British Moroccans – CITIZENSHIP in ACTION

British Moroccans – CITIZENSHIP IN ACTION

A Runnymede Community Study by MYRIAM CHERTI RUNNYMEDE BRITISH MOROCCANS – CITIZENSHIP IN ACTION

About Runnymede Community Studies In reflecting on the changing nature of ethnic diversity in Britain, it becomes increasingly clear that we have to move beyond binary notions of white and non-white to explain the ways in which racisms operate, identities are formed and people live out their lives. The societies in which we live are becoming more diverse and will continue to diversify as migration patterns change, and the impacts of globalization are reflected in labour markets as well as in transnational movement of capital.

This series of community studies aims to promote understanding of the diversity within and between different ethnic groups. Our intention is to build up a collection of studies which focus on communities; their demography, links to civil society, and key political and social issues. We hope that over time this will provide a rich resource for understanding how diversity is lived and experienced away from the necessarily crude ethnic monitoring form, in a vital and dynamic multi- ethnic society.

To find out more about the Runnymede Community Studies series, please visit: www.runnymedetrust.org

This community study is based on an abridged version of Myriam Cherti’s doctoral dissertation, published in 2008 as Paradoxes of Social Capital: A Multi-Generational Study of Moroccans in London by Amsterdam University Press (ISBN: 978 90 5356 032 7 and http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_ book&isbn=9789053560327&l=2. Permission has been kindly granted for Runnymede to publish the report online as part of Runnymede’s Community Studies series.

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Researchers and commentators may quote from this document without charge provided they cite the author, title and the publishers when they acknowledge the source of the material quoted. The publisher would prefer that no individual quotation should exceed 400 words, and that the total material quoted should not exceed 800 words. BRITISH MOROCCANS – CITIZENSHIP IN ACTION British Moroccans –

Citizenship in Action MYRIAM CHERTI

Moroccans in London at a Glance

Population and Geography Networks and Cohesion

• The exact size of the Moroccan community in • Partly as a result of marginalisation, Moroccans Britain is not known, although some unofficial have become a very ‘close-knit’ community, sources suggest the number of 65,000 to 70,000. especially in North Kensington, and a strong and • A large part of the British Moroccan population proud Moroccan identity continues to be one of lives in London. However, Moroccans have the hallmarks of the community, even amongst settled in other parts of Britain as well, such the second and third generations. as Edinburgh, Slough, St Albans, Crawley and • Largely as a response to unmet needs, numerous Trowbridge. Moroccan community organisations have • Within London, the largest Moroccan settlement emerged to fill gaps in mainstream service is to be found in the Royal Borough of Kensington provision. and Chelsea. • Formal involvement of Moroccans in • Moroccans were among the pioneers in organisations is heavily concentrated in the North Manchester where they made up a sizable Kensington area, mostly through educational proportion of the Sephardic community in its groups and other Moroccan organisations. early years.* Civic Engagement

Migration • Moroccans in North Kensington display high levels of civic activity and community • Moroccan migration to Britain can be divided involvement. into four phases. • Barriers to participation in the wider society – • The first started in the 1960s and consisted because of prejudice, hostility or institutional of unskilled workers, mostly from northern discrimination – may lead Moroccans to search Morocco. out social capital within their own minority • The second phase – family reunification – community. followed from the early 1970s onwards. A large • Interview data suggests that British Moroccans number of women also came as independent are engaged with political processes, particularly migrants. Often they were pioneers of migration on a local level. Voting is common, and amongst and the main breadwinners, yet this is rarely those who do not vote, this was due to political acknowledged. disillusionment rather than apathy. • The third phase started in the 1980s, and was • The level of individuals’ knowledge of, and made up of young semi-skilled professionals and interaction with, the local authorities was highest entrepreneurs, mostly from Casablanca and other amongst Moroccans living in North Kensington. larger cities. • The fourth and most recent migration wave started in the early 1990s with the emigration of highly skilled Moroccan professionals, both from Morocco itself and from France.

