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Advancing Urban Rights Equality and Diversity in the City Advancing urban rights Equality and diversity in the city Eva Garcia-Chueca and Lorenzo Vidal (Eds.) 76 Advancing urban rights Equality and diversity in the city Eva Garcia-Chueca and Lorenzo Vidal (Eds.) 76 ©2019 CIDOB CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] Printing: Book-Print S.A. ISBN: 978-84-92511-75-4 Legal deposit: B 25546-2019 Barcelona, November 2019 Cover Image: Matteo Paganelli CONTENTS ABOUT THE AUTHORS 5 INTRODUCTION 11 Eva Garcia-Chueca and Lorenzo Vidal THE RIGHT TO THE CITY AS A RIGHT TO DIFFERENCE 21 Michele Grigolo ................................................................................................................................... 23 Understanding the right to the city as the right to difference Jordi Borja ................................................................................................................................................ 33 The right to the city: from the street to globalisation FOSTERING EQUALITY AND DIVERSITY AT LOCAL LEVEL 43 JoAnn Kamuf Ward ............................................................................................................................. 45 Human rights as a means to advance equity and embrace difference: lessons from US cities Thomas Angotti .................................................................................................................................. 55 Diverse cities: the legacy of colonialism and persistence of racism in New York City Jaime Morales ....................................................................................................................................... 65 Innovation and hope: the right to the city in Mexico City's new government (2018–2024) Shams Asadi ........................................................................................................................................... 75 From the Vienna Charter for neighbourly relations to Vienna as a City of Human Rights Enrique López ....................................................................................................................................... 85 Madrid City Council’s Strategic Human Rights Plan: lessons learned (2015–2019) Haleemah Alamoush ....................................................................................................................... 97 Amman, a welcoming city for migrants and refugees Soo A Kim ............................................................................................................................................. 105 Policies, tools and mechanisms to build a human rights city: the experience of Gwangju Jordi Baltà ............................................................................................................................................. 115 Cultural policies, the right to the city and the right to difference: reflections on the Agenda 21 for culture BOTTOM-UP CITY-MAKING 125 Alexandre Apsan Frediani ........................................................................................................... 127 The “right to the city” as an ethos of engagement: lessons from civil society experiences in the Global South Irene Escorihuela ............................................................................................................................. 137 Promoting the right to the city from below: experiences of co-creation in Europe METROPOLITAN AND MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORKS 147 Ricard Gomà ........................................................................................................................................ 149 The metropolitan construction of the right to the city: towards innovative governance models Antonio Aniesa ................................................................................................................................. 161 Polycentrism and the right to the city in metropolitan areas Fernando Carrión ............................................................................................................................ 169 The right to the city and multilevel governance in Latin America THE RIGHT TO THE CITY AND MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE IN LATIN AMERICA Fernando Carrión Researcher, FLACSO-Ecuador I. Introduction Inequality replaces urban expansion as the This article seeks to show that to realise the right to the city the new main problem, leading urbanisation patterns taking shape in a range of situations require new institutional frameworks and unprecedented government policies. To do to demands for the this, a time period will be considered that runs from the 1980s to the right to the city and present when three configurations of events are changing the dynamics spatial justice. of the Latin American city: A process of urbanisation: the end of the countryside to city migration cycle The neoliberal rationale and the beginning of international migration means cities grow less, but taking hold in the with greater complexity. Inequality replaces urban expansion as the main production of cities problem, leading to demands for the right to the city (Harvey, 2012; Carrión, leads to the focus 2019) and spatial justice (Secchi, 2015; Soy, 2014). On the other hand, cities cease to operate according to a size-rank mentality with urban hierarchies shifting from the social and begin to act through transurban and interurban dynamics that pose an (welfare state and unprecedented problem: the poor fit between the new forms of urban terri- redistribution) to the tory organisation and the institutional structures of government. economic. Democracy returns (after dictatorships) and is extended to local govern- ments as part of decentralisation processes. In 1980 only seven countries in the region elected their local authorities (1980); today all are chosen by the people (Carrión, 2015). Urban society is thus democratised and relations with the states (unitary, federal), intermediate governments (states, provinc- es, departments) and local governments (municipalities) are redefined. The neoliberal rationale taking hold in the production of cities leads to the focus shifting from the social (welfare state and redistribution) to the economic. Profit drives urban planning (efficiency) via: the privatisation of services and infrastructure (Pírez, 1999), tax policies (tax reductions), increased capital gains on land (Abramo, 2011) and public investment in urban planning projects. These three factors form the core of the urban conflict, leading to the emergence of cities as a political phenomenon with complex institutional frameworks and where the right to the city is claimed. We will therefore 169 •76• 2019 work on three coordinated themes: the characteristics of the urbanisation process; the lack of congruence between institutional frameworks and new urbanisation patterns; and the right to the city, understood as a political utopia that seeks the balanced distribution of power and citizens’ access to the goods the city produces. The urban explosion phase produced the II. The urbanisation process historical dissociation between urbanisation Latin America has seen two phases of urbanisation in the past century: and the city, because migration from the Urban explosion countryside did not produce cities. The urbanisation that began in the early twentieth century lasted until the 1980s and is characterised as an urban explosion due to the accelerated rural-urban migration that saw the concentration of the Latin American population in cities rise from 41% in 1950 to 71% by 1980, making it the continent with the highest level of urbanisation in the world. In the urbanisation of cities, three phenomena should be highlighted: the increased number of cities, which multiplied by six; the growth in the size of the population concentrated in the largest cities; and the predominance of coastal or nearby areas (within 100 linear kilometres) (Rodríguez, 2002). This migration produced a new urban reality. The people who arrived in the city did not meet the basic needs of city life. But by reproducing peasant cultures and economies in the cities as a survival strategy, they nevertheless transformed those cities by producing peripheral areas that operated as cities of peasants (Roberts, 1980). The urban explosion phase produced the historical dissociation between urbanisation and the city, because migration from the countryside did not produce cities. The places it produced were categorised as illegal settle- ments because many emerged from the invasion of public and/or private property,1 from a lack of respect for construction and urbanisation regula- tions, and a lack of services, infrastructure and public spaces, which made the public and private administrations deny their existence and therefore their recognition. Bourdieu (1999) says that to speak of problematic sub- urbs or of ghettos is to almost automatically evoke non-realities. This urbanisation based on unrecognised human settlements twice caused boundaries to be broken down: The urban area overflowing beyond the city core due to the sudden appearance of human settlements on their outskirts gave rise to slums with the names (depending on the city) of favelas, pueblos jóvenes, villas miseria, barrios de rancho and colonias populares. These settlements were built outside the city and on the edge of the urban area, forming a 1. At present, urban illegalities extend dual urban structure with one legal-formal city and another illegal-infor- beyond the outskirts and into work, mal one (Hardoy and Saterwaite,
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