The Articulatory Basis of Positional Asymmetries in Phonological Acquisition

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Articulatory Basis of Positional Asymmetries in Phonological Acquisition The Articulatory Basis of Positional Asymmetries in Phonological Acquisition by Tara K. McAllister A.B./A.M. in Linguistics Harvard University 2003 M.S. in Speech-Language Pathology Boston University 2007 Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY May 2009 © 2009 Tara McAllister. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Signature of Author: ____________________________________________________________ Department of Linguistics and Philosophy May 29, 2009 Certified by: ___________________________________________________________________ Adam Albright Associate Professor of Linguistics Thesis Supervisor Accepted by: __________________________________________________________________ Irene Heim Professor of Linguistics Department Head The Articulatory Basis of Positional Asymmetries in Phonological Acquisition by Tara K. McAllister Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy on May 29th, 2009 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics ABSTRACT Child phonological processes that lack counterparts in adult phonological typology have long posed a problem for formal modeling of phonological acquisition. This dissertation investigates child-specific processes with a focus on the phenomenon of neutralization in strong position, whereby children preferentially neutralize phonemic contrast in precisely those contexts seen to support maximal contrast in adult systems. These processes are difficult to model without making incorrect predictions for adult typology. Here, it is argued that all genuinely child- specific processes are driven by constraints rooted in child-specific phonetic factors. In a phonetically-based approach to phonology, if there are areas of divergence in phonetic pressures across immature and mature systems, differences across child and adult phonologies are predicted rather than problematic. The phonetically-based approach also explains the developmental elimination of child-specific processes, since in the course of typical maturation, the phonetic pressures driving these effects will cease to apply. Because children‘s speech-motor control capabilities are known to diverge from those of the skilled adult speaker, it is posited that articulatory factors play the dominant role in shaping child-specific phonological processes. Here it is argued that children have difficulty executing discrete movements of individual articulators, notably the tongue. By moving the tongue-jaw complex as a single unit, the child speaker can reduce the number of degrees of movement freedom and also rely on the action of the motorically simpler mandible to achieve articulatory targets. The effects of mandibular dominance have previously been argued to play a role in shaping sound patterns in babbling and early words (MacNeilage & Davis, 1990). The preference for jaw-dominated movement can be seen to recede over time as the child establishes more reliable articulatory control. However, here evidence from the productions of older children is presented indicating that these effects continue to have an influence in later stages of development than has been previously documented. The pressure to use simultaneous movements of the tongue-jaw complex, formalized in a constraint MOVE-AS-UNIT, is argued to play a role in shaping child-specific processes including positional velar fronting, prevocalic fricative gliding, and consonant harmony. In the present approach, children‘s tendency to neutralize contrast in strong positions arises as MOVE-AS-UNIT interacts with asymmetries in the force and duration of articulatory gestures across different prosodic contexts. The incorporation of child-specific phonetic factors makes it possible to account for complex patterns of conditioning in child speech processes that would under other assumptions be extremely challenging to model. Thesis Supervisor: Adam Albright Title: Associate Professor of Linguistics 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1. The problem of child-specific phonological processes .......................................... 10 1. Positional neutralization in child and adult phonological processes ..................................... 10 1.1 Strong and weak contexts in adult phonological processes ............................................. 11 1.2 Positional processes in child phonology .......................................................................... 12 2. Phonological models of positional neutralization ................................................................. 13 2.1 Positional faithfulness...................................................................................................... 14 2.2 Positional markedness ..................................................................................................... 15 2.3 Positional neutralization and perceptual prominence ...................................................... 16 3. Child-specific processes as a reflection of articulatory differences ...................................... 18 4. On the incorporation of phonetic factors into phonology ..................................................... 20 4.1 Phonetic influence through diachronic changes .............................................................. 21 4.2 Phonetically governed constraint selection ..................................................................... 