa priest. Everything he divined was true. Previous voice: Ifa does not lie.

Moderator: Is there any Ifa priest that I might consult? A voice: Maybe there are Ifa priests again or not, is difficult to say.

Moderator: If Ifa is a veritable source of information, why then is it waning? A voice: Christianity does not approve of Ifa that is why it is dying. Another voice: The use of kolanuts in divination is maligned by Christians. 164

Yet another voice: The sacrifice of goats to it is frowned at. A voice: Ifa speaks the truth always.

Moderator: Do you foresee a possibility of an Ifa priest divulging privileged information he got from clients? A voice: No. It‟s impossible. A voice: Ifa priest cannot divulge secrets. Another voice: Never. It is not revealed to people.

Moderator: Does it then resemble secrecy that Catholic priests maintain in Confession? A voice: It is like going to confession in Catholic church. Moderator: (commenting) So Ifa divination has the seal of secrecy like the seal of secrecy in the sacrament of Confession.

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Appendix F FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON RELIGION Venue: Iyara Discussants: 6 women participated in this discussion session. The initials of their names are given with relevant data: E.I.: age 65, house wife, no formal education; R.O.: age 68, house wife, no formal education; T.O.: age 70, house wife, no formal education; V.C.: age 71, house wife, no formal education; C.T.: age 78, house wife, no formal education; L.J.: age 90, house wife, no formal education.

Moderator: Good morning to you here present. This Sunday morning seems the best time to meet all of you so as to conduct this interview. I will ask you to be patient with me in this discussion. It is a serious study which is been carried out under the department of Anthropology, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi. I will moderate this discussion so that I may give everybody the opportunity to make her contribution. Let us start by asking you the importance of women in traditional religion. A voice: Ifa decides Oro. After Ifa has decided, the women go ahead with preparations. We cook, dance and do other things.

Moderator: What specific roles do women guilds play? A voice: There are about six different cults of Imole. The spirit of Imole possesses women and they become Imole. None of us here is an Imole. Another voice: My mother was the leader of the Imole cult, but I was not initiated. During the full moon, we often heard that Imole had possessed some women. Another voice: Different lineages have their own Imole cult. Another voice: Christianity has relegated Imole cult. Yet another voice: The possessed speak in strange tongues.

Moderator: Can I request that you explain the issue of speaking in strange tongues by Imoles? A voice: Yes, they speak in tongues. Just like Christians speak in tongues, the Imoles too speak in strange tongues whenever they are in trance. We don‟t understand that language. The language is completely unknown to us. But they understand one another. That man whom you just interviewed and who has left was the drummer to the Imoles.

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Moderator: With the importance of the women cults in traditional religion, is there a priestess that ministers to women affairs? A voice: Priests are males. It is a taboo to have women as priestesses. A voice: There are two separate women cults known as Ofosi and Imole. Another voice: It is easier to know the difference between them. We know Ofosi with the manner of tying their on their waist. Every woman ties her wrapper to the right side, but an Ofosi ties hers to the left side. Yet another voice: They too speak in tongues. A voice: The cults are dying. Another voice: In this town we have only two Ofosi alive. Still another voice: During the burial ceremonies of their deceased members they can not carry out the funeral rituals, so they go to Kabba and ask their fellow cult members to join them and do the burial rites for them.

Moderator: Is there any particular thing that one can point at as the destabilising factor in traditional religion? A voice: Christianity and civilization have proved to be the greatest obstacles to traditional religion. Another voice: We dare not associate with them during their festival. We cannot watch them! A voice: They will preach against us in the Church during Sunday homily. They will say we are the Christians who follow masquerades. Another voice: Father (in English) did not go out with us, but he heard that we accompanied masquerades. He used it to preach on Sunday. Another voice: Women love a particular masquerade, because he dances around the town. Do you know that pastors maligned us whenever we watched it performing?

Moderator: What specific roles do women play in traditional religion? A voice: Ofosi women and masquerades go about together. However deities cannot be seen by women, even if the woman is Imole or Ofosi (women traditional cults). A voice: When Omo-Elepo deity comes out, we stay indoors. Another voice: It is the responsibility of our husbands to cook for us during this time. 167

A voice: We enjoy at festival times when the deity comes out. Another voice: For five days our husbands must feed us, because women are forbidden to come out. We just stay indoors and we are fed. Yet another voice: During this time the market is closed. No one goes to farm.

Moderator: What is Oro? A voice: It is called ada’ye ba, (“what we came to earth and met”).

Moderator: Can any of you explain the role of Ifa in traditional marriage? A voice: Traditional marriage is beautiful. We sing the praise of Ifa. In our days we were dressed in carmwood and we carry a pot of clean water on our head. A voice: They wore beads. Another voice: Nowadays nobody wears beads anymore. Another voice: Girls don‟t want it anymore. Yet another voice: Church goers frown at it.

Moderator: What can you say about the future of traditional religion? A voice: Only God knows. Another voice: Omo-Elepo, the principal deity has not come out since the past five years.

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Appendix G FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON RELIGION Venue: Iyara Discussants: 6 male discussants participated in the exercise. The initials of the names are given with relevant data: H.A.: age 77, traditional chief, no formal education; A.S.: age 79, ex- traditionalist, no formal education but literate in Yoruba; B.O.: age 75 farmer, no formal education but literate in Yoruba; G.A.: age unknown, no formal education; F.O.: age 90, farmer, no formal education; R.O.: age 85, farmer, no formal education. .

Moderator: Good morning Sirs. It is my pleasure to welcome all of you to this discussion session. I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi from the University of Nigeria Nsukka. May I know if any of you is less than 60 years of age? (All shook their heads indicating they are older than 60 years). The first question is: What is the significance of Oro in the tradition of Okun people? A voice: Oro is important. I am saying this based on my personal experience. I grew up with it. If evil things are coming to the town, Oro will turn it away. Oro also helps to provide rainfall. Omo-Elepo is our principal deity, he can bring rain if God supports it.

Moderator: Who is God in your religion? A voice: Our fathers know God as Edumare (almighty), Olorun oba’risa (God king of the deities), Olorun baba idu (God the mighty father).

Moderator: What roles does Oro play in tradition? Let us take the example of marriage. A voice: Oro has no specific role in marriage. Another voice: Marriage is a social event. Another voice: The only connection is that during the Oro festival, people give akara to their in- laws.

Moderator: Can you explain the process of traditional naming ceremony? A voice: The ground is circled with white ashes. The mother and new baby sit within that circle for the naming ceremony. Another voice: Ingredients for naming ceremonies are palm oil, salt, alligator pepper, and kolanuts. All are used and they have meanings.

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Moderator: May you explain it to me? A voice: Alligator pepper is for fruitfulness, palm oil is for wellbeing, salt is for wholeness, honey is for sweetness, and kolanut is for longevity.

Moderator: Let us look at the aspect of traditional burial. Can we talk about it? A voice: Masquerades come out during the burial rites of men while the Imole and Ofosi come out for women. Another voice: White flag is flown on the roof of the house of the deceased. A voice: No one knows when it is hung. It is hung before day break. Another voice: The masquerade will dance on the roof of the house.

Moderator: How is new yam festival celebrated? A voice: Things are changing fast. In the past, the first rite involved the annual clearing of farm routes by the community. Another voice: Next is the rite of roasted yam. A voice: It will be sliced and placed on cutlass and hoe, the equipment we use to farm. Yet another voice: Akara is also sprinkled around palm trees. Previous voice: New yam festival was celebrated for 7 days.

Moderator: What roles does Ifa play in traditional religion? A voice: Ifa plays important roles. My mother was named after Ifa. Her name was Ifa-semi-ami (Ifa has hinted me). She told us that Ifa predicted her birth. Ifa is also called Ifa tomi-ona (Ifa showed me the way). Even barren women can be shown the way to get children. Another voice: Ifa does not tell lies. Another voice: My parents died in February 1958 (in English) within three days interval. Prior to this time my brother took me to Baba Ako to make inquiry about the sickness of our parents. He divined and told us that they will die within 5 days interval. As God pleases, my father died on Friday (in English) and my mother died on Tuesday (in English).

Moderator: Ifa seems to be very important in traditional religion. Is it possible to juxtapose this with the role being played today by prophets and pastors among the populace? A voice: Ifa priests are honest persons. Pastors are liars. 170

Moderator: Can someone be initiated into Oro? A voice: - This deity called Omo Elepo is not seen. Nobody has ever seen it or knows how it looks. So there is no initiation into its cult. Another voice: >< We only hear his voice, but we don‟t see him. A voice: - It is a spirit deity. It is not a masquerade. Another voice: Omo Elepo is the principal deity of the community. It is the head of the deities. Previous voice: We have Omo Elepo, other communities have their own deities.

Moderator: How did it come about? / A voice: = It is called Oni adaye aba (The one we came to meet on earth). A voice: Nobody knows.

Moderator: What roles do strangers play in your religion? A voice: No role is assigned to them.

Moderator: Human sacrifice / A voice: = No. We don‟t practice human sacrifices in the community.