* Collins (2006)

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Introduction There is a long-standing and well established mostly from Casablanca and other larger cities. economic and diplomatic relationship between The fourth and most recent migration wave Morocco and Britain that goes back to the started in the early 1990s with the emigration of thirteenth century.1 Thus, it should come as no highly skilled Moroccan professionals, both from surprise that Moroccan migration to Britain has Morocco itself and from France. Many of these a long history, and dates back to at least the recent immigrants currently work in the finance nineteenth century.2 However, this migratory sector in London. movement, along with its stories and lived The first phase of Moroccan migration remains experiences, remains one of the most ‘invisible’ the most significant in terms of numbers. This and least researched in Western Europe. Indeed, was driven largely by individual initiatives and little is actually known about British Moroccans. encouraged by social networks of friends and Yet a walk down Golborne Road in London – relatives. This illustrates one of the first distinctive commonly known as ‘little Morocco’ – reveals traits of Moroccan migration to Britain in contrast a myriad of Moroccan-owned cafés, restaurants, to other Western European countries with bilateral grocery stores, mosques, supplementary schools labour movement agreements, such as France, and community organisations. The presence the Netherlands or Belgium. Family ties and of a thriving Moroccan community could not social networks thus played a key part in shaping be more evident. Nonetheless, this community the migration of many individuals who came to remains officially and statistically invisible. The Britain in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Partly exact size of the Moroccan community in Britain as a result of this, Moroccans created ‘close-knit’ is not known, although some unofficial sources communities throughout the UK. In London, a suggest they might number 65,000 to 70,000. significant number of Moroccans settled in North In this sense, Moroccans are part of Britain’s Kensington, in the Royal Borough of Kensington invisible migrant groups, unidentified by the and Chelsea. The boroughs of Westminster, British Office of National Statistics in the 1991 and Hammersmith, Lambeth and Croydon also have a 2001 censuses, which collapses ethnic, racial and sizeable presence of Moroccans. national identities.3 What is clear, however, is that In the early 1970s the Moroccan community Moroccans have made a permanent impression was relatively small. There were no community on parts of the UK with their presence that spans centres, or even a mosque, for Moroccans. decades. However, many of those who made a home in Interview data gathered for this study indicate London had known each other back in Morocco, that Moroccan migration to Britain can be divided or knew someone who knew someone. Piccadilly into four phases. The first started in the 1960s Circus and Trafalgar Square became their meeting and consisted of unskilled workers, mostly from points, where they would usually gather to help northern Morocco – specifically the Jbala region, each other write letters, meet friends, exchange especially Larache, Tetouan, Tangier and the news about Morocco and welcome recent arrivals. surrounding areas, with a smaller community Ever since the first major wave of Moroccan from Meknes and Oujda. The majority of these migrants in the 1960s, Moroccans have worked immigrants settled in cities such as London and hard to establish their own religious and social Edinburgh, with smaller concentrations in towns facilities, such as mosques, Koranic and Arabic like Slough, St Albans, Crawley and Trowbridge. classes for the younger generation, and spaces The second phase – family reunification – followed for various community activities. These efforts from the early 1970s onwards. The third phase have not been fruitless. In London alone there started in the 1980s, and was made up of young are now more than fifteen Moroccan community semi-skilled professionals and entrepreneurs, organisations catering for the needs of their local communities. Many organisations provide advice 1 Belmahi (2006); Rogers (1990) and support in accessing services, especially to 2 Halliday (1992); Hayes (1905) the first generation, which still remains relatively 3 Goulbourne (2001)

2 BRITISH MOROCCANS – CITIZENSHIP IN ACTION isolated because of the language barrier and in North Kensington, and a strong and proud lack of knowledge of the intricacies of the Moroccan identity continues to be one of the British administrative system. The majority had hallmarks of the community, even amongst the few qualifications when they arrived. The 2001 second and third generations. Census data indicates that this picture is still This report endeavours to highlight some relevant. Of Moroccans living in London, 48 per of the challenges and achievements of British cent have no qualifications, 29 per cent have Moroccans. It forms part of a larger body of work, lower-level qualifications and only 22 per cent based on extended fieldwork within the Moroccan have higher-level qualifications.4 The relatively community in London. An extended theoretical and low educational and skill levels have served empirical analysis is available elsewhere,5 but here to relegate Moroccans to the margins of British the focus is very much on real lives and real people. mainstream society, a position from which they The voices of British Moroccans are placed at the find it difficult to move. Many first generation fore, in the hope that the richness of their narratives respondents felt unable to fully engage with the will evince the richness of their experiences, as host country as they lacked the intellectual tools well as the important economic, social and cultural to decode the system. Partly as a result of this contributions that Moroccans have made. feeling of being on the margins, Moroccans have 5 For an extended analysis, see Myriam Cherti’s Paradoxes of Social become a very ‘close-knit’ community, especially Capital: A Multi-Generational Study of Moroccans in London, published in 2008 by Amsterdam University Press: http://www.aup.nl/ 4 London Authority Data Management and Analysis Group (2005) do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053560327&l=2