22 4.3 Direct incorporation of phonetic factors .......................................................................... 23 4.4 Modeling child-specific processes with directly phonetic constraints ............................ 25 5. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 25 Chapter 2. Articulatory maturation and implications for child phonology .......................... 27 1. Child phonological processes as child-specific articulatory limitations ............................... 27 2. General principles of speech-motor maturation .................................................................... 27 2.1 Consistency versus variability in speech production ...................................................... 28 2.2 Inter-articulator and inter-system coordination .............................................................. 28 2.3 Rate of speech and gestural duration .............................................................................. 28 2.4 Rhythm of speech production ......................................................................................... 29 3. Skilled versus unskilled motor action .................................................................................. 29 3.1 The stability-efficiency tradeoff in early motor development ........................................ 29 3.2 Mandibular dominance in early speech-motor control ................................................... 30 3.3 The ballistic-controlled distinction ................................................................................. 31 3.4 Undifferentiated lingual gestures .................................................................................... 32 4. Phonological consequences of mandibular dominance ......................................................... 33 4.1 On the phonological status of mandibular dominance effects ......................................... 34 4.2 Assessing violations of MOVE-AS-UNIT .......................................................................... 35 3 4.3 Phonological manifestations of MOVE-AS-UNIT............................................................. 36 4.4 The maturational elimination of mandibular dominance ............................................... 39 5. Perceptual consequences of child articulatory limitations .................................................... 40 6. Childhood apraxia of speech ................................................................................................. 42 6.1 Characterization of childhood apraxia of speech ........................................................... 42 6.2 Relevance of apraxia of speech for general phonological development ........................ 44 6.3 Case study subject .......................................................................................................... 45 7. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 46 Chapter 3. Relating error patterns in perception and production ......................................... 48 1. Overview ............................................................................................................................... 48 2. A perceptual account of neutralization in strong position..................................................... 49 3. Experimental Investigation of Perception and Production .................................................... 52 3.1 Purpose of experiment ..................................................................................................... 52 3.2 Methods ........................................................................................................................... 52 3.3 Experimental design .......................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Dissimilation in Grammar and the Lexicon 381
    In Paul de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology, CUP. ~ssive' 16 hono­ main, uages Ii and Dissimilation in grammar .t sibi­ l1eme- and the lexicon John D. Alderete Stefan A. Frisch 1992). s har­ peech L1 and form 16.1 Introduction ltivity Dissimilation is the systematic avoidance of two similar sound structures in this is relatively close proximity to each other. It is exhibited in static generalizations over the lexicon, where combinations of similar sounds are systematically lspar­ avoided in lexical items, like the avoidance oftwo homorganic consonants in ~such Arabic roots (Greenberg 1950; McCarthy 1994). Dissimilation is also observed in l than phonological processes in which the target and trigger become less alike for by phonologically. In Tashlhiyt Berber, for example, two primary labial conson­ ction; ants in the same derived stem trigger a process ofdelabialization: Im-kaddabl ~ [n-kaddab] 'consider a liar (reciprocal)' (Elmedlaoui 1992, Jebbour 1985). Dissimilation has been an important empirical testing ground for many of the central research paradigms in modern linguistics. For example, dissimilatory phenomena have been crucial to the development of theories offeature geometry and feature specification in autosegmental phonology (McCarthy 1986, 1988, Padgett 1995, Yip 1989b). As the results emerging from this research were incorporated into constraint-based theories of phonology like Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 2004), dissimilation became an important problem in the study of phonological markedness and constraint composition (Alderete 1997, Ito & Mester 2003). In a different line of research, dissimilation has been argued to have its seeds in the phonetics of sound change, restricted by the same vocal tract constraints involved in speech production and perception (Ohala 1981 et seq.).
