Briefing Paper

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Briefing Paper briefing paper page 1 Broken Forever? Addressing Europe’s Multiple Crises Paola Subacchi and Stephen Pickford International Economics | March 2012 | IE BP 2012/01 Summary points zz Greece’s recent bailout is just the latest stage in a deep-rooted crisis for Europe’s monetary union that was exacerbated by the global financial crisis. Without measures to deal with the current crisis and to address the underlying problems of the euro area, it is hard to see EMU surviving in its current form. zz Countries in the euro periphery have suffered from long-standing fiscal problems, under-performing economies, imbalances and a widening gap in competitiveness with ‘core’ countries. zz These periphery countries now face problems requiring a combination of urgent and long-term measures. In the immediate future they have to convince markets that their fiscal plans will reduce debt without a collapse in growth, and to normalize their banks’ access to market funding. In the longer term they must achieve sustainable increases in growth, improve competitiveness and rebalance their external payments positions. They must adapt to the constraints of the single currency. zz Reforms are needed to help the periphery countries live with the euro. At the same time the incentives for correcting imbalances need strengthening, with the burden shared more equitably between deficit and surplus countries, in order to create an effective model for growth within the euro area. www.chathamhouse.org Broken Forever? Addressing Europe’s Multiple Crises page 2 Introduction 1957 and one of Europe’s largest economies, was deemed Despite the latest bailout for Greece, Europe’s sovereign necessary to the economic and political success of the euro, debt crisis, which began in 2010, continues. Rooted in and therefore was admitted on the assumption of future the financial and economic imbalances within Europe, fiscal consolidation. Greece’s bid for membership came the structural weaknesses of its model of growth, and the during the preparations for the 2004 Olympics when massive differences within the region, the crisis has exposed the investments had boosted economic growth. In any event, deficiencies in the governance of the European Monetary since it accounted for only about 2% of the total euro area Union (EMU) and shown the limits of its framework of economy, Greece was believed to be too small to have any policy cooperation. significant impact on the stability of the monetary union.2 The other countries primarily affected by the crisis – Ireland, Portugal and Spain – were faced with interest rates set by the European Central Bank (ECB) that were A monetary union that was not ‘ inappropriate for the pace of their economic growth and accompanied by a fiscal union their credit conditions. Loose monetary policy needed could only succeed by putting to be offset by suitable domestic policies, which did in place robust governance and not happen. Instead credit growth and private-sector borrowing remained excessive, and current account defi- strong rules. Yet over many cits widened, signalling the build-up of large imbalances. years rules in the euro area In the aftermath of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in have been disregarded for the September 2008 most European governments intervened sake of politics to rescue their banking systems and to support economic ’ growth. As a result public deficits and debt widened, and Ireland, Spain and Portugal ended up joining the group of countries with long-term public finance problems. The euro crisis did not develop overnight, but incu- For Europe as a whole the banking crisis morphed into a bated over a number of years. Since EMU’s inception the sovereign debt crisis. political nature of European integration has taken priority The last two years have seen numerous attempts at the over sound economic principles. It has always been clear European level to address the crisis. But as well as taking that Europe falls short of the requirements for an optimal effective steps to deal with the immediate problems, it is currency area as envisaged in economic theory.1 A mone- necessary to address the longer-term issues that lie at the tary union that was not accompanied by a fiscal union origin of the protracted build-up of imbalances within could only succeed by putting in place robust governance the euro area. In addition, there are large issues about the and strong rules. Yet over many years rules in the euro future governance of the euro area (and of the EU as a area have been disregarded for the sake of politics. whole) that need to be addressed if the euro is to survive. Two of the countries that ended up at the centre of the This paper argues that structural measures to address sovereign debt crisis, Greece and Italy, were admitted to the the long-term challenges of rebalancing the euro economy, single currency union with public debts well in excess of dealing with regional growth differentials and supporting the 60% of GDP limit laid down in the Maastricht Treaty. GDP growth are needed for the future survival and stability But Italy, one of the signatories of the Treaty of Rome in of the euro. Changes to the governance of the euro are also 1 For a detailed discussion on optimal currency area, see Mundell (1961, 1963, 1973a and 1973b). In addition, for a discussion on Mundell’s work, the euro and optimal currency areas, see McKinnon (2000). 