Methodology 12 interviews were conducted with third-generation The acute lack of previous studies on Moroccans Moroccans. in the UK was a major challenge for this study, as Thirty life-history testimonies were collected the research gaps were extensive. This absence of from first-generation men and women who came secondary sources made it necessary to base this to Britain in the 1960s. The oral history approach study on a variety of methodological approaches. is valuable in capturing the living memory of the The main method involved the collection and first-generation Moroccan migrants and highlighting analysis of a set of primary qualitative data on their personal experiences. Through this method, the Moroccan community in London, where 151 aspects of their lives that could not have been interviews were conducted.6 The core of this study depicted through other research methods can be is based on a series of in-depth semi-structured revealed, and was as such deemed to be the most interviews with 24 selected Moroccan families methodologically sound way of ‘reconstructing’ the across London, where first-, second- and third- missing parts of Moroccan migration history. generation individuals are interviewed within In order to complement the data generated the same household. Fourteen of the families by the life-histories – particularly in relation interviewed were from West London, especially to Moroccans’ achieved levels in educational the boroughs of Kensington and Chelsea and of and occupational mobility – 45 complementary Westminster, and ten families were selected from semi-structured interviews were conducted South, East and North London. Sampling was with community workers, youth workers, local largely purposive, through a personal knowledge of councillors and MPs, schoolteachers and others. some of the families as well as recommendations This set of interviews provided a more thorough from other interviewees through a snowballing picture of how the Moroccan community identifies method. Other families were selected with itself and also how it is perceived by ‘others’. the help of the local mosque, as well as local In order to build a profile of Moroccan Moroccan voluntary organisations. An additional community organisations, a short questionnaire was designed and distributed. The data collected was 6 The names of interviewees used throughout this report are not then supplemented by semi-structured interviews actual. They have been changed to maintain anonymity of the with representatives of organisations, as well as participants of this study. participant observation.

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Networks place second and third generations know best. In many ways, this localism translates over Transnational Mobility and Networks to London. In Larache, for example, the young The majority of interviewees, particularly in West generation of Moroccans’ circle of friendship is London, go back to Morocco at least once a year. often limited to relatives – often cousins – or local It has become an essential part of what it means neighbours, who sometimes happen to be the to be a ‘Moroccan living abroad’, and applies same neighbours in London. This is particularly equally to first-, second- or third-generation the case with families who live in North Moroccans. Responding to a question about Kensington. where he lives, Soufiane (14), a third-generation Moroccan, replied almost instinctively: “My name Well, I’m from Larache so everyone here is Soufiane, I was born in London, I live here ten is from Larache, so like it’s normally months a year, and two months in Morocco during yeah my friends from here. Coz they all the summer time”. His words reflect a sense of live next to me. It’s like I walk out, Smail belonging to both London and Morocco, but lives over there, Yasmine lives over there also reveal how this multiple sense of belonging […] It’s the same, like almost the same has become an intrinsic part of how he identifies difference between my house and my himself and his place in the world. For the first friends’ houses here [Ladbroke Grove] generation, the yearly visits to Morocco are an is the same there [Larache] […] and the essential trip to visit immediate family members beach, there’s only one beach in Larache, who stayed at home. This ‘summer ritual’ is also so we usually end up together, but my an essential tool for parents to attempt not only to cousins are normally with me fil Magrib instil in their children a love for Morocco, but also [in Morocco]. They’re cousins so we are to transmit a ‘Moroccan identity’: with other Moroccans as well (Amira, Female, 16 years old). Any Moroccan will not be able to forget his country […] In our case, the first Interestingly, the affinity for their local places of generation, there is no risk that we forget origin also takes a transnational form, and when our country of origin, our efforts are many second- or third-generation Moroccans concentrated towards the second and expand their circle of friends, it is often with third generations that might risk to forget their counterparts in other European countries, about Morocco, that’s why we end up especially in the Netherlands. going there almost every year (Mustapha, Male, 61 years old). I don’t have friends from Morocco, I have friends from all over Europe, because Regular trips back to Morocco become a medium they all go down during the summer […] for second and third generations through which I have friends from France, I have cousins they construct a new, shared identity with other from Holland, family in Spain. My best Moroccans living abroad. The regularity of the friend is in Holland, he lives right next to trips and the length of stay is in itself an indicator me in Larache, we go to the beach and of ‘Moroccanness’. When asked whether they do stuff together, I’ve known him since I go back to Morocco, many interviewees were was small (Soufiane, Male, 14 years old). surprised, almost as if posing this question cast doubt on their degree of ‘Moroccanness’; This reflects different generational approaches to nevertheless, going to Morocco means going back transnational mobility. For the first generation, it is to the home town of their parents, where most of intended to harness existing family and friendship the extended family lives. Only a handful of the networks. For the younger generation, on the interviewees travel around the country and visit other hand, transnationalism is an opportunity to other cities. Thus, the definition of Morocco is build friendships that are not physically confined closely tied up with the home town of parents, the to Morocco. Most of the younger generation of