Moderator: What can you identify as the greatest challenges which face traditional religion? A voice: Christianity has been the greatest challenge to traditional religion. Another voice: Modernization is also another problem which confronts traditional religion. A voice: There is nobody today who desires that any of his children be initiated into Imole and Ofosi women cults. Yet another voice: Nobody even wants to be the chief priest. It is that bad.

Moderator: Do you see any aspect of acculturation whereby some religious rites have been filtered into the community? A voice: I am not aware of any acculturated religious rites. Another voice: It is only Islam and Christianity that came from outside. Another voice: Our deities do not come from anywhere. They are the owners of the land. 171

Yet another voice: Omo Elepo is called Oni edaye aba (the one people met on earth) and Idi omi eje ri (The water source that cannot be discovered).

Moderator: Can you explain in brief the person of Aworo? A voice: The chief priest is a link between the community and the deities. We cannot do without him. A community cannot live without a chief priest.

Moderator: As we come to the end of this discussion, what has any of you to say about the future of traditional religion? A voice: I think it will gradually fade away. Another voice: We don‟t know what will happen. Another voice: Children still go after masquerades. It is a pointer to something. Another voice: Let this be said that nobody can legislate and put it out of existence. No king can venture to do it. Yet another voice: The deities can still come when they like, though they have not been seen for a while. They are not dead.

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Appendix H FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON RELIGION Venue: Mopa traditional Council chambers Discussants: 6 discussants took part in this session. All are traditional rulers. Initials of names and relevant data are given: J.J.: age; 71, education; post secondary, retired civil servant; S.O.: age; 67, education; secondary, retired soldier; M.O.: age; 80, primary, retired civil servant; S.B.: age; 77, education; post secondary, retired teacher; M.A.: age 68, business man; A.B.: age; 70, farmer.

Moderator: Do you know if traditional rites have great influence on the Okun people? A voice: Traditional rites are essentials of life in all communities. Without performing traditional rites you cannot have naming ceremonies, conduct weddings or eat new yams. There are many deities like Oghoin.

Moderator: Sir, try and expatiate on marriage. / A voice: = In the past, traditional rites go with wedding. Maidens are robbed with Osun (camwood lotion). They are accompanied with high pitched ululation to their husband‟s houses.

Moderator: May I request that you say more on religious practices of titled chiefs? A voice: The ceremony has two parts. First in ancient times when chiefs must offer sacrifices to Ogun, the God of iron, they are done with human beings. Only very rich men can take chieftaincy titles then. In modern times due to the influence of Christianity, the processes have been modified. In taking chieftaincy titles today, we expect lineages to present a candidate for chieftaincy office. Many voices: Just focus on ancient rites. The researcher wants to know about the past. Moderator: Yes both the ancient practice and the current or modified form are required. A voice: Chiefs are known by certain paraphernalia like horse tails, beads, and fez cap. In these days anyone who is not a chief cannot wear fez cap. If he does, he will be down with headache. The real initiation is performed with akoko leaves which the monarch places on the head of a man to be initiated. The new chief must have a wooden stool. It has ancient origin. Another important aspect is the communal meal. This food must be prepared and presented by the would- be chief to the council of chiefs. The acceptance of this food by the Council confirms that he is welcomed to their midst as a member. It is to be noted that the food is eaten before day break. 173

We gather at 4.30pm to eat the food together. The meal is symbolically called esinsin ke’ba (flies do not perch). Thus the food is eaten before flies come out at sunrise.

Moderator: May I request that you explain burial rites? A voice: Burial is sacred. People are buried inside the house. This shows the essence of continuity of persons in their respective families. However with modernization things have changed. Government has assigned cemetery for the community.

Moderator: Explain how one is initiated into Oro. A voice: It is simple. Just join them

Moderator: I received baptism to become a Christian. So how can one become an Oro devotee? A voice: You join them. Meet the Aworo (chief priest). There are no special rites to be performed before one becomes a traditional religionist. However if one wants to become a devotee of a particular deity or cult, that person must be initiated.

Moderator: How do I know the deity? A voice: Deities belong to lineages. They initiate their children into it. It is difficult to know a particular deity if you are not a member of that lineage.

Moderator: What do you think are the greatest challenges facing traditional Okun religion? A voice: - emm mmm. It is the new religions. In those days, any uninitiated person who saw Oro was kidnapped by Oro.

Moderator: Which new religions? The same voice: Catholic, Baptist, ECWA and other Christian churches. Today our town is made up of 70% Christians (English). But in towns like Kabba, Oro is still popular. They preach against Oro here.

Moderator: Briefly assess the influence of modernization on Okun religion. A voice: Certainly modernization has impacted negatively on our traditional religion.

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Moderator: Are there elements of enculturation and acculturation of religious practices noticeable in your community. A voice: Oro originated here. Oro does not come from outside.

Another voice: But we heard that there are some deities which were borrowed. A voice: We borrowed a masquerade from Ondo. Infact the traditional song to that masquerade is in Ondo dialect and the song is not sung in our dialect. Yet another voice: Ebora (deities) originated here. They do not come from elsewhere. (xxx) they do not come from heaven. Another voice: I lived once in Ile-Ife. My landlady was a priestess whom I saw offer daily sacrificial meals to her deities. The following day, the food is still seen at the same spot. So there is nothing in Oro. A voice: There are spiritual powers no doubt. Who can doubt it? Ebora is indigenous to us. Ebora is the personal expression of our belief. Another voice: Oro is a mystification of , it is anything that engenders fear and awe. There is Oro.

Moderator: Your highness could you say more on this term? A voice: Oro simply means deep secret and riddles of Yoruba religion. Another voice: Human sacrifices were made to Ebora in the past.

Moderator: May I request that you say more? A voice: That is a very good question. I will tell you. Only foreigners were used for sacrifices in those days.

Moderator: Let‟s look at the concept of priesthood in traditional and modern religions. A Voice: - Ha ha ha. They are the same. Aworo (chief priest) and pastors are the same. Our fathers have Aworo (chief priest). Just as pastors lead in churches so does Aworo lead the entire community in worship of the deity.

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Moderator: One final word on the future of Ebora (deity). A voice: With the way things are going, it is possible to say that Oro will come to an end. Yet another voice: Once Oro has no new adherents, then it is coming to an end.

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Appendix I FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Ilonkan Ogidi Discussants: 6 male discussants participated in this session. Their initials are provided with relevant data: A.S.: age; 72, chief priest, no formal education; Y.A.: age; 84, farmer, no formal education; O.A.: age; 103: traditional chief, no formal education; A.A.: age; 60, primary school, teacher; A.S.E.: age; 99, farmer, no formal education; J.A.: age; 70, post primary, retired civil servant.

Moderator: I thank all of you for giving me this ample time to make this discussion. I will like us to have an in-depth look at traditional political system of Ogidi. Sirs, let‟s continue with our discussion. My first question is: Who are the power brokers in traditional system? A voice: Do you mean power brokers in Ogidi?

Moderator: Yes. Exactly that is what I am concerned with. A voice: The king and chiefs are/ Another voice: = The chief priest is also a power broker. A voice: The chief priest is the one who is empowered by tradition to tell the king what are considered the dos and don‟ts of the community. Yet another voice: Today that power has been eroded. Another voice: = By modernity.

Moderator: Can you explain how kingship evolved among the Okun? A Voice: In the past, both religious and political powers reside in one lineage on even a person. The priestly lineage held both religious and political powers. However due to exigencies, it was necessary to carry along other lineages in the community by sharing the oba’s position with them.

Moderator: Who do you think will be unhappy if the political system is returned back to its former structure? A voice: Many will be against it. Another voice: Christians and Muslims will revolt against a return to the past political system.

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Moderator: What is the role of Ifa in the political system if any? A voice: Ifa decides everything.

Moderator: What then are the roles of the king makers if any? A voice: Originally by tradition it is the Sasu lineage that is kingmaker. Another voice: (xxx) it has changed. A voice: We are the original kingmakers. Nobody can be crowned unless it is done with our approval, but that was in the past.

Moderator: May I know the role of women in all these? A voice: Everything is in the hands of women. Another voice: Women put their hands in everything. Previous voice: They cook, sing, dance, make clothes and do many things that will make chieftaincy ceremonies to be celebrated.

Moderator: Can we look critically at what the future holds for traditional chieftaincy in this community? A voice: Traditional chieftaincy will remain forever. Another voice: It can never be cancelled.

Moderator: Is there evidence of chieftaincy title that was borrowed from another source outside Ogidi? A voice: None was borrowed. All our titles are indigenous to us.

Moderator: Who are those that are not permitted to acquire chieftaincy title? A voice: Everybody can acquire chieftaincy title. Another voice: Some are reserved for particular lineages. Yet another voice: There are several types of chieftaincy titles.

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Appendix J FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Mopa Traditional Council Chambers. Discussants: 6 male discussants participated and they are all traditional rulers. Initials of names are given with age and relevant data: J. J.: age; 71, education; post primary, retired civil servant; S.O.: age; 67, education: secondary, retired soldier; M.O.: age; 80, education: primary, retired civil servant; S.B.: age; 77, education; post secondary, retired teacher; M.A.: age; 68, business man; A. B.: age; 70, farmer.

