Timor-Leste's Pre-Election Environment
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The Indonesian Who Joined Falintil'
The Indonesian who Joined Falintil' Preface, by Gerry van Klinken The Indonesian who joined Falintil, like the American who joined A1 Qaeda or the Dutchman who joined the 1945 Indonesian revolutionaries, has power to shock because such a person questions the fundamental categories of the conflict. What after all is an Indonesian, an American, or a militant Muslim? What is this contest about? Muhammad Nasir crosses boundaries most see as so natural they are insuperable. He transforms himself from the street kid, Ketut Narto, to the policeman's adopted kid, Muhammad Nasir, and from there to the "oddball" guerrilla Klik Mesak (and presumably from Hindu to Muslim to whatever) and travels from Bah to Comandante Ular's Region 4 headquarters in the mountains of East Timor. For Nasir, these boundaries have little power to exclude. All the communities they enclose have a claim on him, but none more than others. Meanwhile, other boundaries do have authority for him. The eloquence with which this high school dropout describes the boundaries of "rights" is striking. Taking what he needs from a bankrupt school system, he discovers truths in history text books their authors never intended him to find: East Timor, being Portuguese, wasn't available for the taking by the former Dutch colony of Indonesia. The camaraderie of the school yard in Baucau and Dili does not distinguish between names. But here Nasir discovers the rights of "we" locals. "I wouldn't want anyone to take away my rights." The real divide is not between Indonesian and East Timorese, let alone between Muslim and Hindu or Catholic. -
Timor-Leste's Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region
110 Regionalism, Security & Cooperation in Oceania Chapter 8 Acting West, Looking East: Timor-Leste’s Growing Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region Jose Kai Lekke Sousa-Santos Executive Summary • Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region, and has pursued a two-pil- lared neighborhood foreign policy of “comprehensive and collective en- gagement,” which is defined by “Acting West” and “Looking East.” • Timor-Leste is seeking to integrate itself within regional governance and security structures, and institutions of both Southeast Asia and the Pa- cific Islands, thereby increasing its strategic role as a conduit for cooper- ation and collaboration between the two regions. • Timor-Leste is of increasing geostrategic importance to the Asia Pacific in view of the growing focus on the Pacific Ocean in terms of resource security and the growing competition between China and the United States. • Timor-Leste could play an increasingly significant role in regional de- fense diplomacy developments if the Melanesian Spearhead Group re- gional peacekeeping force is realized. Timor-Leste’s Engagement with the Pacific Islands Region - Santos 111 “We may be a small nation, but we are part of our inter- connected region. Our nation shares an island with Indone- sia. We are part of the fabric of Southeast Asia. And we are on the cross road of Asia and the Pacific.” 1 - Xanana Kay Rala Gusmao Introduction Timor-Leste is situated geopolitically and culturally on the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands region and has, since achieving in- dependence in 2002, pursued a two-pillared neighborhood foreign policy of ‘Acting West’ and ‘Looking East.’ Timor-Leste claims that its geographic position secures the “half-island” state as an integral and categorical part of Southeast Asia while at the same time, acknowledging the clear links it shares with its Pacific Island neighbors to the west, particularly in the areas of development and security. -
Use of Train Transport to Bridge Social-Economic Activities Between Indonesia and Timor Leste Along the Northern Coast of the Is
Advances in Engineering Research, volume 199 Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Sustainable Innovation 2020–Technology, Engineering and Agriculture (ICoSITEA 2020) Use of Train Transport to Bridge Social-Economic Activities Between Indonesia and Timor Leste Along the Northern Coast of the Island of Timor: A Preliminary Study Don Gaspar Noesaku da Costa1*, Robertus Mas Rayawulan 1, Krisantos Ria Bela1, Mauritius I.R. Naikofi1, Engelbertha N. Bria Seran 1, Rani Hendrikus1 1Study Program of Civil Engineering, Universitas Katolik Widya Mandira, Kupang, Indonesia *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT Trading, agriculture, transportation and communication as well as services sectors are the prime contributors of the regional gross of domestic product in the island of Timor. However, the increasing of such priority sectors was relatively constant which might be occurred due to inappropriate efforts in integrating the transportation infrastructure and potential social-economic activities intra and/or inner districts. This paper focusing on how to increase such regional social-economic structure by developing better transportation services system which is assumed could attract tourism traveling number, i.e. based on integration between railways transportation system and local natural resources and/or social-economic activities. The indication of technical, economic, social and environmental as well as institutional arrangement feasibility then was analyzed using SWOT model. It was strongly indicated that the development of transportation network services based on railways network could trigger the augmentation of not only tourism trips but also the type, number, scale and spatial distribution of social-economic activities along the Northern coast of the island of Timor, as well as the regional gross of domestic product of both countries Keywords—functional connectivity, social-economic activities, Timor Island, tourism train transport, transport land use 1. -