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British Moroccans enjoy the ‘freedom’ they are granted in Morocco. With their lives limited No I wouldn’t. I don’t know what it is, this to school and home, and with any other extra- is home…very strange... most of my social curricular activities closely monitored by parents, networks are based here, my friends and or to some extent ‘the community’, it is a freedom colleagues are here, but if I have to move, that they are unable to enjoy in London. This I wouldn’t want to move outside W9 or sense of freedom is a reflection of the trust that W10. I wouldn’t move out too far, as long parents have in other Moroccans and in the local as I can always come back […] partly neighbourhoods. But equally importantly, it is because of the Moroccan community. I also a reflection of an increased trust in their don’t know what it is but I wouldn’t leave children themselves, as Moroccan communities this area (Rashid, Male, 30 years old). living abroad are often seen by those in Morocco to adopt a more conservative attitude towards These two accounts demonstrate how differently bringing up children. the generations understand and experience the importance and meaning of locality. First The Significance of the Neighbourhood generation Moroccans tend to emphasise safety, as The neighbourhood is an important venue in described by Soumaya, as well as the practicality which social relations take place. Over the years, of having the local mosque and the market individuals across generations have developed nearby. For these reasons, she finds it difficult to local social networks, which are often their imagine herself living in another part of London. primary source of mutual help and support. Rashid, however, highlights his social network, Interviewees were asked a number of questions made up of his friends and colleagues in his area. regarding neighbourhood connections, and the Both have developed connections in relation to willingness to move from or stay in the area where their local community, but where Soumaya values they live. The interview accounts provide an it as contributing to her and her children’s safety, indication of the shape and extent of the culture of Rashid sees the area clearly as his own ‘home’ cooperation in a local area as well as the degree and prefers not to uproot himself from it. to which individuals and families are connected For younger British Moroccans living in North to their local community. Kensington, it is essential to maintain the links Families living in North Kensington were asked that they have developed within their local if, given the choice, they would consider moving community, which in turn create a sense of away from their area to other parts of London. The ‘home’. Some interviewees identified themselves majority said they would not want to do so, as the in relation to their local neighbourhood, as a following quotes from Soumaya, a first-generation ‘Portobeller’ or a ‘Grove girl or boy’, referring to woman, and Rashid, a second-generation man, Portobello and Ladbroke Grove. This reflects a illustrate: strong sense of belonging to two social arenas. On the one hand, it highlights the importance No, I can’t move out from this area, I of the geographical location of their local have everything I need here plus there community, because of their existing friends and are a lot of Moroccans and other Muslims family networks. On the other hand, and no less in the area […] I don’t want to feel important, this also echoes the extent to which it is isolated in another area. I was given a important for them to be part of a ‘Moroccanised’ bigger house in a different area, but I local community: refused to take it. The market is near me, the mosque, everything […] It’s also I am a real Portobeller!! […] since I was important for my children to grow up in born in the area, I went to Bevington such an area. I have two of my children School just off Golborne Road. I can’t who are wearing Nikab and I don’t want imagine living anywhere else. It’s really them to have problems (Soumaya, female, hard; I can’t imagine living anywhere 56 years old). else […] I’ve got my mum and dad who