Moderator: Your Royal Highnesses, I greet all of you. My name is Father Paul-Kolade Tubi. I am a student of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I am carrying out a research on the religious and political systems of Okun people. In earlier research works I have focused on other aspects of Okun people. I shall be happy to hear your views on this topic during this discussion in which I seek deeper knowledge about Okun people. Let us begin by knowing your names. A voice: I am Oba Julius Joledo, the Elulu (paramount ruler) of Mopaland. Another voice: I am Otunba Saul Olojo, the Otunba (Prime minister) of Mopa. A voice: I am Chief Matthew Oju, the Baale (traditional ruler) of Odole. Another voice: I am Chief Samuel Bolorunduro, the Baale (traditional ruler) of Patia. A voice: I am Chief Michael Agbaje, the Baale (traditional ruler) of Okeguru. Yet another voice: I am Chief Abraham, the Baale (traditional ruler) of Ilegumo.

Moderator: Who and who enjoys political power in your community? A voice: In this community it is the titled chiefs that put words into the mouth of the king. The king has charm in his mouth one might say or that the horse tail he holds has intrinsic power, but it is the chiefs that make the king powerful. Individuals tended to make themselves powerful in ancient times. But nowadays kings and chiefs are made powerful by virtue of their office.

Moderator: Please explain how traditional rulers are chosen in your community. A voice: We have established ways of doing it. We have two houses, namely Ajirin and Aisan. These families continue today and remain unchanged. Another voice: = If we take the whole town as a unit, then we have a different set up. He has just spoken of one section of the town which is Odole. At Iloke, there are houses namely Ipatia and Ilegemo. 179

Another voice: = The late king came from Iloke, then it shifted to Odole /. Another voice: = Please let us be careful with what we say. We should speak the truth. [talking to my research assistant] please put off this thing (video). This is a serious matter. (Video recording ceased but audio tape recording went on, apparently they were oblivious of this). A voice: = It is rotated between Odole and Ileteju / Another voice: =Yes, it is rotated A voice: =No, we have been crowning kings before your people descended from the hill. Remember our fathers brought your fathers down from the hill /. Another voice: = The exercise of crowning of kings in Mopa is a serious matter. We were crowning kings on the hill. It was the whitemen who united us. We are the same people but we lived on the hill because of raids by the Nupes. The other side came down and settled here before us. But we were crowning our kings on the hill. We came down in 1911. A voice: = Please stop this issue (he stood up shouting and getting enraged). Please stop this thing you are doing (indicating that video recording should stop) because what we are saying is going on record. Let us say the truth because of tomorrow. (Audio recording continued though video recording had stopped) Yet another voice: = Iloke has kings. When the white men came and united us in the same settlement then we had a common king. They wanted our own king to rank second to your king; Oba Oludoyi. He refused because he was also a king. Instead of him, the second in rank to our king was chosen to be deputy to Oba Oludoyi. When Oludoyi died, Aloko succeeded him without allowing the deputy of Oludoyi to become king. When Oba Aloko died in 1958, the matter became a case for court litigation. It was fought bitterly. In the end, it shifted to Iloke. Since then it has been shifting between the two blocks. (Video recording resumes).

Moderator: What in your opinion is the relationship, similarities and differences between Okun political structure and the larger Yoruba group? A voice: The two are the same. We both use akoko leaves in conferring traditional titles.

Moderator: Do you know of any institution which is the sole regulatory/supervisory authority in matters of political power and religion in Okunland? A voice: Okun has no kingmakers. It is the responsibility of all titled chiefs to come together to appoint a new king. 180

Moderator: May I ask for the specific role of women in the process of crowning kings? A voice: - Women have no specific role to play. Women are not recognised (in English). Another voice: Women are not invited to witness initiation into chieftaincy. But as we are saying this it should be noted that there are some powerful and influential women who are informed when chieftaincy titles are to be conferred.

Moderator: I seek clarification on the role of Ifa in the matter. A voice: Ifa plays an important role. Whoever Ifa chooses is made king. Ifa is real. There are many corpuses of Ifa. My father was an Ifa devotee. I know Ifa very well. I can give you the cognomen of Ifa. As a hunter, I know about Ifa. All (xxx) hunters know Ifa. Check the Bible and you will see Ifa is mentioned and given prominence. Since the voice of the people is the voice of God, Ifa speaks both the voice of God and of the people. I am not talking of nowadays but Ifa is real. I know Ifa. But nowadays things are upside down. It is darkness.

Moderator: What in your opinion is the future of traditional power and religion in Okunland? A voice: Chieftaincy and kingship cannot end in the world. It will endure. It is the expression of the peoples‟ culture. If you look at Britain it has no written constitution (English), yet monarchy exists. It can not end. Another voice: = There are challenges which are like impediments to chieftaincy matters in general. Modernization has robbed off much power from traditional chiefs. Children of these days have no respect for traditional chiefs as before.

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Appendix K FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Iyara Discussants: 6 discussants took part in the exercise. The initials of their names and other relevant data are provided: A.S.: age; 79, farmer, no formal education; B.O.: age; 75, farmer, no formal education; H.A.: age; 77, traditional chief, farmer, no formal education; G.A.: age; unknown, farmer, no formal education; F.O: age; 90, farmer, no formal education; R.O.: age; 85 farmer, no formal education.

Moderator: I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi, a native of Ogidi. I am carrying out a research on the Okun people. I will ask that you make your opinion clear and direct. I will moderate the discussion and everybody will be given the opportunity to make inputs. Let me begin by asking what you understand as political power in the traditions of the Okun? A voice: Power is held by the monarch and chiefs in the community. Another voice: Anybody who is interested can acquire traditional power. No one is excluded.

Moderator: Who are the traditional decision-makers in the community? A Voice: The king and chiefs are the decision-makers. Also some women who hold important positions in the community are held in high esteem and can be considered to be decision makers. Another Voice: Every household has its own leader. Just as wards in the town have ward-heads.

Moderator: How does a king emerge in your community? A voice: There are no designated kingmakers. It is gained by ascending the chieftaincy ladder. Another voice: Culturally, anyone who acquires chieftaincy title today knows that he is moving inch by inch towards the ultimate top if he desires. Yet another voice: I am a traditional chief, but I may not have the desire to move higher due to my religious belief. As a Catholic, there are rituals which the paramount ruler must perform but my faith frowns at, so I will make no efforts to move up the ladder.

Moderator: Are you suggesting that there is little or no rancour in the traditional political system of this community? A voice: There should be no problem Another voice: There are problems these days. The system has been challenged. 182

Another voice: There was a big riot recently which involved burning and looting due to traditional power.

Moderator: Let us look at the issue of continuity and change in traditional political system. Where is it noticeable? A voice: Chieftaincy system is still largely the same. Though certain aspects have changed but the main structure has not. Titles are still conferred in the palace not elsewhere. The rituals associated with it are being performed. A voice: There is thanksgiving service by Christians who acquire traditional titles. That is an element of modernization. Another voice: It is an influence from the church.

Moderator: What roles are culturally assigned to women in the traditional political system? A voice: Women are left out of traditional chieftaincy. Another voice: They are not conferred with titles. Women also are not participants in the processes involved. A voice: Don‟t we have women chiefs these days? Yet another voice: Yes. The king honoured them with those titles. They are ceremonial chiefs. Another voice: It is part of civilization. There are many of them in the community.

Moderator: It is of importance to me as I heard that women are incorporated into the chieftaincy system. May I ask clarification on the specific roles these women play in the community? A voice: Hmmmm. Strictly speaking, they don‟t play any traditional role. They have been recognised by the reigning king for various reasons, maybe a recognition of their contribution to the community. A voice: It is a good thing to be honoured by one‟s community. Another voice: These women cannot attend traditional council meetings in the palace. A voice: They are women who are very close to the king. They have his ears. They can influence things underground.

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Moderator: Are there traditional mechanisms which insulate the system from crisis? A voice: There are mechanisms. They are traditions which were inherited from our forefathers. Another voice: The best is that everyone has the opportunity to advance to the highest position in the land. No one is excluded. A voice: Any freeborn man can hope to get to the top. There is no ruling family. Okun people have no ruling houses. Another voice: The greatest stabilizing factor in Okun culture is that our culture does not harbour the idea of ruling houses. A voice: When people attempt this system it leads to crisis. Although people can still fight over the same title but it is clear that no one gets an office as his birthright. Previous voice: Here in this town, there is a chieftaincy title reserved for the lineage that first settled in the land. It is called Olikoko. He is one of the final authority in the appointment of Eleta (king of Iyara).

Moderator: What can you identify as the roles of the government in the traditional political operation of your people? A voice: Government enhances our work. A voice: I think the chiefs will thank the government for paying them salaries. Another voice: I think only the Eleta (king of Iyara) is paid by the government. Previous voice: I am a chief, but I get no kobo from the government. A voice: Government does not interfere in the works of chiefs in this community. They don‟t choose kings for us from the Local Council or from Lokoja (State capital).

Moderator: Can you juxtapose the efficiency of traditional political system with modern system in the dispensation of justice? A voice: Modern traditional system cannot be equated with traditional system in the aspect of dispensation of justice. Traditional system is fast. Another voice: Do you even talk of the cost of litigation in government courts? Another voice: Traditional system is fast and costs less.