    [Show full text]
  • An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese*
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE An Illustration of the Phonemic Inventory and Phonology of Bimanese* Ladina R. Thoeny and Eunice Tong University of Hong Kong 1 Introduction This paper presents the phonemic inventory and phonology of Bimanese, a vastly understudied Austronesian language, with a focus on the Kolo dialect and the co-occurrence restrictions of sounds, consonantal and vowel combinations in words and their syllable structure. 1.1 Background Bimanese is classified as a Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian language and is spoken by the Mbojo people on Eastern Sumbawa Island in the Indonesian province of West Nusa Tenggara. In Kolo Bimanese, there are prenasalized, implosive consonants, and homorganic consonant clusters, but there is a dispreference for closed syllables (Klamer 2002). 1.2 Fieldwork Research was conducted over a two-week period at the Mataram Lingua Franca Institute in Mataram, Indonesia. The study focuses on the data collected from recording sessions with one male and one female. Both are native speakers of Kolo Bimanese, who also speak Indonesian and English. We first confirmed the inventory of consonants and vowels found in the language, and then looked at all possible consonant and vowel combinations. Lapel microphone recordings of attested CV and CCV combinations, as well as isolated vowels with two separate consonants, were recorded. All consonants and vowels have been double confirmed by reading their respective spectrograms in Praat. 2 Phonemic Inventory Pulmonic consonants, non-pulmonic consonants, and vowels are presented in the following section. The study does not focus on stress.
    [Show full text]
  • Part 1: Introduction to The
    PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Phonlab Annual Report
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report Title The Phonetic Structures of Oaxaca Chontal Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4bn7h6v0 Journal UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report, 1(1) ISSN 2768-5047 Authors Maddieson, Ian Avelino, Heriberto O'Connor, Loretta Publication Date 2005 DOI 10.5070/P74bn7h6v0 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2005) THE PHONETIC STRUCTURES OF OAXACA CHONTAL Ian Maddieson*, Heriberto Avelino* and Loretta O'Connor** *University of California, Berkeley **University of Hamburg, Center for Mesoamerican Studies Abstract The first description in any detail of aspects of the phonetic structures of the highly endangered Lowland variety of Oaxaca Chontal is presented. The paper includes measurements of the characteristics of the vowels, and a survey of the principal features of the consonant system. Particular attention is paid to the series of glottalized obstruents and sonorants, which vary a great deal in their manner of articulation and the nature and timing of the accompanying glottalization. The relative frequency of different realizations of the glottalized obstruents mirrors the cross- language frequency of glottalized consonant types. Glottalized sonorant realizations cannot be predicted from their position in the syllable. Individual speakers frequently vary when producing consecutive repetitions of the same word. Such a large range of variation may be partly due to an ongoing process of language attrition. Keywords
    [Show full text]
  • An Acoustic Account of the Allophonic Realization of /T/ Amber King St
    Linguistic Portfolios Volume 1 Article 12 2012 An Acoustic Account of the Allophonic Realization of /T/ Amber King St. Cloud State University Ettien Koffi St. Cloud State University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling Part of the Applied Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation King, Amber and Koffi, Ettien (2012) "An Acoustic Account of the Allophonic Realization of /T/," Linguistic Portfolios: Vol. 1 , Article 12. Available at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling/vol1/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistic Portfolios by an authorized editor of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. King and Koffi: An Acoustic Account of the Allophonic Realization of /T/ AN ACOUSTIC ACCOUNT OF THE ALLOPHONIC REALIZATIONS OF /T/ AMBER KING AND ETTIEN KOFFI 1.0 Introduction This paper is a laboratory phonology account of the different pronunciations of the phoneme /t/. Laboratory phonology is a relatively new analytical tool that is being used to validate and verify claims made by phonologists about the pronunciation of sounds. It is customary for phonologists to predict on the basis of auditory impressions and intuition alone that allophones exist for such and such phonemes. An allophone is defined as different realizations of the same phoneme based on the environments in which it occurs. For instance, it has been proposed that the phoneme /t/ has anywhere from four to eight allophones in General American English (GAE). To verify this claim Amber, one of the co-author of this paper recorded herself saying the words <still>, <Tim>, <kit>, <bitter>, <kitten>, <winter>, <fruition>, <furniture>, and <listen>.