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live up the road (laughs). My sister lives to my right and my brother still lives I would like to move near; like in with my mum and dad (Mostafa, Male, Ladbroke Grove where there are more 32 years old). Moroccans […] Everybody knows everybody and they visit each other. No I wouldn’t like to move out from here You feel Eid, you feel Ramadan, and you because when you walk down Golborne celebrate things that Muslims celebrate, Road, it is like walking down a street but around here it’s different, its mostly in Morocco, there are Moroccan shops white people that live around here, apart … everything … it’s a well-known area from my next-door neighbour who’s […] I’ve lived here fifteen, sixteen years. Pakistani. I would prefer to live in a I don’t live exactly in Golborne, I live in Moroccan area […] I don’t think you Latimer but still it’s the same thing. It’s still would ever feel lonely (Houda, Female, Moroccanised. It doesn’t have that many 26 years old). Moroccans but it still feels like Golborne anyway (Kawtar, Female, 16 years old). The families who live in other parts of London have developed a sense of belonging to the area Some interviewees implied that the degree to where they live, but not necessarily a shared which their local community is ‘Moroccanised’ sense of ‘community’. The networks that they determines how much it feels like ‘home’. Indeed, have developed are very heterogeneous, as Sofia to 20-year-old university student Amal, there was explains here: even a major difference between the areas of Ladbroke Grove and Latimer Road, which are only There is no kind of sense of community one stop away from each other by train: here really, this feels like home yeah but there is no community […] I would I would like to move to Ladbroke Grove, never however consider going to because Latimer Road is quite different Ladbroke Grove. I just think it’s again a […] it’s not really Moroccanised like in bit claustrophobic […] I am comfortable Ladbroke Grove […] but it’s a nice area with being an outsider, whereas there […] I wouldn’t go to an area where there I would not be, I would fit perfectly in are no Moroccans, because I need to that community, my parents came in the know at least someone there from my sixties, my story is the same as every story country […] I also feel safe in this area there (Sofia, Female, 37 years old). […] I know them, and it feels a bit like Morocco […] this is my home (Amal, Sofia appreciates being different in the area where Female, 20 years old). she lives and not ‘melting’ into the crowd. Others, like Hanane, feared the opposite. For her, it was not For others, the greatest attraction of North just the Moroccan presence in North Kensington Kensington is the sense of ‘community’, made that was important, but also the Muslim one. The up of family members who live in the vicinity, fear of standing out in a ‘white’ area explains her friends, neighbours, or sometimes the presence of attachment to the neighbourhood she lives in. other Moroccans and Muslims. They all contribute together to creating the sense of ‘community’ and You don’t want to be somewhere where a feeling of being at home, which can alleviate you are alienated [...] You want to stay feelings of big city isolation. Houda, who lived in somewhere where there is a community, East London at the time of interview, explains that where you know people and you have during religious festivals she feels isolated whilst, something in common with them. Yeah, she assumes, those who live in Ladbroke Grove there is a masjid [mosque] around here, ‘feel’ everything because there is a shared spirit a school around here, Muslims around and atmosphere of celebration. here. You know, kids won’t feel isolated,