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Moderator: Perhaps we can look at areas of deficiencies of the system in meeting the aspirations of the people. A voice: Possible cases of deficiencies in meeting the aspirations of the people are minimal. You know it is our culture. It has been with us from the beginning. A voice: We are the same people. We know ourselves. So the possibility of miscarriage of justice is remote even if it is possible.

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Appendix L KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Palace of Oba of Iluke, Iluke Bunu. Participant: His Royal Highness Oba Thomas Alaniyo (Age: 78, Education: Post secondary, retired senior civil servant, traditional ruler of Iluke town).

Moderator: Your Royal Highness I greet you warmly. I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi. I am conducting a research into the traditional political and religious systems of the Okun people. I will ask that you give me your views as detailed as possible. Every data is relevant in this study. As we begin this interview, your Highness, may I request your name? Answer: My name is Oba Thomas Alaniyo, the Oba of Iluke.

Moderator: What do you understand as traditional political power in Okun culture? Answer: My understanding of traditional political power is shaped by my experience as a king. I ascended to the throne recently, precisely two years ago. My understanding of political power is best explained by saying that chiefs are empowered to talk in the community, just as ordination makes priests to talk in churches.

Moderator: Who can acquire traditional political power among the Bunu people? Answer: Only men in fact can acquire chieftaincy titles or be crowned as king in our tradition. Even young boys can be given chieftaincy titles if their fathers acquire it for them. Again morally upright persons can acquire titles. So candidates that are considered for chieftaincy titles must be males, and must possess good characters such as being upright, hardworking, and be successful in their farm or business. Though women are not title holders in traditional political power structure, yet they play significant roles in the community. Women have never been made chiefs not to talk of being crowned as king or even considered as regents. Despite this, the community still recognises resourceful women who are opinion leaders. Women such as leader of the market women, head of women guild in traditional religion are usually accorded respect in the community and their opinions are required and their support needed by the king in administering his domain.

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Moderator: Who cannot acquire political power in your community? Answer: No family is excluded. I am not aware of any group that is excluded from acquiring traditional political power. Important though is the fact that truants and people with bad reputation cannot be given chieftaincy titles in the community.

Moderator: What do you view as the stabilizing factor in traditional power system of your community? Answer: We have a system of political tradition which insulates it from external influence. The system stabilizes itself. For example the next person that will become king is already known and the person that will succeed him is also already known by the people. Even children can tell you without mistake or hesitation who and who will become kings in succession. In this community, kingship is rotated among the component families that make up the town.

Moderator: What are the roles of traditional chiefs in your community? Answer: Hmmm. Chiefs see to the smooth running of their wards so that jointly the community is held together in tranquillity for the king. Also the execution of community work is under their direct supervision. For example in our community, until recent time, the clearing of access roads to the town is done annually under the supervision of the chiefs.

Moderator: Your highness, may you live long. May I know the roles of kings in your community? Answer: Hmmm. Protection – security - of the community. Kings must secure their community against all forms of aggression. The most volatile form of aggression known to my people is any plaque that causes deadly diseases. A good example is small pox. The king has no practical answer to this disease. The king must try to prevent the outbreak of all communicable diseases and if there is an outbreak of any deadly disease he must make efforts to contain it from spreading among the people. Kings have power to order that such persons be isolated from the community. People with small pox are taken outside the town in the forest. Cases of small pox are not tolerated in the past. Now they say government hospitals have treatment for small pox. Also kings in their duty must propel their subjects to achieve great heights in the tasks. The king monitors the progress of his subjects and the community as a whole. Today, kings equally execute government policies in their domain.

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Moderator: Do you have grades of chiefs? If yes how are they graded? Answer: We don‟t have a system of grading chiefs as we find among the other Okun people of Ijumu and Owe who have Ololus (monarchs), Orota (high chiefs), Agemo (lower chiefs) grades. Chieftaincy is strictly divided here into two parts; king and chiefs. Among the Bunu group of Okunland, chieftaincy titles are localized to villages.

Moderator: Who makes decisions on political power in your community? Answer: Kings hold power in Bunu land. The king is the paramount ruler. Yet, he is not autocratic. He, together with the chiefs legislates and executes laws in the community. Each community is autonomous. However, some powerful kings can extend their influence beyond their community to the neighbouring ones. Let me give you an example. If a community has a popular market in the area, the decisions of the king of that town who has the popular market will certainly affect neighbouring towns.

Moderator: Are there specific roles for divination in traditional political system? Answer: Yes. - Ifa (deity of divination) determines who will be crowned as king. Kings are chosen by Ifa. As a matter of fact anyone not chosen by Ifa is never crowned as king. Usually in the process of choosing a king, names are presented to Ifa, maybe five names, among them one is chosen by Ifa as king. He is then crowned by the people.

Moderator: What are the roles of women in traditional political system? Answer: Strictly speaking there are no specific roles for women in traditional Chieftaincy system. >< No rites of initiation into traditional political system admit women as participants or observers. However some powerful women like leader of the market women carry heavy opinions in the town. Some are very powerful, so much that the king must consult them on matters of importance in the town. Moderator: What roles do strangers play in traditional political system? Answer: Non-indigenes are welcomed. Strangers are well treated. Settlers who have lived with us in the community for considerable period, who are married and have built houses can acquire chieftaincy titles.

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Moderator: Some communities allegedly use strangers for sacrifices in their elaborate rites for crowning kings / Answer: = No. We don‟t use human beings for sacrifice in our chieftaincy rites. Our system is not complicated. It is peaceful and orderly.

Moderator: How would you assess the roles of government in traditional political system? Answer: Basically (in English), government does not select chiefs or kings. The processes for initiating and bestowing chieftaincy titles and kingship are left to the communities concerned. People chose their kings and government did not stop them. In this community, we don‟t have government interference. However it should be noted that the final approval for the appointment of kings comes from the state government, because every king is gazetted and paid his monthly emoluments by the government. To fill vacant stools, we have a stable traditional system that works admirably well, so that government interference is not required.

Moderator: Are there problems associated with the exercise of political power in your community? Answer: - >< As a king, I and my chiefs work together to move the town forward. We make things work. There are no encumbrances to my duty. Decisions are passed through the town crier and the people adhere. >< Generally it is the Oba-in-council that exercises power. I have never entertained any fear of disagreement with chiefs and ward heads. Common community works like clearing footpaths, clearing and cleaning water ponds and streams are done collectively.

Moderator: Do you know of any external influence, like Nupe political influence in your traditional political system? Answer: Yes. There are Nupe influences certainly. They raided us for several years and colonised us. Few Nupe influence has been acculturated and internalized by our people. Some words in our dialect have Nupe origin. Some chieftaincy titles have Nupe origin. Let me cite an example: The highest title next to the king in some Okun towns and villages is called Shaba which is a Nupe word. We often use words like Osu for kings in some towns, which is derived from Etsu of Nupe which means King.

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Appendix M KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Ayedayo Participant: Chief Obahun: (Age; 89, no formal educational qualification, politician, farmer and traditional chief).

Moderator: Good morning Sir. I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi. I am carrying out a research on traditional religious and political systems of our people in Okunland. This discussion will be put on tape and video. It shall also be presented to the highest academic community at the University of Nigeria Nsukka. May I request your name, Chief? Answer: I am Chief Obahun of Ayedayo-Amuro.

Moderator: What do you understand as political power in Okun traditional society? Answer: Political power is based on lineages. If my lineage wants to get a chief among us, we will call a meeting of the entire lineage. We will say we intend to make this one and that one a chief. This is explained by saying that we want to acquire chieftaincy title for someone within our lineage because of his good conduct.

Moderator: Who can acquire power in your community? Answer: - We have three chiefs in my lineage and my lineage equally produced the reigning king. Do you know that I was invited to become king? But because I don‟t have western education, I passed it to someone who is educated in my lineage. Today a king must be educated. He must possess education with good character. Moderator: Who can not be a chief? Answer: It is not everybody that can acquire chieftaincy title. People with bad conduct or people of questionable character cannot acquire titles. In this community we have two lineages namely Okemeta and Iluhio. The kingship is rotated between them. If the king is here today, the Shaba (deputy) who is next to him goes to the other and vice versa. Again, people who can not dedicate their time to the community can not be chiefs. Sometimes I may be on the way to the farm and words will get to me that the king wants to see me urgently. I must turn back immediately to see him. Those who cannot make sacrifices cannot be chiefs.

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Moderator: Sir, what do you view as the stabilizing factor in the traditional political system? Answer: There have always been problematic cases in the traditional political system. Although in the past chieftaincy matter was less problematic. In the past, wise men were made chiefs and when cases come up for settlement, they judged with tact and truth. Today rich men without wisdom acquire chieftaincy titles and they cause more trouble in handling cases. So instead of settling cases they complicate them.

Moderator: What are the roles of the king? Answer: He settles cases. He is always settling cases. He has the power to send anyone on any errand for the community. He sends only reliable persons. He should have advisers that he can rely on.

Moderator: What is the nexus between priets and kings in Okun culture? Answer: In the past, the aworo (chief priest) held both religious and political powers for his lineage in the community. In most cases, they were the first settlers and therefore they held both offices while they shared political powers with other members of the community. However, they held firmly to the religious office.

