Women and Human Security in South Asia: the Cases of Bangladesh and Pakistan

WOMEN AND HUMAN SECURITY IN SOUTH ASIA: THE CASES OF BANGLADESH AND PAKISTAN Saba Gul Khattak, Kiran Habib And Foqia Sadiq Khan Submitted by Sustainable Development Policy Institute SDPI Table of Contents Chapter I The Theory and Practice of Gender and Security in South Asia 1 Chapter II The State and Human Security Discourses in Bangladesh and Pakistan 20 Chapter III Situation Analysis of Women‟s Status in Pakistan and Bangladesh 39 Chapter IV Policies on Women 89 Annexure 109 Chapter I THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF GENDER AND SECURITY IN SOUTH ASIA I. INTRODUCTION The crisis of development in South Asia in combination with the deepening patterns of conflict —political, ethnic, and religious—underscore the need to develop an alternative perspective on security in the region. We believe that one important initial step toward creating an alternative discourse on security will be first to privilege the experience and voices of women who speak from a women sensitive perspective on their security and whose ideas must form an integral part of a revised discourse on security. Such a discourse has already been articulated in its initial theoretical forms and now needs to be supported by country-specific data. The purpose of this manuscript, therefore, is to bring a gender sensitive approach into the discourse and practice on human security in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Within this broad framework our specific objective is: a) To provide an intellectual understanding of the concept of gendered human security through synthesis of academic discourse and scholarship, good practices and policies; b) To document and analyze prevailing practices on gendered human security; c) To contribute to the building of standards and norms of measuring human security by developing a conceptual basis for the rationale behind the need for a separate framework for women‘s insecurity through the introduction of (direct and structural) violence against women into the framework. This is needed because the emphasis in the indicators used by different indices vary, and often ignore the direct threats and the structural discrimination women encounter in their everyday life. This manuscript thus makes the case for reconceptualizing women‘s security by highlighting the gender blindness of prevailing scholarship at several levels ranging from lack of data to lack of conceptual categories. We analyze women‘s relationship with security from two major standpoints: a) Women‘s security as ensured/threatened by the state b) Women‘s security and the intersections of cultural norms and traditions practiced at the community and family levels, such as honor killings, bride price, anti-women fatwas (religious edicts), and domestic violence. Keeping these two key standpoints in view, we examine the indices developed by multilateral agencies that take into account economic, legal, social and political rights in the public and 4 The Theory and Practice of Gender and Security in South Asia private contexts. We also connect the issue of insecurity with direct and structural violence1 emphasizing that the links between these two types of violence constrain women‘s options. This chapter discusses the larger masculinist politics and framework within which human security and human development have been conceptualized and discusses both their mainstream as well as feminist critiques. The second chapter provides a lens into the political and social contexts in Bangladesh and Pakistan and locates different types of sectoral human securities in the two countries within the larger framework of political development. This helps place the multifaceted development issues confronting the two countries in their historical and current complexities. Although this chapter does not focus on gender as a category within the different sectors, it sets the context for our understanding of gender issues discussed in Chapter III. The latter brings out the different and overlapping ways in which women face insecurity at the level of the state, the local community and the family. It highlights the dual roles of the state in providing protection and exacerbating inequalities at the legal and social policy levels. This chapter also examines local customs that push women back and ensure that their status remains secondary within the community and the household. In so doing, this chapter also problematizes the public/private dichotomy that acts to the detriment of women. Specifically, the situation of women in Bangladesh and Pakistan is examined through indices of human development in each country, the extent of criminal violence against women such as trafficking, rape and honor killings, the legal and political rights ensured by each state. Chapter four presents an analysis of emerging trends in both Bangladesh and Pakistan, over the years and provides policy recommendations. II. OVERVIEW OF SECURITY DISCOURSES AND FRAMEWORKS This subsection discusses the tensions between defining security as pertaining to the territorial boundaries of the state on the one hand and as being concerned with the security of the individual on the other hand. In addition, it discusses the politics behind the emergence of the alternative security debates as a post-Cold War phenomenon that allowed the focus to shift from the state to the individual. It discusses the overlaps and differences between human security and human development and provides information on the different indices of human development and security. The last subsection provides the feminist critique of these concepts and shortcomings of the indices that depend only upon measurable indicators and thus are unable to address or include the different aspects of threats of violence that constrain women from enjoying their rights to the fullest. How did the discourse of human security emerge with so much force in the 1990s? Pointing to the larger canvass of masculinist politics within which the human security paradigm operates, we contend that the 1990s as the interregnum between the Cold War and the War on Terror was able to provide space for these debates to emerge. The end of the Cold War made it possible to question state-centric notions of security at the cost of human development, especially in the third world, because the critical role of the state in containing the communist menace was no longer required. A unipolar world could afford to dilute security and focus on the individual as a form of consolidating Empire and capitalism. The new wave of 1 This was first explicated by the famous peace researcher, Johann Galtung, in 1969. Women and Human Security 5 globalization required that states begin to focus on human capital. This is a theme to which we will return later in the chapter. We assert that the future of the security debates depend upon the manner in which the War on Terror collapses the statist and human security debate. The new War has blurred the boundaries between the state and the individual: if the threat to state and individual security can emanate from individuals without state involvement, or extra-state entities such as the Al- Qaeda, then it is obvious that neither state nor individual is secure. The enactment of a still new paradigm is therefore underway and from the initial responses by the United States, it appears that both individual and state security will make civil liberties and human rights secondary concerns. Within this larger framework, we will need to question the direction of the security debate as well as raise questions about the inclusion of women. The War on Terror operates along the classic lines of national interest; thus what may be in the national interest of the United States will be supported even if it means that the rights of local communities and women are made redundant. The track record in South Asia (especially in Afghanistan and Pakistan) speaks loudly to the fact that misogynist leaders and military regimes are kept in power for upholding US interests even as they trammel upon women‘s rights and put women a century back in time. This of course, does not differ from the politics of the Cold War in the region, which also supported right wing parties and created many of the ‗fundamentalist‘ leaders who believed that women did not have a role in the public sphere and punished them severely for speaking out. It is this nexus that will have to be constantly deconstructed and challenged. Within this larger context, we will need to understand the limits and opportunities presented by the discourses on security both for the state and for the people, especially women. Conventionally, security is defined in terms of security of a nation-state in the modern state system. It essentially focuses on territorial security. The whole discourse of security revolves around ―security of borders‖ and other socio-political, economic and environmental concerns figure only in their relationship to territorial security. Such a conventional view is inherently flawed due to its monolithic focus on territoriality. Territoriality dictates a vision of security based on a monopoly of the instruments of coercion and violence. It translates into acquisition of conventional and nuclear weapons and large standing armies. Such security can be realized by making perceived belligerents insecure through muscle flexing. An important critique of this conventional view was offered by positing the question: ―whose security?‖ In other words, if we transcend territoriality and take into account security of a living entity, we still need to qualify who needs

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