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especially now, the bad image about so I said ‘Dad, leave them, you’ve got Muslims everywhere. To go and live good intentions but they will tell you it’s somewhere where there are no Muslims none of your business’. Because where you will be like [...] the black sheep my dad grew up they were allowed to (laughs) (Hanane, Female, 32 years old). tell each other’s children off because they were looking out for the community, and In many cases, fears like those voiced by Hanane they still think they have to look out for have been justified, especially following the the community. And I said to him ‘Dad substantial increase in hate crimes and physical times have changed it’s not like that or verbal abuse against Muslims after 9/11 and anymore’ and he was sad because he said 7/7. Living in an area where there is a majority times have gone bad (Selma, Female, 25 of Muslims can help to enhance a sense of years old). safety. The ‘community’ is considered as a real and reliable source of protection, almost like an In spite of the many positive aspects to living extended family that looks after its members. Many in a close-knit community – such as solidarity parents feel safe in a neighbourhood where there and feeling a sense of ‘home’ away from ‘home’ is a majority of Muslims and Moroccans, which – there are also drawbacks to having a small explains their desire to stay in North Kensington. community in a geographically defined area. Parents often expressed the importance of their There is a danger that the community builds few children growing up in a Moroccan environment, networks outside its geographical boundaries. as Hajj Abdellah explains: This is particularly true for the first generation. As a result, people can develop a degree of I’ve never moved away from Westminster over-dependence on other members of the […] I’ve lived here since 1974 until community. Furthermore, while the presence now in the same accommodation […] of other Moroccans can help to monitor the they [the council] have sent me several behaviour of members of the community, not letters in the past offering me alternative just the younger generation, this norm can be accommodation, but I refused. I cannot overbearing and ‘intrusive’ to individual freedom. live so far away from the Moroccan As behaviour is so closely monitored, members community, I don’t want my kids to mix of the community – particularly the younger with the rest, I don’t have the energy to ones – are acutely aware of the wider effects of look after them all the time […] One their actions and how they might be perceived has to check the kids’ behaviour (Hajj by other community members. This community Abdellah, Male, 62 years old). ‘norm’ is a mixture of various elements, but an important part is the emphasis on preserving For Hajj Abdellah, it is essential to have people Moroccan culture and tradition, and a resistance he trusts check and monitor the behaviour of to total assimilation within ‘Western’ culture. At his children. A ‘closed network’ will enable the the extreme end, this type of ‘ethnic solidarity’ can younger generation to behave within the ‘norm’ exacerbate social exclusion and, in some cases, set by the community. He believes strongly in this lead to the development of a new sub-culture shared responsibility between members of the for younger generations. As Alejandro Portes Moroccan community and often tries, in a spirit argues,7 restrictions on individual freedom and a of goodwill, to correct other Moroccan children’s downward levelling of norms can eventually lead behaviour by talking to them. However, his good to situations where group solidarity is cemented by intentions can often be interpreted differently, as a common experience of adversity and opposition his daughter explained: to mainstream society. The resulting downward levelling of norms operates to keep the numbers of I was walking with my father the other a subjugated group in place, and force the more day and some kids were being naughty, ambitious to escape from it. and my dad doesn’t know these children, 7 Portes (1998)

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Civic Engagement and that of their children’s involvement, especially amongst families in North Kensington. Civic engagement can refer to a wide range Some members of the second generation, of actions, efforts and activities, and can take however, found themselves under pressure from many different forms. This is as true about civic their parents to continuously engage with all engagement amongst Moroccans in Britain the various community activities, which they as it is for other groups, but for the purposes may not have been overly enthusiastic about of this report, the focus below is on three themselves: categories: 1) community involvement, in the shape of informal, personal social relations; 2) My dad, he makes me involved in membership in an organisation, particularly everything […] sometimes he’s like zidi formal group-based membership; and 3) voting [go ahead], I have to be involved in a and public engagement. Below, levels of civic lot of things coz he makes me. Like he engagement are compared across generations makes me go to supplementary school, and by location of Moroccans in different parts when there’s something to do with of London. Morocco he makes me go. When there’s a demonstration, he makes me go, like Volunteering and Active Citizenship he really wants me to be Moroccan and Interviewees were asked about their level of I am really Moroccan, and I support his informal and interpersonal involvement with ideas whatever but I prefer to keep a their local communities, involving unpaid work distance sometimes (Sabah, Female, 26 that would benefit other individuals rather years old). than themselves or their immediate family, such as visiting an elderly or sick person, or Many parents considered involvement with participating in a local event. Unsurprisingly, the local Moroccan community to be a way of throughout the four London areas studied, reinforcing their sense of Moroccan identity in Moroccans in North Kensington displayed the their children. In practical terms, it also facilitates highest level of community involvement, even their access to important support networks, such amongst the second generation. This suggests as access to free supplementary school classes. that social capital is activated to compensate, to some extent, the lack of certain forms of formal Community Organisations support. Members of minority ethnic groups often Measuring the extent to which people are respond to needs by establishing group solidarity. attached to formally constituted social groups Furthermore, the sense of ‘community’ in North of one kind or another is a method frequently Kensington can also be seen as generating a employed for the measure of group-based shared responsibility towards its members, where relations in social capital research.8 This norms of reciprocity dominate. approach is not without its critics,9 but does nonetheless provide useful insights into the Yes, I do help people, I also help in the significance of membership in community mosque cleaning and fixing things […] organisations. The formal involvement I help my neighbours out if they need of Moroccans in organisations is heavily something to be fixed etc. There was concentrated in the North Kensington area, a neighbour that I didn’t know once mostly through educational groups and and she asked me for help and she was other Moroccan organisations. However, quite surprised that I accepted to fix the engagement of other Moroccans, living things for her without asking for money mostly in South and North London, is virtually (Mohammed, Male, 63 years old). non-existent. This contrast begs explanation. In North Kensington, Moroccan community There appeared to be a correlation between parent involvement with the local communities 8 See Putnam (2000) 9 See for example Pollitt (1999); Skocpol (1999).