Moderator: Who makes decisions on political power? Answer: In this community the first is the king then the chiefs. Men are in the third place while women come fourth. The chief priest exercises enormous power, but he has primacy on religious matters. Moderator: Can you elaborate on the specific roles of diviners? Answer: In the past, in our fathers‟ time, Ifa will find out things. Nowadays chiefs meet regularly to discuss about the community. In those days chiefs move round the town with diviners to make inquiry about serious cases of the occurrence of strange death in the land or pestilence ravaging the land, Ifa will find out the culprit. Listen to me; I once went to consult an Ifa diviner. I got there before day break; the diviner welcomed me, but told me to go back to sleep because I arrived too early. So I slept till day break. Very early, he woke me up and made consultations with Ifa to what type of day it shall be. Ifa told him it was going to be a fine day. (pauses) Soon a woman came to consult Ifa. The strange thing about the woman was that her head gear was not tied but folded loosely in her hand. The Ifa diviner consulted Ifa and the woman was told not to proceed with her plan, because of the percussion. She was warned in my 191 presence that if she dared, what she did will be exposed and the consequences will be dire. Next, she asked if she can appease Ifa so as to hide her intention from the community. The diviner told her that there was no appeasement that Ifa desires. After the woman had gone, the diviner told me she wanted to kill someone and Ifa has warned her not to dare it. Ifa said if she went ahead to commit the crime, it will be known. Nowadays we can go to Ifa or to prophets in churches around to make inquiries about hidden things.

Moderator: Do you have reputable Ifa priests who can divine for you in this town? Answer: There are no reputable Ifa priests to divine in this community. hmmmm… they say there is a boy down there - but I am not sure of what he does. My son, there is no more Ifa priest in this town! Quote me on this. Moderator: What specific roles do women play? Answer: Women help to stabilize the homes in particular and the community as a whole. Some prominent women are co-opted into decision making processes. Those are women who are noted to be exemplary in character and are held as opinion leaders among the womenfolk. Nowadays we have honorary titles for women, such titles are Atunluse (she who repairs the town), Ayaba (), Iya ewe (mother of children).

Moderator: What specific roles do non-indigenes play in the traditional political system of your community? Answer: Non-indigenes who live humbly and are industrious are welcomed. We don‟t employ forced labour these days. In the past during the time of slavery, if I have them, I can give them any task. It was forced labour. Today God has helped us to abolish it. It is a modern and civilized world. In ancient times, strangers were used as sacrifices to appease the deities so as to prevent wars and slave raiders.

Moderator: How do you assess the roles of government in the traditional system? Answer: In the appointment of kings or giving titles to chiefs, the government plays no role. It is strictly an internal affair of the community. However, when we choose our king, the government gives approval. The role of the government is purely to give official recognition to what the community has done. Chiefs play important roles in the community, but the government pays us pittance. Whenever we want to choose a new king there are traditional procedures. If I am a king and having lived very long, proceed to the place where elders go, the person chosen as the new 192 king will conclude the traditional rites of enthronement in my house. In the front of my house, he will be warned that the care of men is placed in his hands, the care of women is placed in his hands, the care of children is placed in his hands and the deities are placed in his hands. It is after this that he will be crowned and given red fez cap. Thereafter women will ululate.

Moderator: Can you point out problems associated with the exercise of political power in your community? Answer: I am a high chief, (pauses) but nowadays I encounter encumbrances in the discharge of my duties. Let it be noted that government does not disturb us, but neither does government enhance us to do our jobs. Nowadays because of my farming activities, I cannot do my work as a chief. If I am educated and employed in the civil service, I would have retired by my age with pension and gratuity. You see at my age I still go to the farm.

Moderator: Sir may I know your age? Answer: I am above 80 years. (pauses) The Bible says if you see the truth and you refuse to say it, you will carry the guilt of sin of concealment. Nothing disturbs us, I mean chiefs from speaking out. Even courts do not disturb us. We settle cases. However people can still appeal to government court. Such people are free to go from one court to the next and even to the third as they please. People should respect their community. If the community imposes a fine on you for any misdemeanour, it is better to pay the fine. Defaulters become outcasts. Government courts are good, but people must respect the decisions of their community.

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Appendix N KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL RELIGION Venue: Alu. Participants: Mama Dada: (Age; above 100, traditionalist, no formal education); Imole-bamibi: (Age; above 70, traditionalist, no formal education).

Moderator: Mama I am happy to see you. You are quite advanced in age. I feel honoured that you have come out to hold this interview with me. I really wanted to have in-depth knowledge of the traditional religion of Okun people. Mama may I ask of your name and age? Answer: My name is Dada. I don‟t know my exact age or the year I was born. All my age mates are dead.

Moderator: Can you recollect some events that surrounded your birth? Answer: There were no vehicles when I was born and even when I was growing up. (Mama‟s children and grand children talking at the same time): Mama is above 100 years. Grandson: Mama I think you are above 90 years? Answer: Certainly I am above 90 years. Look at my grey hairs. All my age mates have joined the ancestors.

Moderator: Iye can you recollect your in-depth knowledge of Okun traditional rites, especially as it applies to your community? Answer: (murmuring, then speaks) Let me call my priestess.

Moderator: Can you identify extant religious rites that still flourish in your community? Answer: Oro (spirit of divinities) is the religious rite. It is assigned to a particular time of the year when the entire community celebrate and participate in it.

Moderator: Can you explain the duration of Oro festival? Answer: Oro spans through three weeks. It involves the following deities; Ereo, Oloke and (voice fades out).

Moderator: How many deities do you have in the community? 194

Answer: Several people talking simultaneously and mentioned their names such as Oloke, Oghon, Ereo.

Moderator: Are there deities who are no longer worshiped in this community? Answer: None has ceased to be worshipped. They all exist. Adherents are still with us in giving due worship to the different deities.

Moderator: As a prominent member of traditional religion, what can you identify as the major problems facing the practice of your religion? Answer: The only problem I notice is that we no longer meet as often as we used to in the past and even when we meet some will be absent. All of us no longer congregate for religious worship.

Moderator: How often do you recruit members to Oro? Answer: Initiations are not as frequent as before. We have new members but not in large numbers as we had in my youthful days.

Moderator: What are the roles of the chief priest? Answer: (murmuring unintelligible words). (Voice fades) not much is done by the chief priest these days (voice fades again). [A priestess joins us]

Moderator: Welcome priestess. My name is Paul-Kolade a researcher on Okun traditional religion. I am a catholic priest and I come from a lineage of traditional priests in my home town, Ogidi. Answer: My name is Imole-bamibi.

Moderator: Can you recollect your exact age? Answer: [People chorused]. She is above 70 years.

Moderator: When is Oro celebrated in your community? Answer: Oro is a religious rite that is celebrated in the 7th month (August).

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Moderator: May I request you to mention the deities concerned? Answer: They are Oghon, Oloke, Ereo.

Moderator: Please identify the different times of celebrating the feast of the various deities? Answer: They are celebrated at the same time. There is usually an interval of 5 or 7 days between the feast of one deity and another.

Moderator: How many lineages do you have in Alu? Answer: 10 lineages. Moderator: How come the deities? Answer: The first settlers in the community own Oloke deity. They did not bring it from anywhere. It is their deity. The deity goes with them wherever they go. They first settled at Odosula. They are called Sasu/Arupe lineage.

Moderator: (I was surprised at this information since that is my family‟s cognomen, then I said); I am also from the Sasu lineage in Ogidi. Answer: (People who gathered to watch the interview exclaimed excitedly at this news). A voice: Yes we have them in Ogidi as well. We are widespread in Okun. Another voice: The old woman whom you are interviewing is your mother. A voice: You belong to the same lineage with Iye. Yet another voice: Sasu lineage is found in many towns and villages of Okunland. Another voice: But Sasu and Arupe have their origin in this town. / A voice: = Yes this is their ancestral home. / A voice: = Before we spread to other parts of Okunland.

Moderator: (The people who had gathered became more enthusiastic in discussing with me). What can you identify the problems that confront practitioners of traditional religion in this community? Answer: I don‟t know what is disturbing our people! For me I have no problem with my religion. When the time comes, I celebrate the deities. Nobody can disturb me. Nobody can challenge me. In fact nobody has ever challenged me or confronted me on my religious duties.

Moderator: What militates against effective missionary activity of traditional religion? 196

Answer: No. We are expanding. We get new members every year. Both young and old are with us. Some members are living outside the town in far away places. Some are engaged in legitimate businesses in big cities and towns. Some are trading and few are involved in wood logging and some are students. Increase in membership is ongoing.

Moderator: Let us talk on the office of the chief priest. May I know who can be appointed as chief priest? Answer: It is traditionally assigned to a lineage. He is the priest of Ereo deity. Other deities have their priests, but the priest of Ereo is the chief priest.

Moderator: What is the office of the chief priest? Answer: He is a prominent chief in the community.

Moderator: Can I ask for more explanation of this statement? Answer: He makes sure that the deity is well treated by giving it due worship. He is respected by the deities and that is why he is assigned to this job. God made him to achieve prominence in the community. He may loose his dignity if he is negligent in his traditional religious duties.