2 Unless otherwise mentioned, all the data used in this paper are from the International Monetary Fund’s World Economic Outlook (IMF WEO), September 2011. www.chathamhouse.org Broken Forever? Addressing Europe’s Multiple Crises page 3 needed so that countries follow policies that are consistent and as the ECB’s Long Term Refinancing Operation (LTRO) with the requirements of a common currency, and the facility has succeeded in stabilizing markets and buying time.3 burden of policy adjustment is borne more equitably. The cheap loans with a maturity of three years provided by the ECB have eased the funding pressures experienced by The critical outlook for the euro periphery banks in the single currency area and have contributed to The sovereign debt crisis has widened the divide between the bond rally in recent months. Italy, in particular, has European countries that are well adapted to survive and benefited from the LTRO and the austerity plan adopted by prosper within the monetary union and those that are the new government led by Mario Monti. Bond yields have not. Periphery countries with problematic debt positions steadily declined since mid-December 2011 from their peak saw sharp rises in government borrowing costs since the of 7.4% to under 5% in the first week of March 2012.4 crisis erupted and at each critical point in its development Greece, however, continues to be the major concern (Figure 1). Before January 2010 the periphery countries despite the latest bailout package from the EU and the were able to borrow at a similar cost to that of Germany. International Monetary Fund (IMF), and a deep ‘haircut’ But by exacerbating fundamental macroeconomic imbal- on private holdings of Greek debt. However, structural ances and eroding market confidence the euro crisis fiscal problems remain grave. It is an open question whether significantly increased the risk of sovereign default within Greece can implement the very tough fiscal measures EMU, and spilled over from Greece to other countries, required in the face of public protests and an election sched- such as Italy and Spain, with problematic but not critical uled for April. With GDP growth estimated to contract by positions. Most of all, massive capital outflows from 3% in 2012 and rise modestly by 0.5% in 2013, there is not problematic countries into ‘safe’ countries worsened the much scope for improvement in revenues, while a further already existing imbalances. dose of fiscal austerity is not feasible. Therefore the goal of In recent weeks confidence has recovered somewhat, as reducing Greece’s debt-to-GDP ratio to 120% by 2020 looks the outlook for the world economy has improved slightly very ambitious and more likely unattainable. Figure 1: The cost of government borrowing (spread over German bunds) 4,000 3,500 3,000 Greece Portugal 2,500 Ireland 2,000 Italy Spain Basis points 1,500 Belgium 1,000 France 500 0 Jan 08 Apr 08 Jul 08 Oct 08 Jan 09 Apr 09 Jul 09 Oct 09 Jan 10 Apr 10 Jul 10 Oct 10 Jan 11 Apr 11 Jul 11 Oct 11 Jan 12 Apr 12 Note: Based on 10-year government bond yields. Source: Financial Times. 3 In order to support bank lending and liquidity in the euro area money market, the ECB undertook two LTROs with a maturity of three years and an option of early repayment after one year, on 21 December 2011 and 28 February 2012. Take-up by banks totalled over 1 trillion euros in the two operations. 4 But it has since moved upwards, to slightly above 5%. www.chathamhouse.org Broken Forever? Addressing Europe’s Multiple Crises page 4 The long genesis of the sovereign crisis concentrated in euro area countries that had fast but In the immediate aftermath of Lehman Brothers’ unsustainable growth in the pre-crisis years or that had collapse in September 2008, it seemed possible for pre-existing critical fiscal positions, or both. Europe to escape the worst effects of the global financial crisis. Initially, only those European countries that were Table 1: Sovereign debt (% of GDP) exposed through their banking and financial system, Euro area 2007 2011 such as the United Kingdom, Ireland and Spain, were Ireland 24.9 109.3 affected.
