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Intensifier Collocations with Parametric Nouns of Type PRICE

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Intensifier Collocations with Parametric Nouns of Type PRICE Prices go up, surge, jump, spike, skyrocket, go through the roof… Intensifier Collocations with Parametric Nouns of Type PRICE Jasmina Milićević Department of French, Dalhousie University Halifax Canada [email protected] speedP [of the vehicle]X is [70 miles per hour]α, 1 Abstract the quantityP [of oil]X is [30 tons]α, etc. The α value may not be explicitly quantified, The paper looks into the expression of inten- but characterized as being big or small (on sification with parametric nouns such as some scale): The price of gas is high. | The PRICE, COST, FEE, RATE, etc., focusing on col- speed of the vehicle is low. | The quantity of oil locations these nouns form with intensifying is huge. | Etc. adjectives, inchoative and causative intensi- I will be interested namely in the case where fying verbs and corresponding de-verbal nouns. Degrees of intensification possible α of an NPRICE, without being explicitly quanti- with these nouns are discussed, as well as fied, is qualified as high, or ‘big’ [STATIVE], or analytical vs. synthetic expression of intensi- rising—‘getting bigger’—[INCHOATIVE], or fication (a steep increase in prices ~ a spike else being caused to rise [CAUSATIVE]. These in prices). Sample lexicalization rules are cases are illustrated, respectively, in (1), (2) and proposed—namely, rules that map semantic (3); the examples come from Google searches representations of intensifier collocations (some have been slightly modified). headed by nouns of this type to their deep- syntactic representations. The theoretical (1) STATIVE: ‘⟦P of X being α,⟧ α is (very) big’, etc. framework of the paper is Meaning-Text lin- guistic theory. a. Post-paid service plans often charge steep 〈astronomical, prohibitive〉 over- 1 The Problem Stated age FEES. b. California divorce COST is high 〈whoop- The paper looks into the expression of intensifi- ing high, exorbitant〉. cation with parametric nouns such as PRICE, COST, FEE, RATE, etc., hereafter PRICE type (2) INCHOATIVE: ‘⟦P of X being α,⟧ α begins to be nouns, or {NPRICE} for short (see Table 1, Sec- bigger than αʹ by β (β being big)’ tion 3 below). More precisely, it describes col- a. Electricity COSTS went up 〈rose sharply, locations these nouns form with intensifying surged, skyrocketed in August. adjectives, as well as with inchoative and causa- 〉 tive intensifying verbs and corresponding de- b. Make sure your mortgage payments do verbal nouns. A cursory comparison is provided not increase1 if there is a rise 〈a major with antonymic, i.e., attenuating, expressions hike, a spike〉 in interest RATES. entering in collocations with {NPRICE}. A parametric noun (cf. Mel’čuk, 2013: 214) corresponds to (at least) a two-place predicate, 1 ‘P of X is α’, with X being the thing parameter- An NPRICE parametric noun typically has additional ized and α, the value of the parameter: the dependents; thus, the person who determines the price of something corresponds to an argument (in our priceP [of gas]X is [$1.85 per gallon]α, the terms, semantic actant) of PRICE; similarly, the person who incurs the cost of something corresponds to a semantic actant of COST; FEE has two additional semantic atants: the one who sets it and the one who pays it; and so on. These actants are not directly relevant for the present discussion. 145 Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Dependency Linguistics (Depling 2017), pages 145-153, Pisa, Italy, September 18-20 2017 (3) CAUSATIVE: ‘⟦P of X being α,⟧ α is caused to map semantic representations of the corre- begin to be bigger …’ sponding collocations to their deep-syntactic representations (Section 5); conclusion (Section a. Massive regulation of the health care in- 6). dustry causes the PRICES to increase1 〈to Data used in the paper come from a colloca- go way up, to go through the roof〉. tion database that Igor Mel’čuk kindly let me b. Higher mortgage rates spurred an in- use, Longman Dictionary of Contemporary crease 〈a jump, a surge〉 in home SALES. English [LDOCE, www.ldoce.online.com], and c. If you’re running for office you don’t the WWW. want to be known as the person who in- The collocation database consists of over 2 15,000 entries (entry count is per collocate, not creased2 〈hiked up〉 TAXES. per headword). The number of intensifier collo- The paper will focus on two phenomena, ob- cations is some 4,000; only a small proportion served in the examples above: of those are headed by {NPRICE}. For the pur- 1) Varying degrees of intensification ex- poses of this paper, collocations were added pressed by {NPRICE} collocates. and data complemented from the two other Thus, steep < astronomical; go up < skyrock- sources. et << go through the roof; a rise < a spike; Linguistic literature on intensification is ex- raise < hike up; and so on. tremely rich and even a cursory survey thereof 2) Synthetic vs. analytical expression of inten- is impossible here; some of the works I consult- sification in collocations headed by ed are Greenbaum (1970), Quirk et al. (1985: {NPRICE}. 