Moderator: Who do you worship? Answer: We worship Olorun (God).

Moderator: Do you see similarities in the traditional priesthood and priesthood in Christianity? Answer: Both are the same. Pastors and chief priests are the same. If the chief priest brings kolanut, God answers him. Just as God answers pastors, so does He answer the chief priest.

Moderator: Please clarify. Answer: I know that when the chief priest brings kolanuts in sincerity and open heart, not to curse anyone, but to seek divine assistance heaven will answer. When he blesses, it is done.

Moderator: What type of kolanut is used? Answer: Only four seeded kolanuts are used for divination.

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Moderator: Can you divine for me now? Answer: Yes, I can divine for you with kolanuts.

Moderator: Are there women priests in traditional religion? Answer: Women are not made priests, but in peculiar cases, in the absence of qualified men, I can act. When the seat of the chief priest is vacant, I can exercise it.

Moderator: Are you aware of reformation or changes of traditional religious rites of your people? Answer: First, the days have not changed. Second, masquerades still come out in the day time. Deities still visit us at night. Women are still not allowed to see the deities.

Moderator: How friendly are the deities with women? I mean are women allowed to associate with them? Answer: The deity called Mugunmugun is not seen by women. It comes out only at night.

Moderator: Why are women kept away from the deity? Answer: No woman has ever seen Mugunmugun. I have not heard of it. Never! [people talking simultaneously] A voice: Women do not see deities. Another voice: No no it is a taboo. Yet another voice: Hahaha it is unimaginable. Previous voice: Hmmm! Never! Women?

Moderator: Are there special guilds for women in traditional religious set up? If yes may I request you to identify them? Answer: There is only the Imole (Earth deity) cult for women in our traditional religious system.

Moderator: Is the Earth deity limited only to your town or is it found in other parts of Okunland? Answer: Yes. We are the same Okun people. Imole is the same every where.

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Moderator: How does one become initiated into Imole cult? Answer: Only God knows how one becomes an Imole person. Only God determines it.

Moderator: How did you become one yourself? Answer: I don‟t know. I only found myself as an Imole. I was not born as Imole. It was the day the spirit of Imole possessed me that I became Imole. Moderator: My late mother was an Imole too. Can you leave Imole cult? Are there any repercussions for those who leave? Answer: Nothing will happen to me if I leave, but I will not leave Imole cult.

Moderator: Can you expatiate on the roles of the women cult in the tradition of Alu community? Answer: We are assigned by Olorun (God) to take care of the community. We pray for the welfare of our children so that they will be protected against evil. We pray for the progress of the town. We appease the deities. We help to wade off evil so that peace might reign in the community. We invoke different deities as directed by their devotees to help us achieve this.

Moderator: Are there noticeable encumbrances to the practice of traditional religion in Alu town? Answer: Nothing disturbs me.

Moderator: What about Christian preachers? Answer: They preach against us, but we are still getting new members. Their preaching means nothing to me. Olorun (God) is adding to our number. Our membership is growing. I know Oro cannot die. At least it won‟t go into extinction in my life time. Imole itself brings children to traditional religion. By God‟s power, children will always join us. Imole can possess anybody then he/she automatically becomes a devotee.

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Appendix O KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL RELIGION Venue: Oke Agi Participant: Moses Ibrahim: (Age 70: retired soldier, Ogun devotee, also a baptised Christian).

Moderator: I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi from the University of Nigeria Nsukka. I am conducting a research on the traditional religion and the political system of Okun people. I wish to seek your cooperation to achieve this. I have some questions which I want you to give answers to in your honest opinion in your native language. Answer: I can only speak Yagba dialect. I can‟t speak English.

Moderator: That is most welcomed. May I formally ask you to introduce yourself? Answer: My name is Moses Ibrahim.

Moderator: Where is your village? Answer: I am from Oke Agi.

Moderator: What do you know of the traditional deities and the worship associated with them? Answer: I worship Ogun the powerful deity. (He began to chant praises of Ogun) Ogun who built massive houses in heaven Awo yon, awo yon Orisa (deity) Mighty man, man of valour and war When Ogun was returning from the hill He came to Ile-Ife He wanted to drink palm oil But he was given water Hence Ogun punished them severely He exterminated all of them We don‟t toy with Ogun. On the day we worship him all our wives will accompany us. They cook pounded yam for everybody to eat. We must finish whatever food is prepared. Nothing must be returned home. The festivity can last for two days. Ifa divination is part of the festivity. Ogun is asked by Ifa if he accepts our sacrifice. We use kolanuts. Kolanut lobes have male and female types. We divine to know if Ogun accepts our sacrifices. Much is provided for people to 200 eat and drink. We drink assorted liquors like palm wine and several cartons of beer. It is always a festival. No quarrel is entertained. We dance. We all celebrate and return home. We will dance round the village by visiting the king, chiefs and all houses in the village. People will give us money. The type of dance used to celebrate Ogun is called ijo Ode (hunter‟s dance).

Moderator: What month of the year does this festival take place? Answer: It is done in the 2nd month (February).

Moderator: Are you aware of any rite, which is associated with traditional religion that has been discontinued? Answer: Ogun is always celebrated. Nothing has been abolished. The whole village celebrates Ogun.

Moderator: It is interesting that Ogun is still celebrated. Do you have interference from churches? Answer: They do not disturb us before. It is only recently that pastors began to preach against us. These days, pastors have no love or respect for others.

Moderator: Can you explain the function of the traditional priest? Answer: I only know about the priest of Ogun.

Moderator: Please go ahead and explain. Answer: The priest of Ogun is concerned with the welfare of our lineage. He makes divination for our children. He inquires about the welfare of all our children both the ones at home and those outside.

Moderator: Will you establish nexus between traditional priest and Christian pastors? Answer: There is no link between them. God‟s representative should be characterised by truthfulness and morality. Indeed pastors do not speak the truth. Traditional priests will always speak the truth. Pastors are not sincere, nor do they have morality. Traditional priests will say the truth no matter the consequences either life or death.

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Moderator: So you can differentiate the two? Answer: Pastors are tricksters who are always playing tricks. They are not sincere. Traditional priests are always sincere.

Moderator: Let us now talk about the dwindling population of traditional religion. Answer: People are no longer participating in traditional rites. Children are not being initiated. People are going elsewhere.

Moderator: Has this trend affected your family deity? Answer: Ogun is not just a deity. He expresses our humanity. Ogun is an expression of human reality in the world. Ogun is iron. Iron is used in farming, building and everything. Ogun is everything. Our children must participate in Ogun festival. Once a child is born into our family he/she becomes a devotee of Ogun. I am a christian and it does not disturb me from carrying out my devotion to Ogun, because it is a family thing.

Moderator: Can I ask you if you have noticed gradual changes in the way Ogun is worshipped? Answer: Our festival has not changed. Nothing has changed.

Moderator: Even the paraphernalia of ritual worship.. Answer: Nothing has changed. We still celebrate with food and drink. We sacrifice cocks to him. Ogun eats dogs, but our family does not eat dogs because our grand father who was a muslim refused to eat dogs. There was a time when all communities of Okun gathered here to appease Ogun. They brought a dog for sacrifice, but my father being a Muslim and who was also the head of the family refused to sacrifice the dog. Though a Muslim, he led us in the worship of Ogun. He led us to Ogun shrine located on the hill. He was equally adept at Ifa divination.

Moderator: Can it be right to judge if traditional religion is fading away? Answer: Yet it is fading fast. People are not worshipping the deities as before.

Moderator: Has this affected the devotion to Ogun too? Answer: Ogun can not be obliterated. Look, I am alive and my children are alive. My family cannot be wiped out. My grand children will come after me. Ogun is for my family. The rite cannot die. Once a child is born into this family, he/she is automatically a devotee of Ogun. 202

Moderator: Apart from Ogun, can you identify other deities? Answer: I don‟t know the names of other deities. I cannot lie. There are others, but I don‟t know them. Ogun is different. He is not like the other deities.

Moderator: It pleases researchers on culture like me to know that your family is devoted to Ogun. May I know what sort of hindrances you encounter? Answer: There is no disturbance. Only churches try to hinder us. They say we are Christians, yet we worship Ogun. But Ogun is for my family. We must worship him. We meet Ogun at home, on the farm, when we travel, everywhere. Anything that brings contact with iron is Ogun. We cannot exist without Ogun.

Moderator: We are yet to talk of what Ogun takes from its devotees. Answer: Ogun drinks sorghum wine. We eat all sorts of food during the festival. The rule is that no food which is taken to Ogun shrine is returned home. Everything must be consumed on the hill. We sometimes sleep there while eating and drinking as we celebrate.

Moderator: As a prominent member of Ogun devotees what can you identify as the role of women in the festival? Answer: They prepare the food and drink.

Moderator: Perhaps they carry out further activities… Answer: [cuts in] Women do not join us when we approach the shrine of Ogun. Take note of two taboos. Number one is that women are not permitted to go near the shrine of Ogun. Number two is that people are not permitted to put on footwear during the rituals when we make sacrifice to Ogun. Women are not permitted; also footwears must not be worn.