Socio-Economic Impact Assessment of COVID-19 in Timor-Leste
Socio-Economic Impact Assessment of COVID-19 in Timor-Leste United Nations Timor-Leste 2020 with technical lead from UNDP Socio-economic impact assessment of COVID-19 in Timor-Leste Research Team Dolgion Aldar (UNDP SEIA and Livelihoods Consultant), Noelle Poulson (UNDP MSME Consultant), Ricardo Santos (UNDP Social Protection Consultant), Frank Eelens (UNFPA Sampling and Data Analysis Consultant), Guido Peraccini (UNFPA Database Consultant), Carol Boender (UN Women Gender Consultant), Nicholas McTurk (UNFPA), Sunita Caminha (UN Women), Scott Whoolery (UNICEF), Munkhtuya Altangerel (UNDP) and Ronny Lindstrom (UNFPA). Acknowledgements This Socio-Economic Impact Assessment of COVID-19 in Timor-Leste was led by UNDP and conducted in collaboration with UNFPA, UN Women and UNICEF. This study benefited from comments and feedback from all UN agencies in Timor-Leste including FAO (Solal Lehec, who provided valuable inputs to the sections related to food security in this report), ILO, IOM, WFP, WHO, the UN Human Rights Adviser Unit and UN Volunteers. SEIA team expresses its gratitude to the UN Resident Coordinator, Roy Trivedy, and the entire UN Country Team in Timor-Leste for providing overall guidance and support. We would like to sincerely thank all of the community members in Baucau, Bobonaro, Dili, Oecusse and Viqueque who participated in the SEIA questionnaires and interviews for being open and willing to share their stories and experiences for the development of this report. We would also like to thank the numerous individuals in government offices, institutions and organizations around the country who shared their time, expertise and insights to strengthen our understanding of the broader socio- economic context of Timor-Leste. -
Peace in Timor-Leste
2. A Brief History of Timor Knowledge of the ancient indigenous history of the island of Timor is limited. Prior to colonisation, Timor was divided into dozens of small kingdoms ruled by traditional kings called liuri. They were reliant on slash-and-burn agriculture. The Dawan or Atoni, who might have been the earliest settlers of the islands from mainland Asia, came to occupy the 16 local kingdoms (reinos) in the west of Portuguese Timor at the time of colonisation. The Belu or Tetun migrated to Timor in the fourteenth century, creating 46 tiny kingdoms in the east of the island by pushing the Dawan to the west (Fox 2004; Therik 2004:xvi). Perhaps as early as the seventh century, Chinese and Javanese traders were visiting Timor with an interest in the plentiful sandalwood on the island. This was the same resource that attracted the Portuguese a millennium later, as well as trade in Timorese slaves (Kammen 2003:73). Coffee was introduced as a significant export after 1815. The Chinese, Javanese and later the Portuguese continued as the dominant international influences in Timorese history. James Dunn (2003:9) reports that ethnic Chinese dominance of commerce was formidable in East Timor prior to the Indonesian invasion: ‘In the early 1960s, of the 400 or so wholesale and retail enterprises in the Portuguese colony all but three or four were in Chinese hands. The latter were controlled not by Timorese but by Portuguese.’ The Chinese, on Nicol’s (2002:44) estimate, controlled 95 per cent of all business in East Timor in April 1974. -
EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY the Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-Up on the Dili Massacre
April 1993 Vol 5. No.8 EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY The Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-up on the Dili Massacre I. Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 2 II. Xanana Gusmao and the Charges Against Him ....................................................................... 3 The Charges, 1976-1980................................................................................................................ 3 The June 10, 1980 Attack .............................................................................................................. 4 Peace Talks .................................................................................................................................... 5 The Kraras Massacre ..................................................................................................................... 5 1984 to the Present......................................................................................................................... 6 III. The Xanana Trial......................................................................................................................... 7 Circumstances of Arrest and Detention......................................................................................... 8 Why not subversion? .................................................................................................................... 11 Access to and Adequacy of Legal Defense ................................................................................. -