Recommended publications
  • Mozambique to 2018 Managers, Mediators and Magnates Executive Summary and Recommendations
    Chatham House Report | Executive Summary Alex Vines, Henry Thompson, Soren Kirk Jensen and Elisabete Azevedo-Harman | June 2015 Mozambique to 2018 Managers, Mediators and Magnates Executive Summary and Recommendations Recent political developments in Mozambique mark the The challenges for Mozambique’s government are beginning of an important era. The party of government, interlinked. The lack of large-scale revenues and the the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), is clearly persistence of a constrained tax base mean that it does not anxious to back the newly elected head of state, Filipe have the funding required to develop the roads, railways Nyusi, who – following an initial tussle with his predecessor and electrification that would hugely benefit internal and – is apparently keen to open a different style of dialogue external trade, and bring investment into the business with his rivals both among the country’s opposition parties sector. Furthermore, the country’s economic growth is and within FRELIMO itself. This apparent political maturing partly offset by the scale of the ‘youth bulge’ coming on to comes at a time when the prospect of significant economic the labour market. Unless its young people are able to find transition is gaining ground. employment, any real gains in alleviating Mozambique’s persistent poverty will be lost. Opportunities bring challenges Cognizant of the political sensitivities involved, and working with international donors and investors, Mozambique’s policy-makers have to select and undertake Foreign investors are committing to Mozambique, and a clear and unambiguous set of measures that balance the this can only have been encouraged by recent political short-term needs of commercially competitive industries developments.
    [Show full text]
  • Young Arab Voices Moving Youth Policy from Debate Into Action Contents
    Research Paper Claire Spencer and Saad Aldouri Middle East and North Africa Programme | May 2016 Young Arab Voices Moving Youth Policy from Debate into Action Contents Summary 2 Introduction 3 Methodology and Contextual Review 8 Challenges and Opportunities for Youth Engagement: The Regional Context 13 Key Issues 20 Conclusions and Recommendations 28 Appendix: Interview/Focus Group Questions 32 About the Authors 33 Acknowledgments 34 1 | Chatham House Young Arab Voices: Moving Youth Policy from Debate into Action Summary • European and US funders have increased their provision of youth-focused programming in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the popular uprisings of 2011, but the majority of those in the 18–25 age range have largely disengaged from formal political participation. • For young people, access to channels for civic participation, within or outside political parties, remains extremely limited. Feelings of disempowerment are prevalent, and policy-making is perceived as being dominated by an older generation of elites who are out of touch with the aspirations and needs of today’s youth. • External assumptions made about the risks of youth radicalization – above all, affiliation to groups such as Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) – often fail to reflect the more commonly expressed desire of many young people to seek ownership and agency in shaping the future of their communities and societies as active and constructive citizens. • The centralization of political power is a key driver in youth marginalization, blocking their engagement in social and political issues of interest and concern to them. ‘Top-down’ approaches to national youth policies not only fail to engage young people but also risk increasing their disillusionment.