    [Show full text]
  • Iberian Spirantization As a Syllable Contact Process
    Iberian Spirantization as a Syllable Contact Process MARfA M. CARREIRA Department of Romance Languages and Literatures California Srare University This paper examines Spanish spirantization as a syllable contact phenomenon subject to the Syllable Preference Laws proposed by Murray and Venneman (1987). It proposes a rule that assigns the feature [+continuant] to a voiced obstruent, provided that a minimum sonority distance is maintained between the obstruent as a spirant and a preceding rhyme. Otherwise, the obstruent receives the specification [-continuant]' The minimum sonority difference between an onset and a preceding segment is subject to dialectal and stylistic variation, ranging from a distance of two, in spirantizing dialects, to a distance of seven, in dialects that show a preference for stops. This approach allows us to explain the range of variation inherent in Spanish spirantization as well as the right-environment conditions of Portuguese and Catalan spirantization. I. Introduction Spirantization in Spanish, the alternation between voiced obstruent stops and continuants, has been the subject of countless papers and discussions. Most analyses have accepted the facts in (1) as complete and representative of this phenomenon. (1) The distribution ofvoiced obstruents in Spanish: Stops [b, d, g] N_ banda,hornbre, tango I_(only for ID/) ea1do, ee1da After a pause bareo, diente, gato Continuants [b, d, g] V(G)_ ca[~]ra,ca[o]a, o[y]o r ar[ ~ ]01, par[0]0, ear[y]o 1__ (for IBI and IG/) al[~]a, al[y]o In syllable-final position a[y]nostieo, lau[o], o[~]tuso Based on these data, most analyses have represented the stop/spirant alternation as the result of a process of assimilation involving the feature continuant.
    [Show full text]
  • Proposal for Superscript Diacritics for Prenasalization, Preglottalization, and Preaspiration
    1 Proposal for superscript diacritics for prenasalization, preglottalization, and preaspiration Patricia Keating Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] Daniel Wymark Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] Ryan Sharif Department of Linguistics, UCLA [email protected] ABSTRACT The IPA currently does not specify how to represent prenasalization, preglottalization, or preaspiration. We first review some current transcription practices, and phonetic and phonological literature bearing on the unitary status of prenasalized, preglottalized and preaspirated segments. We then propose that the IPA adopt superscript diacritics placed before a base symbol for these three phenomena. We also suggest how the current IPA Diacritics chart can be modified to allow these diacritics to be fit within the chart. 2 1 Introduction The IPA provides a variety of diacritics which can be added to base symbols in various positions: above ([a͂ ]), below ([n̥ ]), through ([ɫ]), superscript after ([tʰ]), or centered after ([a˞]). Currently, IPA diacritics which modify base symbols are never shown preceding them; the only diacritics which precede are the stress marks, i.e. primary ([ˈ]) and secondary ([ˌ]) stress. Yet, in practice, superscript diacritics are often used preceding base symbols; specifically, they are often used to notate prenasalization, preglottalization and preaspiration. These terms are very common in phonetics and phonology, each having thousands of Google hits. However, none of these phonetic phenomena is included on the IPA chart or mentioned in Part I of the Handbook of the International Phonetic Association (IPA 1999), and thus there is currently no guidance given to users about transcribing them. In this note we review these phenomena, and propose that the Association’s alphabet include superscript diacritics preceding the base symbol for prenasalization, preglottalization and preaspiration, in accord with one common way of transcribing them.