Moderator: How do devotees draw this elaborate rite to a conclusion? Answer: We make final divination and ask if Ogun accepts our sacrifice. If he does not, we will appease him until he accepts.

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Appendix P KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL RELIGION Venue: Ogidi Participant: Chief Priest Ajiboye: (Age; 72, chief priest of Oluwo deity, Ogidi).

Moderator: This is a continuation of the last group discussion we had. I wish to seek in-depth view on some matters from you as the chief priest. Who are you Sir? Answer: I am the priest. I initiate traditional festival in the community. Our lineage holds the priesthood in perpetuity in the community. To celebrate the annual traditional festival, Ifa is first consulted and the date is chosen. If the king wants to change it, like shifting it forward for one reason or another, he begs us and he must send money to us.

Moderator: What is the name of your principal deity? Answer: He is called Oluwo.

Moderator: How did it emerge? Answer: Oluwo came from Ile-Ife.

Moderator: Are you observing all traditional festivals or has any of it been abandoned/ Answer: Some are obsolete. The one called Toga rite has been abandoned for long. Iregun is another one that has been abandoned. There is another one which has been cancelled, but I cannot remember what it is called again. Moderator: As the chief priest can you identify what impedes you from discharging your duty in the community? Answer: Christianity is the greatest impediment. Once in the past one man called James said to Mr. Medupin who was Laity chairman of the Catholic Church at the time that only three families are left in traditional religion. He mentioned the families of Eleko, Fatimayin and Olujagba as the only ones still practicing traditional religion in Ogidi. But in that year when the Agbo masquerades came out, thy numbered over fifty. Certainly that was more than what the three families could muster. So there are people who want to belong but are afraid.

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Moderator: What are the roles of the chief priest within the community? Answer: He helps to secure the peace of the community.

Moderator: Do you see a nexus between your job and that of a pastor? Answer: I will say there is little comparison, if there is any. I offer sacrifices to God and appease the deities. You are a Catholic fada. Moderator: I offer sacrifices to God too. Answer: (He laughs) Do you offer sacrifices too? Moderator: Yes I do. The Mass I celebrate is a sacrifice made to God. Answer: Emmm. I don‟t know. So we both pray and offer sacrifices to God.

Moderator: Is there any way in which modernization has affected traditional religion? Answer: Modernization has really affected the practice of traditional religion. It is noticeable first of all in the duration of traditional festival. The principal deity Oluwo normally spends seven days in annual visit to the community. It was restricted to three days, but nowadays it does not come out at all. We still worship it, but we perform the rites in the groove not in an elaborate form in the town as before.

Moderator: Finally let‟s talk about women and traditional religion. What are the roles of women in traditional religion? Answer: (He cuts in) Women cannot know Oro. It‟s a taboo. Maybe in the past it was possible for few powerful women to know aspects of Oro, but certainly today no woman can. But traditionally they play significant roles in the cults of Imole and Ofosi which are strictly for women, because men do not join these two cults.

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Appendix Q KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL RELIGION Venue: Mopa Discussant: Olayemi: (Age; 89, chief priestess of Mopaland, no formal education.

Moderator: I am Paul-Kolade Tubi, a student from the University of Nigeria Nsukka, carrying out a research on the traditional religious and political systems of the Okun people. I am a Catholic priest who has shown keen interest in Okun culture since 1989. Do make your opinion clear and free as you like. I will ask that you permit me to record this interview. My first question is: What do the Okun people understand as religious as different from the profane? Answer: The religious is called Oro. Anything outside Oro is non-religious. God is still involved in all aspects of our lives, but it is not everything that is strictly Oro. In Okunland, Oro focuses on Olorun (Supreme Deity) and his ebora (deities).

Moderator: It interests me to know that you are a chief priestess. / Answer: = I was given the position when no man was qualified to assume the office. After I had assumed the office some now began to raise dust about my position. Traditionally, it is men who are chief priests, but necessity made me one. And I am doing my job satisfactorily. The deities are not annoyed with me.

Moderator: What can you identify as the main challenges facing traditional religion in your community? Answer: New faiths. Look at what church people have done to traditional religion. There are no new initiates into traditional religion. Most of us are dying without replacement. I think it is the will of God. Moderator: So far over the years can you identify possible cases of infiltration of foreign elements or adaptation of modernization into traditional religion? Answer: Oro is still as it was. However, the level of celebration has been scaled down. The population of those who participated has been going down drastically. The resiliency is quite appreciable if you compare it with onslaughts from church people.

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Moderator: What do you see as comparable in the roles of chief priests and pastors? Answer: What do they have in common? Maybe little. I worship the deities, but they worship Jesus.

Moderator: May I ask you to talk about the possible future of traditional religion? Answer: It is dying off. It is Christians who are celebrating Oro with us. All our children have gone to the church. We are all old and now no one wants his son to join again. No one wants to initiate her daughter to traditional Imole (cult of women). We all want our children to go to school and churches own the schools.

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Appendix R KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL RELIGION Venue: Iyara Discussant: Mr. Adeusi: (Age; 79, ex-traditionalist, no formal education, but literate in Yoruba, farmer).

Moderator: I welcome you to this interview. My name is Father Paul-Kolade Tubi. I am a native of Ogidi. I am carrying out a research on the traditions of Okun people in the aspects of religion and politics. I will be asking you pertinent questions and I solicit your response truthfully. Sir, what do you know about Oro? Answer: My late father was a traditionalist to the core. My father acquired the title of Olikoko which is the most revered chieftaincy title in the land. He was also a priest of the deity. He used to worship the deity and we all participated when I was a child. I was participating until few years ago when I stopped. He offered rams and akara to the deity.

Moderator: What are the deities? Answer: There are two types of deities in this community, first we have the community deity which everybody honours and worships. Then we have deities which are aligned to lineages. The deity is not God. Deities are the lords of the community.

Moderator: Traditionally, what specific roles do women play in traditional religion? Answer: Women are forbidden from seeing Oro. They are kept indoors. But they also play important roles in their women cults of Imole and Ofosi. Men are the ones who know Oro.

Moderator: Can you quantify the impact of modernization, Christianity and Islam on Traditional Religion? Answer: Christianity has impeded Oro significantly. The town is dominated by Christians. My father was an Oro devotee and I was initiated. I was the one drumming for Oro. Today I am a Catholic. Until recent I was still drumming for them while still coming to Church, but I had to stop few years ago.

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Moderator: Why is the influence of traditional religion dwindling in the community? Answer: Traditional religion is loosing ground. People are no longer joining them. Unlike Christianity, they don‟t have missionary activities. Even children of the traditional devotees are no longer going to the shrine. There are no children being initiated into Oro anymore.

Moderator: Who is Aworo (chief priest) in Traditional Religion? Answer: Aworo is the head of the priesthood in our religion. He leads the community in worship. The office of the chief priest has become obsolete in Iyara. It has not been filled since the death of the last person. Right now I don‟t even know anyone who is a traditional priest.

Moderator: What can you identify as the challenges facing traditional religion in your community? Answer: Things are changing due to modernization. Christianity has changed everything. Listen to me; nobody is fighting against adherents of Traditional Religion. It is just that people are no longer interested. Even the children of traditional religionists no longer join them. Understand me; “ „something is good‟ is not the same as „I like it‟ ”. Traditional religion is good, but it does not mean that people like it. Something may be good, but someone may not like it. So Oro is good, but children of today don‟t like it.

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Appendix S KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Ogidi Discussant: Alhaji Yunusa Ajakaiye: (Age; 84, farmer, oral-cantor, no formal education).

Moderator: Good morning Alhaji. It is my pleasure to have this particular interview with you. It is a continuation of the earlier group discussion we held. I will seek your opinion on some aspects of traditional political power because people suggested that you have deep knowledge of these things. They said that your late father was the chief priest and that you grew up in these circumstances. Answer: (He smiles). Yes.

Moderator: Who can and who cannot acquire chieftaincy titles in this community? Answer: Anybody can acquire political power.

Moderator: May I say too that women can acquire political power? Answer: No. Women are exempted.

Moderator: Are there differences in traditional titles? Answer: Basically there are three grades of chieftaincy titles. They are Igemo (lower chiefs), Orota (high chiefs) and Ololu (monarchs) in the order of seniority. People can always change their titles either to move higher or to acquire a new name within the same grade.

Moderator: What are the roles of chiefs in the community considering the works of modern government? Answer: They are primarily concerned with settling cases and maintaining peace in the community.

Moderator: What role does the government play in modern chieftaincy issues? Answer: I don‟t know what specific role the government plays when people want to acquire normal chieftaincy titles. But government certainly has a say in the choice of a king and the installation.

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Moderator: Are there noticeable impediments to traditional chiefs in the discharge of their duties? Answer: If the chiefs themselves lack truth, then they impede themselves. Truth protects. Truth enhances.

Moderator: May I know if you have noticed remarkable changes in the traditions surrounding chieftaincy matters? Answer: Ifa was the sole determinant in the past. Today it is no longer so. They all ask churches and mosques to pray for them.