    [Show full text]
  • Top Think Tanks Worldwide (U.S. and Non-U.S.) Table 3 1
    Top Think Tanks Worldwide (U.S. and non-U.S.) Table 3 1. Brookings Institution (United States) 2. Chatham House (United Kingdom) 3. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (United States) 4. Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) (United States) 5. Bruegel (Belgium) 6. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) (United States) 7. International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) (United Kingdom) 8. RAND Corporation (United States) 9. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (United States) 10. Amnesty International (AI) (United Kingdom) 11. Cato Institute (United States) 12. Heritage Foundation (United States) 13. Fundacao Getulio Vargas (FGV) (Brazil) 14. Transparency International (TI) (Germany) 15. Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) (Japan) 16. French Institute of International Relations (IFRI) (France) 17. Fraser Institute (Canada) 18. German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) (Germany) 19. Center for American Progress (CAP) (United States) 20. Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE) (United States) 21. Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) (Belgium) 22. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) (Sweden) 23. Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) (United Kingdom) 24. Carnegie Moscow Center (Russia) 25. Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS) (Germany) 26. Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) (Germany) 27. International Crisis Group (ICG) (Belgium) 28. American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research (AEI) (United States) 29. Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) (Japan) 30. European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) (United Kingdom) 31. Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) (China) 32. Institute for World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO RAS) (Russia) 33. Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) (Republic of Korea) 34. Carnegie Middle East Center (Lebanon) 35.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing Paper
    briefing paper page 1 Illicit Drugs and International Security: Towards UNGASS 2016 Benoît Gomis International Security | February 2014 | ISD BP 2014/01 Summary points zz In spite of a decades-long ‘war on drugs’, the global drug trade persists as a significant problem for international security given its scale, the number of deaths related to trafficking and consumption it creates, and the organized crime and corruption it fuels. zz The international drug control system has been ineffective in reducing the size of the market and in preventing the emergence of new drugs and drug routes that cause and shift instability around the world. zz Current drug policies have been counter-productive, often causing more harm than the drugs themselves through capital punishment for offences, widespread incarceration, discrimination in law enforcement, violation of basic human rights in forced ‘treatment’ centres, and opportunity costs. zz In the last three years, the drug policy debate has evolved more than in the previous three decades. There remain a number of political obstacles to making recent developments sustainable ahead of the UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs in 2016, but these should not be used as excuses for continuing with a failed status quo. www.chathamhouse.org Illicit Drugs and International Security: Towards UNGASS 2016 page 2 Introduction in Mexico are far lower than in other countries of the According to estimates by the United Nations Office region and in other parts of the world also affected by on Drugs
    [Show full text]
  • The COVID-19 Gender
    Strategic Action Plan Elizabeth Isele and Stéphane Dubois Gender and Inclusive Growth Initiative | September 2020 The COVID-19 Gender Gap How Women’s Experience and Expertise Will Drive Economic Recovery The COVID-19 Gender Gap: How Women’s Experience and Expertise Will Drive Economic Recovery Contents Preface 2 Summary 3 1. Introduction 4 2. Economic Recovery Action Plan – Immediate 6 Strategies 3. Where Change Can Happen Now – Examples 11 4. Longer-term Recommendations to Foster a 22 Gender-equal Economic Environment 5. Conclusion 25 6. Additional Resources 26 About the Authors 31 Acknowledgments 32 1 | Chatham House The COVID-19 Gender Gap: How Women’s Experience and Expertise Will Drive Economic Recovery Preface To explore ideas for addressing the policy challenges of COVID-19, including how to build economic and societal resilience while promoting gender equality, the Chatham House Gender and Inclusive Growth Initiative convened a series of events entitled ‘Beyond the Pandemic: Designing the Roadmap for a Gender Equal World’. Five virtual roundtables and a three-day virtual workshop were held between 16 June and 15 July 2020, bringing together more than 80 global thought leaders from international organizations, the public and private sectors, the corporate world, NGOs and academia. The purpose of the events was to identify innovative gender-related business, finance and policy solutions and incorporate these into a strategic action plan for governments and corporations, in order to harness the economic power of women in driving the recovery from the pandemic. That strategic action plan is presented here. The recommended actions and examples in this document draw on insights examined and discussed during the roundtables and workshop.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique Third Time Lucky? Contents