    [Show full text]
  • O. Introduction
    Studies in African Linguisticss Volume 26, Number 2, Fall 1997 TWO KINDS OF MORAIC NASAL IN CIYAO* Larry M. Hyman University of California, Berkeley and Annindo S. A. Ngunga University of California, Berkeley Eduardo Mondlane University A problematic issue in a number of Bantu languages concerns the phonological analysis of "preconsonantal nasality", i.e., the question of whether NC entities should be analyzed as single prenasalized consonants or as sequences of nasal + (homorganic) consonant. In this paper, the authors examine two kinds of moraic nasal---one syllabic, one not-in Ciyao, a Bantu language spoken in East Africa. They further demonstrate that there is a third type of preconsonantal nasality in Ciyao which is neither moraic nor syllabic. o. Introduction Among the few problematic issues surrounding the syllabification of consonants in Bantu languages is the proper interpretation of "preconsonantal nasality": For each relevant language of the family, one must first ask whether the sequencing of [+nasal] [-nasal] in forms such as Proto-Bantu *ba-ntu 'people' is properly viewed as a consonant cluster or as a single prenasalized consonant. Noting that * Research on Ciyao has been conducted in the context of the Comparative Bantu On-Line Dictionary (CBOLD) project, supported in part by National Science Foundation Grants #SBR93- 19415 and #SBR96-16330. Earlier versions of this paper were given at D.C. Santa Cruz, Universite Lumiere Lyon2, Universite d' Aix-en-Provence, and the University of Edinburgh. We would like to thank the participants at these presentations as well as Robert Botne and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on the paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Do Glottal Stops and Low Vowels Like Each Other?
    ICPhS XVII Regular Session Hong Kong, 17-21 August 2011 WHY DO GLOTTAL STOPS AND LOW VOWELS LIKE EACH OTHER? Jana Brunner & Marzena Żygis Centre for General Linguistics, Berlin, Germany [email protected]; [email protected] ABSTRACT 1.1. Phonological processes The aim of the present study is two-fold. First, we In Klallam (a Salish language), the non-low will show that glottal stops/glottalization and low vowels /i u ə/ are lowered to /ε o a/, respectively, w vowels are likely to co-occur in typologically when followed by [ʔ]. For example, /pʔíх ŋ/ is w different languages. Second, we will investigate pronounced as [pʔεʔх ŋ] ‘overflow’/‘overflowing’ the question whether this widely attested co- and /šúpt/ as [šóʔpt] ‘whistle’/‘whistling’ [17]. occurrence of glottalization and low vowels could In the reduplication processes in Nisgha (a be due to a perceptual phenomenon; i.e. Tsimshianic language) the quality of the vowel in differences in the perception of vowel quality of the prefix depends on the surrounding segments. If glottalized as compared to non-glottalized vowels. the stem starts with a coronal stop, the vowel in the We hypothesized that vowels are perceived lower prefix is also coronal: /tamʔ/ is reduplicated to in their height if they are glottalized. In order to [tim-tamʔ] ‘to press’ but if the initial-stem test our hypothesis we conducted a perceptual consonant is a glottal stop the vowel in the prefix experiment with two German continua of b[i]ten- is the low vowel [a]: /ʔux/ is pronounced as [ʔax- b[e]ten (‘to offer’, ‘to pray’), a non-glottalized and ʔux] ‘to throw’ ([14], [15]).