589ff), Altemberg (1991), Kennedy & McNally High(er) degree of intensification can be ex- (2005), Cacchiani (2004), Gallardo (2008), pressed either by an NPRICE collocate itself or by Méndez-Naya, ed. (2008), Fleischhauer (2013), a separate lexeme (underlined in the examples Bertinetto & Civardi (2015) and van Der below), which gives rise to approximate equiva- Wouden & Foolen (2017). Within Meaning- lences: [cost is] exorbitant 〈whooping high〉; Text approach, various aspects of intensifica- [costs] skyrocket 〈rise sharply〉; hike up [prices] tion were treated, for instance, in Boguslavskij 〈cause a substantial rise [in prices]〉; etc. When & Iomdin (2000), Iordanskaja & Polguère intensification is expressed analytically, the (2005), Grossman & Tutin (2007) and collocate of an NPRICE is itself intensified, serv- Milićević & Timošenko (2014). ing as the base of the corresponding collocation of “second order”, as it were. 2 Meaning-Text Description of Intensi- These phenomena will be described from the fication: Magn and Related Lexical viewpoint of Meaning-Text linguistic theory Functions [MTT], in particular, its lexicological branch, Explanatory Combinatorial Lexicology 2.1 Collocations and Lexical Functions (Mel’čuk, 2006), and its dependency-based se- TIn the MT framework, collocations are de- mantics and syntax (Mel’čuk, 2012, 2013 and scribed in terms of lexical functions [LFs]. 2015). Since LFs are quite well known, there is no The rest of the paper is structured as follows: need to introduce them here (the interested a brief review of formal means used in the reader may consult, for instance, Wanner, ed., Meaning-Text approach to describe intensifica- 1996 and Mel’čuk, 2015: 155-279) and we can tion: the lexical function Magn ‘big’/‘intense’ pass directly to the LFs relevant for the present and other related lexical functions (Section 2); discussion: Magn, Plus, IncepPredPlus, and an overview of {NPRICE} and intensifying ex- CausPredPlus. But first, two important facts, pressions with which they combine (Section 3); holding for all LFs, should be noted. degrees of intensification expressed by collo- • The meaning of an LF is actually a cluster of cates of {NPRICE} and their lexicographic treat- several related meanings, similar to the mean- ment (Section 4); a sketch of lexicalization ing of a grammeme, which also “stands for” a rules for analytical vs. synthetic expression of cluster of several meanings; for instance, the intensification with {NPRICE}, i.e., rules that grammeme ‘plural’ can mean ‘more than one’ [three books], ‘a kind of’ [three cheeses], ‘a big 2 quantity of’ [the sands of the desert], and so on. INCREASE1 ‘become bigger’ is an intransitive verb, and INCREASE2 the corresponding causative verb. This explains the recourse to several glosses 146 indicating the meaning of some LFs, such as Degrees of intensification are indicated by Magn (see immediately below). the symbols “<” (more) and “<<” (much more). • Elements of the value that an LF returns for (Another way to specify intensification degrees a given headword are not perfectly synonymous is to use degree Roman superscripts; see Sec- (this may be the case even if we consider just tion 4.) one particular meaning of the LF, as mentioned Superscripted semantic features, such as temp in the preceding paragraph); in fact, sometimes and quant above, identify the dimension of the they display obvious semantic differences, meaning of the headword that is being intensi- which in case of intensifiers may go beyond fied. Subscripted Arabic numerals, as in Magn2, varying degrees of intensification. Thus, for indicate the semantic actant of the headword on instance, [a] spike [in prices] is not only more which the intensification bears. (In this particu- intense than [a] rise but also quicker, [prices] lar case, these are the things for which the go through the roof means that they rise very spending takes place; cf. military 〈defense, high from an already high starting level, and so capital〉 spending). on (for more on this, see Section 3). However, Non-standard components, such as impossible such differences can be ignored in contexts to control, capture the additional meaning car- where precision and attention to detail are not ried by a given collocate with respect to the paramount, i.e., in most everyday discourse sit- basic meaning of the relevant LF; we will see uations. more of these in Section 3. The last example features a configuration of 2.2 Lexical Functions Magn and Plus LFs, made up of a complex LF AntiBon ‘not The LF Magn is an adjectival/adverbial modifier good according to the Speaker’, and the already whose meaning is ‘intense(ly)’, ‘big’, ‘much’/ seen Magn2. Intensifying LFs often enter into ‘many’. such configurations. For some examples of the Here are examples of Magn type collocations LF AntiMagn, see Table 2 in Section 3.
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