    Research Paper Alex Vines Africa Programme | August 2019 Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique Third Time Lucky? Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Key Features of Past Elite Bargains 5 3 New Mediation (2013 – Present) 15 4 Sustainability of Elite Bargains 23 5 Conclusion 27 About the Author 30 Acknowledgments 30 1 | Chatham House Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique: Third Time Lucky? Summary • A newly agreed deal could end 42 years of armed contest between the Mozambique Liberation Front-led government (FRELIMO) and the armed opposition party Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO). The agreement, due to be signed in August, is the third attempt and if it is to last, it will require political good will, compromise and an acceptance of more inclusive national politics by both parties. • The forthcoming 15 October 2019 elections and their conduct could make or break this new elite bargain. International monitoring of these elections and support for national oversight efforts are critical to this process. • A lasting agreement is in the national interest. It would mean that a new Mozambican government formed after the national elections can focus on gas industry development, improving services, poverty reduction and combating new security challenges, such as growing violent Islamic radicalism in Cabo Delgado. • The new elite bargain requires continued international and domestic engagement. It attempts to encourage alternative peaceful livelihood opportunities through training of RENAMO’s past and current armed militia. This should help RENAMO to gradually disarm its militant wing if post-election confidence grows. • The newly created post of Personal Envoy for Mozambique by the UN Secretary-General is an important development to provide support, coordination and leadership for international peace partnerships.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing Paper
    European Multinationals briefing paper Stress-Testing the Regulators Market Risks and the EU Economy Max Watson, Chatham House and Oxford University International Economics Programme | April 2008 | IEP BP 08/02 Summary points Today’s market turbulence and global imbalances prompt the question whether economic and regulatory policies are poorly designed or just badly implemented. The question is urgent for Europe, which has its own asset booms and imbalances to worry about as well as the backwash of US problems. The imbalances in Europe’s economies in large part reflect favourable shocks, such as falling interest rates and growing financial integration. But the ‘growth crisis’ in Portugal underscores the fact that there can be hard landings, even without a financial crisis, if fiscal policy is unwise and if productivity fails to take off. The current global imbalances and turbulence also have a common backdrop in the long period of unusually easy liquidity and low risk premia during which today's problems built up. This suggests that central banks should be prepared more often to ‘lean against the wind’ in times of asset price exuberance, and that politicians should not cut taxes or boost spending permanently on the back of revenue gains that result from transient financial booms. Banks and supervisors have many lessons to draw. Some involve going ‘back to basics’ on issues such as liquidity, off-balance-sheet operations, and the ability to close and reopen banks. Others require a careful look at incentives – in executive pay, rating agency roles and loan production systems. Supervisors also need to take better account of boom-bust cycles when they assess risks, and address cross-border issues in EU banking.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil's Global Development Agenda
    Meeting Summary Brazil’s Global Development Agenda Minister Marco Farani Director of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC) 27 October 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Event Summary: Brazil’s Global Development Agenda AIM OF THE EVENT This event was convened to provide a forum for debate around Brazil’s approach to International Development between Minister Farani, policy- makers, journalists and business representatives. This is part of a wider debate that resonates across the world on the role of emerging economies and the articulation of their development agendas. Minister Marco Farani has been the Director of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC) since October 2008. Minister Farani joined the Brazilian Foreign Service in 1980, after studies in Communications at the Federal University of Brasilia, and has served in the offices of the President, Vice President and the President of the Senate.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Concrete Change: Innovation in Low-Carbon Cement and Concrete 