    [Show full text]
  • FL 004 293 Malikouti-Drachman, Angeliki
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 082 566 FL 004 293 AUTHOR Malikouti-Drachman, Angeliki; And Others TITLE Working Papers in Linguistics No. 15. INSTITUTION Ohio State Univ., Columbus. Dept, of Linguistics. PUB DATE Apr 73 NOTE 224p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$9.87 DESCRIPTORS Articulation (Speech); Bibliographies; Charts; Child Language; Cognitive Processes; Consonants; Diagrams; Intonation; *Language Learning Levels; *Linguistic Patterns; Morphology (Languages); *Oral Expression; Phonemics; Phonetics; *Phonology; Physiology; Pronunciation; Sentence Structure; Vowels; *Written Language ABSTRACT This issue is devoted to first language acquisition. It includes twelve papers concerning: the acquisition of liquids ("1" and "r"); creative errors in the written syntax of deaf children; theoretical and methodological problems in the acquisition of phonology, illustrated from Greek an? English: the basis of articulation; the philosophy of scie.ce; and vowel nasalization. (Author/DD) st' WORKING PAPERS IN LINGUISTICS NO. 15 By Angeliki Malikouti-Drachman, Gaberell Drachman, Mary Louise Edwards, Jonnie E. Geis, and Lawrence C. Schourup U S DEPARTMENT Of MELT4 EOUCTION t WELFARE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EOU.:ATiON THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO DLJCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGIN ATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATEO 00 NOT NECESSARILY REPRE SENT OFFICIAL NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION POSITION OW POLICY Department of Linguistics The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio 43210 April 1973 FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY Int2oduction This issue of Working Papers is very largely devoted to first language acquisition. The first two papers present the full and unabridged version of ilary Edwards' master's thesis (June 1971) on the acquisition of liquids, and part of Jonnie Geis' work on creative errors in the (written) syntax of deaf children.
    [Show full text]
  • Perception and English T-Glottalization∗
    UCSC Linguistics Research Center Perception and English t-glottalization∗ Jeremy O'Brien [email protected] http://people.ucsc.edu/~jpobrien/ April 13, 2010 1 Introduction T-glottalization is a phonological process in many varieties of English that realizes /t/ as a glottal stop in certain positions. In this study, a perceptual experiment is used to explain why t-glottalization targets /t/ to the exclusion of other English stops, and why it targets the phonological positions that it does. There appears to be a large amount of variation when it comes to English t-glottalization. The use of this process can vary by geographical region, social factors, and by phonologi- cal position|moreover, the phonological positions vary depending on these other factors. Ladefoged 2006 states that one common position is before /n/ within the word, as in beaten [biPn]. Many varieties of English, including American and British varieties, have glottal stop in coda position in general. For instance, Roberts 2006 provides data on t-glottalization in Vermont English. She finds that the phenomenon is found in speakers of all ages, and that it often occurs at the ends of words, especially pre-pausally. Some varieties allow glottal stop to appear intervocalically as well (which is the case for Cockney English). Docherty & Foulkes 2005 look at glottalization in the English of Tyneside (in northern England). They find that t-glottalization is found in many environments, but only rarely in intervocalic position or pre-pausally. Most of the research on t-glottalization focuses on social factors (age, gender, class, and register distinctions), while there is surprisingly little research about the process in general and the phonological positions it targets.
    [Show full text]
  • Universal Intrasyllabic Patterns in Early Acquisition
    Universal Intrasyllabic Patterns in Early Acquisition Barbara L. Davis† and Peter F. MacNeilage‡ † The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] ABSTRACT earliest phases of speech acquisition lies in the potential for understanding the most complex system of serial Universal phonetic patterns can be observed in babbling action accomplished by the body when it is in its and early speech when infants produce rhythmic formative, and potentially most simple, phases of vocalizations that show structural similarities as well as expression. These early rhythmic vocal sequences can be differences from mature speakers. The Frame/Content seen as exploitation of the most basic characteristics of the perspective [1] illuminates underlying principles production mechanism by an immature organism in order motivating intrasyllabic, consonant and vowel patterns to accomplish serial action. Comparative methodologies observed in these early speech-like vocal sequences. focusing on similarities and differences between infant According to this perspective, lack of articulator vocal patterns and language patterns can reveal potentially movements independent of the mandible in vocal universal phonetic structures that have been retained in sequences result in intrasyllabic co-occurrences of labial patterning even as the pressure for message complexity consonants with central vowels, coronal consonants with increases in mature speakers. In this regard, the front vowels, and dorsal consonants with back vowels. As comparison of pre-linguistic vocal patterns, when there is complexity emerges in consonant clusters, vocal no message transmission involved, with earliest message- sequences retain regularities of patterning predicted by the related patterns in early words, can also potentially help to Frame/Content perspective.
    [Show full text]