Moderator: Do you then view any correlation between traditional chief priests, pastors and imams in this task? Answer: They both speak the word of God. They speak to God. They preach. The chief priest preaches too. The main relationship between all of them is that they desire the good of their community. They work for the progress of the community.

Moderator: People argue that evil was prevalent both in the traditional political and religious systems. Do you agree? Answer: A traditional chief priest does not do evil. I know that very well. My late father was a chief priest. He was bound by tradition to do good. He exercised authority by the power of the community. The following persons; the king, chief priest and head of the executioners must agree before anyone can be sanctioned in the community.

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Appendix T KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Ilonkan, Ogidi Discussant: Chief Olorunmo Ajakaiye: (Age; 103, traditional chief, farmer, no formal education).

Moderator: Chief, I thank you for this opportunity to clarify some aspects of traditional power system of Ogidi. How does one acquire traditional chieftaincy title in your community? Answer: By tradition, it is the interested person who goes to the king to make his intention known. Next Ifa is consulted before any public declaration is made. Thereafter, nine days interval is observed. Titles are taken at the place called Abaala. There is a traditional stool which a candidate sits on to be installed as chief. That stool is preserved in the palace. It is a ritual stool. It belongs to the community. Nobody constructs his own stool. It has never been heard that it was lost or destroyed. It is as old as the community. An important aspect of the ceremony of chieftaincy taking is the aspect of going to the farm to perform his first official duty. It is a ceremonial farming. He will be accompanied by his family and friends to a nearby farm, where he will uproot few grasses. The people will shout in ululation to that act. They returned home from the farm and he becomes a full fledged chief.

Moderator: What traditional inhibitions do you observe as taboos? Answer: A chief must not climb trees. Nobody can strike him, not even is it permissible to swing hands at him. One boy came to my house and in anger broke my water pot and pointed fingers at me. The palace fined him with the sum of N10,000. He paid an extra fine of a he goat, one gallon of palm oil, and bought a new pot to replace the broken one. The case is still on. The family has been begging me to forgive him. We shall meet in the palace this weekend to deliberate on it.

Moderator: Who can acquire chieftaincy titles and who cannot? Answer: Anyone can acquire chieftaincy titles. But some people are traditionally limited to the Igemo (first grade). They cannot advance to Orota (second grade).

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Moderator: What are the roles of women in traditional chieftaincy matters? It seems they have been completely sidelined. Would you agree to this point? Answer: In the past, women were not given chieftaincy titles. But today civilization has changed things. We now give honorary chieftaincy titles to women. Your sister was given honorary title. You should know that.

Moderator: What then are the roles of chiefs in the community? Answer: We are there to ensure that peace reigns. We make concerted efforts to make sure that the community is progressing.

Moderator: In all this what role does Ifa play if any? Answer: Ifa is the Osa-tona (the deity that shows the way). It illuminates hidden things.

Moderator: Do you have any assigned roles to strangers in traditional chieftaincy matters? Answer: In the past strangers were offered as sacrificial victims to the deities. Today no such thing exits.

Moderator: Do you experience government interference in the discharge of your duties as a chief? Answer: There is no interference from the government in the discharge of our duties. An exceptional case is that which involves the appointment of a new king and his enthronement which are done by the government.

Moderator: What do you think hampers chiefs from exercising their traditional roles in modern times? Answer: Modernization is the greatest thing that hampers us in our traditional duties. Methods are changing. Values are re-defined. Norms are no longer sacrosanct. Civilization is good but it is eroding our influence.

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Moderator: Finally Sir, in your opinion what does the future hold for traditional political system? Answer: Good titled men are a credit to the institution. Honourable chiefs bring enhancement to traditional political system. But bad ones debase it. By and large, the custom of traditional chieftaincy rites and political system cannot be cancelled. The system may be modernized but it will endure for ever.

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Appendix U KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Iyara Discussant: Chief Hezekiah Adebayo: (Age; 77, traditional chief, farmer, no formal education).

Moderator: I am Father Paul-Kolade Tubi a researcher from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I am studying the political and religious systems of the Okun people. I wish that you answer some pertinent questions on this topic. Let me begin by asking: What does it take to be a chief? Answer: The processes begin at home. The would-be chief must be ready to acquire the chieftaincy title. It is expensive. He goes to the king to make his intention known. The king will admonish him about the office he wishes to take on himself. The candidate will choose a date after praying about it. On the date which has been agreed upon, the candidate and his family and friends will take a ceremonial trek through the town and end up in the palace. There, he will be instructed on how to respond to the call of the king.

Moderator: What are the traditional roles of chiefs in the community? Answer: They are there for the good of the community. That is their primary role.

Moderator: What accounts for tension or lack of tension in traditional chieftaincy matters in the community? Answer: In the past, things were very peaceful and orderly. The system was based on lineage system, in which one lineage succeeds another. Recent attempt which some people made to jettison this system has led us to unimaginable crises in the community.

Moderator: Is there the possibility that with such crises the traditional political system can be doomed? Answer: No. We are the best to offer services and justice to the people. The police and courts are there to settle cases, but they don‟t know the tradition of the people. The traditional system is better. Moreover the police and courts‟ processes are long and tedious. Also they are more expensive. But traditional system of arbitration is fast and less expensive.

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Moderator: What roles does the government play in the traditional political system? Answer: Nowadays the government gives staff of office to kings and the government pays them salaries, therefore it is involved in the processes of traditional institution. Though it is involved in this aspect of traditional institution, the government does not interfere with our primary duties, nor does it impede us in the discharge of our traditional roles.

Moderator: What role does Ifa play in traditional political chieftaincy matters? Answer: Ifa shows the ways. Ifa tells us how to go about things. It is very important.

Moderator: What are the roles of women in traditional political system? Answer: They cook, (pauses), dance.

Moderator: Are strangers given any prominent roles in the system? Answer: Nothing spectacular about strangers or non-indigenes.

Moderator: What type of sacrifice is involved in acquiring chieftaincy titles in your community? Answer: It will cost you plenty of money. There are no human sacrifices here as obtained in some parts.

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Appendix V KEY PERSON INTERVIEW ON TRADITIONAL POLITICAL POWER Venue: Palace of king of Igbagun, Yagba. Participant: His Royal Highness Oba Igbagun: (Age; 70, education; secondary school) Moderator: Your Highness, I greet you warmly. I am Fr. Paul-Kolade Tubi, a researcher on Okun-Yoruba culture. I am conducting a research on the traditional religious and political systems of the Okun people. I want to interview you on the aspect of traditional power in Igbagun community. Sir, may I ask for your name? Answer: I am Oba Alayeluwa. Moderator: What do you understand as political power in the tradition of your people? Answer: Power in the tradition of my people involves getting public trust from the community to rule and reign. My position came from the people. In fact many powerful interests were opposed to me. There was a wealthy young man who sought to manipulate the selection process but the will of the people prevailed.

Moderator: What do you see as resilient in your traditional political system? Answer: The political system of our ancestors is still being practiced despite the advent of Christianity. We still take chieftaincy titles in the palace and not in churches or mosques. We still observe the dos and don‟ts of the office of the traditional ruler. The political structure has not been altered despite westernization. I still wear beads on my neck and wrist as a monarch. These things cannot be replaced.

Moderator: What influence has westernization or globalization exerted on your culture and tradition? Answer: The whole world is changing. Hmmm, when I was young, there were things which were taboos, but the youths of today jump into them. Premarital sex, marriage outside wedlock, armed robbery, prostitution, lack of respect for elders were never tolerated in the past. My son, our tradition has been buffeted by globalization.

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Moderator: As a king what roles do you think modern government has played in traditional institution? Answer: The Governor has the money. So we are paid by him. Though he did not choose me as king, but he gave the final approval. People tried to use the government to thwart the choice of the people, most times they succeed but in my case they did not.

Moderator: Was there a challenge to your office? Answer: There is a wealthy young man in this town that wanted to impose his choice on the town. We resisted. He built a new palace for his would-be king. I have no money, but my people were with me. It dragged on for few years. He organised riots in the town, sponsored lawlessness among the youths, but in the end, the government gave me approval to be the monarch of the town.

Moderator: Is traditional system malfunctioning or is it doing well? Answer: The relative malfunctioning we are experiencing comes from people who want to change our tradition. Okun traditional political system is rotational, so that every segment of the community takes turns to ascend the throne. Now we hear of ruling houses. This is clearly an aberration. Every male, landowner and freeborn Okun can become king. Many communities have gone to war over this aberration.

Moderator: What does the future hold for traditional chieftaincy office? Answer: Nothing can erase Oba in Yorubaland. We are the custodian of the people‟s land and culture. We are the natural leaders of the people that is why we are called traditional rulers by the government. We are more stable than the governments of today. Even the military could not decree (in English) us out of existence.

Moderator: Are there discernible traditional methods that make traditional political system enjoy stability? Answer: Yes. Ifa plays a significant role in maintaining equilibrium in traditional political system. Every Oba is a given final nod by Ifa. Even if you are a Muslim or a Christian, Ifa has the final say in the choice of a king. Also the principle of rotation helps to stabilize the system. And importantly too, the possibility of every male who is Okun to aspire to the highest office makes everyone to work for the system, because if the system collapses everyone will loose.

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