    Chatham House Report Johanna Lehne and Felix Preston Making Concrete Change Innovation in Low-carbon Cement and Concrete #ConcreteChange Chatham House Report Johanna Lehne and Felix Preston Energy, Environment and Resources Department | June 2018 Making Concrete Change Innovation in Low-carbon Cement and Concrete The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2018 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 272 9 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Latimer Trend. The material selected for the printing of this report is manufactured from 100% genuine de-inked post-consumer waste by an ISO 14001 certified mill and is Process Chlorine Free. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: Staircase, Benesse Museum House, Naoshima, Japan. Copyright © Education Images/UIG via Getty Images
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Summary
    Transcript Social Reform and Economic Transformation in Mozambique. Luisa Diogo Chair of the Board, Barclays Bank Mozambique SA; Prime Minister (2004-10), Minister of Finance and Planning (1999-2004), Mozambique Chair: Alex Vines Research Director, Area Studies and International Law; Head, Africa Programme 11 November 2013 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: Social Reform and Economic Transformation in Mozambique Luisa Diogo: Dear Friends of Chatham House, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honour and a great privilege to speak here at Chatham House, home of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, before the world-leading independent analysts, who share a deep interest in international affairs, independent thinking and debate. I begin by expressing my profound gratitude to Chatham House for giving me the opportunity to present my book Soup Before Sunrise: From the Reforms to Economic and Social Transformation of Mozambique 1994 - 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideas for Modernizing the Rules-Based International Order
    CHATHAM HOUSE IDEAS FOR EXPERT PERSPECTIVES MODERNIZING THE RULES-BASED INTERNATIONAL ORDER CHATHAM HOUSE EXPERT PERSPECTIVES 2019 2019 An annual survey of risks and June 2019 opportunities in international affairs IDEAS FOR MODERNIZING THE RULES-BASED INTERNATIONAL ORDER CHATHAM HOUSE EXPERT PERSPECTIVES 2019 Chatham House Expert Perspectives All rights reserved. No part of this Design and typesetting: publication may be reproduced or Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk An annual survey of risks and transmitted in any form or by any means, opportunities in international affairs Printed and bound in Great Britain electronic or mechanical including by Pureprint Published: June 2019 photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the The Royal Institute Commissioning editor: Adam Ward prior written permission of the copyright of International Affairs Editor: Jake Statham holder. Please direct all enquiries Chatham House to the publishers. 10 St James’s Square Editorial support: Jo Maher, Mike Tsang London SW1Y 4LE Chatham House, the Royal Institute of Digital: Nick Capeling, +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 International Affairs, does not express Lyndsey Jefferson, Jason Naselli opinions of its own. The opinions expressed www.chathamhouse.org Copyright © The Royal Institute in this publication are the responsibility Charity Registration No. 208223 of International Affairs, 2019 of the author(s). ISBN: 978 1 78413 339 9 Preface 6. Preserve the 11. Tackle the 16. Raise the Bar [page 1] Effectiveness of ‘Splinternet’ Thomas Raines Antibiotics with Marjorie Buchser [page 56] a Global Treaty and Joyce Hakmeh Introduction David Heymann [page 38] and Emma Ross 17. Address 1. Adapt or Die [page 20] Russian Rule­ Adam Ward 12.
    [Show full text]
  • International Law and Recognition
    Category of paper: Discussion Group Summary Kosovo: International Law and Recognition A Summary of the Chatham House International Law Discussion Group meeting held on 22 April 2008. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to government or to any political body. It does not hold opinions of its own; the views expressed in this text are the responsibility of the speakers. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the speakers and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the event. www.chathamhouse.org.uk 1 Discussion Group Summary: Kosovo: International Law and Recognition The meeting was chaired by Elizabeth Wilmshurst. Participants included legal practitioners, academics, NGOs, and government representatives. Speakers: • Alice Lacourt, legal adviser, Foreign and Commonwealth Office • Ralph Wilde, Reader and Vice Dean for Research, UCL The discussion following the presentations was held under the Chatham House Rule. The event was sponsored by Clifford Chance. Background Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008. As David Miliband noted in his Written Ministerial Statement of 19 February 2008, the declaration proclaims Kosovo as a democratic, secular and multi-ethnic republic and states that its leaders will promote the rights and participation of all communities in Kosovo. The Declaration also contains a unilateral undertaking to implement in full the obligations contained in the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (the Ahtisaari Plan) made by Martti Ahtisaari, UN Special Envoy for Kosovo, in February 2007, including its extensive minority safeguards. In the declaration Kosovo invited and welcomed an international civilian presence to supervise implementation of the Comprehensive Proposal, an EU rule of law and police mission and a continuation of NATO’s Kosovo Force.
    [Show full text]