12010559 01.Pdf
Location Map マレーシア Indonesia East Timor Jawa Island Australia Project Site (Oecusse Port) Existing Jetty at Mahata About 3km Slipway for the Ferry at Oebau Perspective of The New Terminal PerspectiveTheTerminal New of Perspective of The Passenger Terminal Chapter 1 Background of the Project 1-1 Current Conditions of Port Sector 1-1-1 Current Conditions and Issues (1) Current Conditions and Future Plan of Ports in East Timor East Timor has eleven (11) ports, namely, Oecusse, Tibar, Dili, Dili Pertamina, Hera, Atauro, Carabella, Com (Los Palos), Betano, Beaco and Suai as shown in Figure 1-1-1 below. Ports of Oecusse, Dili and Atauro are operated and managed by the Port Authority of East Timor (APORTIL), based on the law established in March 2003. Figure 1-1-1 Location Map of Ports in East Timor Main features of each of the eleven (11) ports in East Timor are presented below. ・ Dili Port is the only one commercial port to receive general cargo ships in East Timor. Ports of Oecusse and Atauro accommodate ferryboat, but no general cargo ship calls at these ports. ・ Ports of Tibar, Dili Pertamina and Carabella are exclusively used by private companies. ・ Ports of Betano, Beaco and Suai having landing space on sand beach are planned to be improved as base port for oil resources development in future. ・ Hera Port used as a fishing port until 2006 is currently serving as a naval port. ・ Com Port used as a naval port when East Timor was a part of Indonesian territory is not in use at present. -
The East Timor People's Struggle for National Liberation
RESISTANCE, REVOLUTION AND LIBERATION The East Timor People’s Struggle for National Liberation Denis Freney In the six months since the article below was written, the main trends outlined have been confirmed by events. Fretilin forces continue to fight throughout the territory, despite the heavy blows Inflicted by the death of President Nicolau Lobato and the betrayal of Xavier do Amaral (now Suharto’s puppet Vice President) and Alarico Fernandes. The genocidal war continues on Suharto’s side, but, even on Jakarta’s own census figures, they control only half the population of East Timor. Within Indonesia, the Suharto regime has never been more under challenge. Workers, driven to desperation by high inflation and low frozen wages, have engaged in a series of illegal strikes; students are reorganising following the repression of the last half of 1978, while intellectuals, dissident military men, and even some of the puppet parliamentarians, are criticising the regime. Internationally, however, Suharto continues to manoeuvre within the context of the conflicts in Indochina and between the Soviet Union and China. This inevitably places East Timor in a difficult position in attempting to win support, for example, within the non-aligned nations movement. Nevertheless, the crucial and decisive factor is the continuing resistance of the Maubere people — the final guarantee of victory. — Denis Freney July 13, 1979. UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG LIBRARY 2 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW NO. 70 Introduction The International Context The East Timorese revolution cannot be While much was written about East Timor understood unless it is placed in an before December 7, 1975, little if anything international context which includes both has been written about the struggle that has the global context — the contradictions occurred since then. -
60 12 the FRETILIN Literacy Manual of 1974-75
! 12 The FRETILIN literacy manual of 1974-75: an exploration of early nationalist themes Michael Leach Throughout the short-lived decolonisation era from April 1974 to December 1975, early East Timorese nationalists became adept at using familiar cultural forms, images and words to carry new political messages. Influenced by Lusophone African nationalists, FRETILIN adopted the position enunciated by Amilcar Cabral that anti-colonial nationalism should draw upon popular and traditional values, reframing them as the characteristics of unified modern nation or ‘people’, to transcend the local identities of different ethno-linguistic groups. Cabral (1979, 59) expressed this task as ’a struggle both for the preservation and survival of the cultural values of the people and for the harmonization and development of these values within a national framework’. These dual features characterised much of East Timorese nationalism from 1974-5, introducing distinctive local notes, despite the clear parallels with the positions of fraternal anti-colonial movements (see Hill 2002). While the nationalist generic Maubere was the prime example, early nationalist poets such as Borja da Costa, and songwriters Abilio and Afonso Araujo also converted traditional East Timorese songs with newly penned nationalist lyrics. Drawing on East Timorese experiences of Portuguese colonialism, these became vehicles for depicting the injustices of colonial social relations, and the case for independence, such as the anthem Foho Ramelau, which urged East Timorese to ‘Awake! Take the reins of your own horse / Awake! Take control of our land’. Written in Tetun, these new forms of popular nationalist culture combined traditional form with modern nationalist themes. The image of a hand holding the reins of a horse (kaer-rasik kuda-tali) would go on to become the FRETILIN logo of the period (da Silva 2011, 64). -