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members mobilise in order to compensate for Voting and Engagement weak provision or an absence of services (for with Political Processes example translation services or educational Academic understanding of individuals’ and support classes); to reinforce an existing group groups’ political pro-activity and awareness identity; or to pass on their ‘heritage’ to their is informed by their voting and involvement children, and to instil in their children Islamic with local authorities. Voting is a clearer values: and more explicit measurement of political participation than local involvement, which Yes, I’m helping out and for me it’s a is harder to measure, but both are important. way also to help my country, not only Engagement with governmental institutions Moroccans who live here. It’s a duty for such as the local authorities, and with MPs and us to teach these young people religion local councillors, is also suggestive of levels of and love for their country, so that they ‘institutional trust’. can learn how to behave with other Most of the first-generation members with people, keep them away from drugs the right to vote, did so, which suggests a etc. By filling up their time, they won’t positive indication of civic engagement. Many get into trouble (Mohammed, Male, 63 interviewees showed an understanding of years old). the importance of voting. Some argued that voting makes them more engaged in their local In the absence of sufficient and adequate neighbourhoods, and that they gain some form services, members of the Moroccan community of representation, both locally and nationally. mobilise to create and tap into immigrants’ For others, like Labour Party member Ali, social capital. Moroccans with a different involvement represents a long-term investment social status living in other parts of the capital in the future of the local community as well as have access to a ‘mainstream’ type of social that of their children. capital. There are two possible reasons for the differentiated patterns of involvement in The benefits of the community, because organisations. Firstly, individuals may become we need to be involved for the benefit involved in a group, association or community of our children […] (Ali, Male, 64 years organisation if they perceive that doing so gives old). them access to valuable resources. This implies that, for immigrants, social capital is more Yes, I vote in England, the next one readily available within their community than is on the 10th of June; the day after in the larger society. The perception of being tomorrow […] I try to tell all my friends in the same circumstances in a new social, to make sure they vote too. I believe cultural and institutional environment can foster we must vote in order to have a voice a sense of constituting ‘a community of fate’, a in this country (Zohra, Female, 38 years feeling which is reinforced for those with limited old). language skills. Secondly, the barriers to social capital in the wider community – because of The majority of the second generation prejudice, hostility or institutional discrimination interviewees of voting age also voted in the – may lead members to search out social capital 2005 general elections, although the rate within their own minority community. There is of abstainers is higher amongst the second a predisposition to draw on social capital within generation than the first. Importantly, however, the ‘ethnic enclave’ amongst immigrants who the meaning they placed on their voting have a hard time adapting, as well as amongst rights differs considerably from that of their members of minority ethnic groups who suffer parents. Demonstrating a high level of political discrimination and face severe barriers to full awareness, those who voted stressed the participation in the institutions of the wider importance of their vote, and explained why society. they choose very carefully how they cast it.

