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From Shanghai to Huangbaiyu: Eco-Cities As an Alternative Modernity

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From Shanghai to Huangbaiyu: Eco-Cities As an Alternative Modernity University of Kentucky UKnowledge Gaines Fellow Senior Theses The aineG s Center for the Humanities 2013 From Shanghai to Huangbaiyu: Eco-Cities as an Alternative Modernity Jared Flanery University of Kentucky, [email protected] Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits oy u. Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/gaines_theses Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Flanery, Jared, "From Shanghai to Huangbaiyu: Eco-Cities as an Alternative Modernity" (2013). Gaines Fellow Senior Theses. 1. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/gaines_theses/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the The aineG s Center for the Humanities at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gaines Fellow Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Flanery 1 From Shanghai to Huangbaiyu: Eco-Cities as an Alternative Modernity Jared Flanery Gaines Center for the Humanities Thesis 3 May 2013 Dr. Ernest Yanarella, Chair Dr. Phil Harling Dr. Liang Luo Flanery 2 Acknowledgements I have too many intellectual debts to adequately admit here. First and foremost is Ernest Yanarella, who not only initially inspired this study of Chinese eco-cities, but also guided the course of my undergraduate research more generally. Dr. Yanarella, first, facilitated my interest in political philosophy and the power of coal in Kentucky. Our ongoing, mutual interest in the Chinese context makes us confirmed “China watchers,” and, soon, sojourners. I cannot imagine a mentor more sagacious or more subtle, and am incredibly gratified by his participation in this project. Special thanks should also be extended to Phil Harling for his participation, and for insisting on some “connective tissue” to the thematic mélange of this thesis. Dr. Harling, however, guarded equally against excessive synthesis, or changing China into a monolithic national character. His considerable, consistent insights averred acknowledgment of the writer’s privileged position in so-called area studies, and the attendant responsibilities. In concluding the committee I graciously thank Liang Luo, for indulging my very graceless grasping at an understanding of Chinese culture. Dr. Luo was also appropriately skeptical of my fixation with the Chinese New Left, which constitutes a possible avant-garde in contemporary China. She, more than any other, challenged me to view culture and politics in unison. Lastly, her indefatigable intellect and penetrating personality encouraged me more than once to proceed with writing, without despair. So with deeply felt humility (and, yet, hope) I wish finally to thank the Gaines Center for the Humanities for extending this opportunity. The lively, invaluable, and intellectually rigorous requirements of the Gaines Program invigorated my undergraduate experience, especially through this thesis. The Director Dr. Rabel exudes the spirit of Socratic contention and academic inquiry. Lisa Broome and Connie Duncan, meanwhile, unburden sometimes undeserving undergraduates from the organizational onus of a thoroughly humanistic program. Finally, the Gaines Center for the Humanities serves the University of Kentucky and the city of Lexington in consummate commitment to, paraphrasing Dewey, the integration of education with life. I am deeply grateful to the many others to whom I am always indebted, and I hope there will be many Gaines theses to come! Flanery 3 PART I: Environmental Consciousness in China, Past and Present Flanery 4 For the first time in centuries, the Chinese nation is poised to restore its position as a major world power. Journalists and academics reiterate familiar statistics on the rise of China, including the concurrent rise in greenhouse gas emissions. The novel impacts of rapid industrialization and capitalist development in China are uneven over space and social class, but those processes guarantee considerable environmental damage. As such, new discourses of “sustainable development” congeal with official state narratives of progress, and the literature on efforts toward Chinese environmental sustainability expands in kind. In 1992 the American political scientist Francis Fukuyama published The End of History and the Last Man to widespread praise in the popular press. Fukuyama’s central thesis, developed with the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, was that liberal capitalism had “won” the ideological battle and would find acceptance, with merely minor revisions, throughout the entire world.1 It is certainly true that liberal capitalism, defined as a system of private ownership and both markets and strategic state intervention, holds hegemony over the world economic system. Although Fukuyama’s thesis later endured substantial criticism, I contend that we live in an historical period termed capitalist modernity. In Keywords Raymond Williams notes that “in relation to institutions or industry [the modern is] normally used to indicate something unquestionably favourable or desirable.”2 In this sense modernity refers to the political, economic, and cultural institutions of a given society at a given period of time, whereas modernization is considered the ‘progressive’ means toward modernity. Modernization as a process is deeply intertwined with the end goal of modernity. It is an undeniable matter of fact that we live in the first truly global society in the history of human 1 Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press, 1992. 2 Williams, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. New York: Oxford University Press, 1983. 209. Flanery 5 beings, and that society is essentially state capitalist in nature. Twenty years after the publication of The End of History the question remains: will our modernity ever become ancient history? It is possible that the capitalist world system is approaching “the end of history.” Although Fukuyama did not intend to say as much, if carbon emissions continue to rise along the path of “business as usual,” there may be no historians or political scientists to separate modern from ancient. Since the 1990s China embraced certain aspects of market economies, including financial liberalization and foreign direct investment. In effect, the Chinese Communist Party accepted the hegemony of capitalist modernity, with real consequences for the Chinese people and the environment. Andrew Jones summarizes the multidirectional impact of capitalist development on the most populous country in the world: Developmentalism, in short, has underwritten the transformation of China from a socialist state to a capitalist market economy, resulted in the creation of enormous new prosperity and new forms of poverty, and validated the massive social and spatial dislocations that have accompanied them. The logic of development has also rationalized – even necessitated – the degradation of China’s natural environment.3 Chinese New Left intellectuals such as Wang Hui pose a central question amid the unprecedented threat of environmental destruction and the historical resurgence of China. Will China’s rise reconstitute the notion of development and result in an alternative modernity? This “reconsideration of developmentalism” can be viewed as a possible rejection of the logic of Western-style economic development, with its concomitant impact on the environment.4 The “eco-city” of Dongtan and the “eco-village” of Huangbaiyu are two potential models and case studies in sustainable modernity. 3 Jones, Andrew F. Developmental Fairy Tales: Evolutionary Thinking and Modern Chinese Culture. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2011. 4 The End of the Revolution: China and the Limits of Modernity. Verso, 2011. 1-272. Print. 95. Flanery 6 Dongtan, located on Chongming Island near the largest metropolis in the world, Shanghai, demonstrates the crucial position of cities. Urban areas consume the majority of the world’s resources and, given widespread urbanization, incorporate over half of the world’s population. The city-region will figure prominently if human societies can construct a sustainable future, or at least a less unsustainable one, and avoid the “end of history.” Huangbaiyu, on the other hand, represents the antithesis to urbanization and counters city- centered consumerism with attempts at rural development. Both Dongtan and Huangbaiyu, in their very conception, aim for a degree of self-sufficiency and material efficiency essential to any rubric of sustainability. After examining the history of China’s considerable environmental and social challenges, this paper examines the multidimensional spatial configuration at Dongtan and Huangbaiyu. While the case studies evince the nature of the tension between town and countryside in advanced capitalist societies, planners paid scant attention to the issue of local participation and control. In order to be truly sustainable, projects like Dongtan and Huangbaiyu must engage in direct democracy rather than technocratic management. Finally, I examine the theoretical and logistical failures of the projects. In sum, I focus on three enduring themes related to sustainable development in China: the deep divide between the city and the countryside, the historical legacy of Western imperialism, and the appropriate role of popular participation in technical decision-making. In the context of our case studies, all three themes provide lessons on the nature of a strong, democratic sustainability
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