Timor-Leste Labour Force Survey 2013Pdf
Preface We are pleased to present the results from the Labour Force Survey (LFS) 2013. The LFS 2013 was a major undertaking that involved interviewing over 7,000 households. Being only the second such survey conducted in Timor-Leste, the LFS 2013 is important for us see how the labour market in Timor-Leste is evolving. The report includes a rich set of data across many labour market indicators and provides insights into the employment and unemployment situation in the country. It is important to note that there have been changes in the labour force framework agreed at the 19th International Labour Statisticians Conference in Geneva. The changes have broadened the concepts with the introduction of labour underutilization which allows us to see the pressure on labour market. The changes also mean that a majority of the subsistence food producers are no longer considered part of the labour force. This has significantly altered several employment and work-related indicators. With the methodological changes, it is not possible to make comparisons with the indicators from LFS 2010. We, however, expect that in future analytical work will be undertaken to reprocess the data from 2010 using the revised methodology which will then allow us to make comparisons. It is important to note that more people are now either in the labour force or seeking work. The fact that more people have entered the labour force is an encouraging sign. The labour force participation rate in Timor-Leste remains quite low. This will require creating better employment opportunities as well as helping the workforce to develop the skills and competencies needed in the economy. -
Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°87 Dili/Brussels, 9 February 2009 Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency I. OVERVIEW saw a stream of human rights abuses, stemming from ill-discipline and a sense of being above the law. There are tensions between the Timorese and the international A year after the near-fatal shooting of President José security forces, with the Timorese police increasingly Ramos-Horta, security in Timor-Leste is strikingly resisting UN supervision. There are also signs of wor- improved. Armed rebels are no longer at large. The rying disdain for the justice system and civilian con- atmosphere on the streets of Dili is far less tense. The trol over the army. The police and army depend too government does not seem to be facing any serious heavily on a few individuals and on personal relation- political threat to its survival. It has, at least temporar- ships that have been able to hold the security forces ily, been able to address several of the most pressing together. security threats, in large part by buying off those it sees as potential troublemakers. Nevertheless, the cur- Presidential interventions in cases involving political rent period of calm is not cause for complacency. Secu- violence have undermined an already weak justice sys- rity sector reform is lagging, the justice system is weak, tem. They send a signal that those involved, especially the government shows signs of intolerance towards the elite, will not be held to account, creating resent- dissenting voices, and it has not got a grip on corrup- ment among the victims and failing to create a deter- tion. -
Timor-Leste's Elections
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°134 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2012 Timor-Leste’s Elections: Leaving Behind a Violent Past? I. OVERVIEW Political tensions have largely been tempered in the lead up to polls and the security situation remains stable despite a small uptick in violent crime. As campaign season ap- Timor-Leste’s 2012 general elections will provide an im- proaches and the political temperature rises, law enforce- portant test of the country’s resilience as it celebrates ten ment capacity remains weak and this means the sources years of independence. The governing coalition has under- of potential security risks are many. The UN police and taken few of the long-term reforms seen as necessary after the small International Stabilisation Force (ISF) can help the 2006 crisis but increased wealth has given many a grow- buttress crowd control and riot response, but the focus ing stake in stability. The outcome of polls remains difficult should be on other measures. Civil society groups have a to predict given the breadth of the field in each poll and role to play in helping educate voters and monitoring ad- the weakness of issue-based politics. Successful elections herence to codes of conduct, as well as shining light on any will be important not just toward securing the long-awaited proxy role in election-related intimidation or violence that withdrawal of the country’s UN peacekeeping mission but martial arts groups could play. Public relations should be also may give its leaders the confidence to confront its a key part of the planned joint operations centre for elec- many challenges.