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Yeah, I make sure I vote now […] Quite a few years ago I think, I When the Conservatives were in power remember my mum used to scare me, I used to always vote for Labour but ‘If you don’t vote, you will get a £400 now I make sure the Conservatives fine’, and I’d say, ‘Don’t worry, I’ll pay don’t get my vote, I vote Liberal it!’ (Mohammed, Male, 31 years old). Democrat. I don’t understand their policies and stuff like that but it’s either This quote highlights the generational that or I don’t vote. I make sure I vote differences in voting attitudes within the because they say every vote counts […] Moroccan community. The first generation next time inshallah I’m going to vote perceives voting as a duty and in some ways an Respect (Noura, Female, 36- years old). expression of their loyalty to this country. The second generation, on the other hand, consider The international events prominent in the voting a right rather than a duty. In general, news at the time of fieldwork, particularly the however, it was the absence of candidates who war in Iraq, made several second generation represented them and their needs that was the interviewees become very selective in whom main factor discouraging young Moroccans they vote for. However, there was a clear sense from voting. This was put strongly by Zakaria, that none of the political parties represent their who feels that the lack of representation of interests, which makes it a difficult choice. Moroccans, and Arabs in general, makes the political arena a purely ‘white’ domain. Yes, I’ve only been able to vote twice as there have only been two general Nah, there’s no point in me voting elections since I’ve been eligible in this country [...] Yeah, because to vote. And I voted in the local of the candidates and the people in elections. But at the moment I’m a general, I believe it’s their country, bit disillusioned, I don’t know who it’s white people’s country! I haven’t to vote for. It’s quite difficult, so now seen one Arab politician, Moroccan in the local election, I just look at the Arab politician yeah having any say, manifesto and see what suits me. I anything, so what’s the point in me look at local issues, council tax and voting. What I’ll waste my time walking the congestion charge. Before I used down to Barlby Road to put a piece of to think about foreign policy but now paper in so that that guy can give me everybody seems to have the same a congestion zone later! Or something agenda (Samia, Female, 29 years old). silly like that [...] they’re all the same anyway, they all add taxes and that, Apart from illustrating a strong sense you know what I’m saying? I’m not of disenchantment with foreign policy really a voter, that’s pointless for me, I developments, this shift of focus from foreign can’t see someone I’d vote for basically policy to domestic policy suggests a renewed (Zakaria, Male, 23 years old). interest in their local neighbourhoods and a reinforcement of their local sense of belonging. Zakaria illustrates with great clarity the However, amongst those who abstained perspective of a disillusioned young second- from voting, a feeling of disillusionment generation Moroccan. However, he insisted that prevailed, especially as far as foreign policy his refusal to vote is not due to lacking a feeling was concerned. Moreover, while the first of belonging to Britain; rather, he maintained generation are sometimes concerned about that it is entirely a question of absence of the consequences of not voting, the second representative candidates. generation are confident about their right to Similarly to levels of community involvement, chose not to vote. discussed above, the level of individuals’

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knowledge of, and interaction with, the local authorities was highest amongst Moroccans Moroccan Community living in North Kensington. None of the interviewees in South and North London even Organisations in knew the name of their local MP. Families in North Kensington contacted their MP for two Action main reasons; housing or access to secondary In the social capital literature, the creation and school for their children. renewal of social capital is seen as intimately tied up with the voluntary sector,10 including ethnic The Hidden Significance associations.11 In order to evaluate their role as of Civic Engagement incubators for the transformation of ‘bonding’ It is clear that levels of social capital and civic to ‘bridging’ and ‘linking’ social capital, ten engagement in the Moroccan community vary Moroccan community groups and organisations in many different ways according to a range were examined as part of this study, and their of factors. Most notably, there are important contribution to the development of social capital differences between first- and second- was assessed. generation Moroccans in London. Furthermore, a comparison between members of the Community Involvement and Pro-Activity Moroccan community living in different parts Members of the Moroccan community dedicate of the capital also reveal differential levels of a fair deal of time to volunteering in mosques, civic engagement as well as social capital. The supplementary schools, mentoring projects and dense formal and informal networks in the areas self-help groups. Much of this volunteering is where Moroccans are concentrated suggest a linked to the informal voluntary sector and is high level of bonding social capital, and voting therefore not documented. Volunteering seems patterns and involvement with local authorities to be prompted by gaps in the official service indicate substantial bridging social capital as provision, or a communitarian spirit to keep often well. These tight networks were less discernable struggling community projects and initiatives in in other parts of London, particularly in South operation. At a grass-roots level, volunteering and North London, where the families who is an indispensable part of community projects’ took part in the study were of more affluent functioning, but funding shortage is a constant backgrounds. issue which inevitably impacts on the training and This suggests that social capital – in the development of volunteers.12 form of formal and informal civic engagement A common issue identified amongst small – amongst Moroccans in West London has organisations is a reluctance of the founders and developed largely as a response to unmet needs main activists to delegate tasks and responsibilities and gaps in mainstream service provision. This to others. As a result, respondents felt that some contradicts the explanation that a shortage of individuals may be acting in an individual capacity social capital within the Moroccan community rather than acting on behalf of the group, which, – and minority ethnic groups more broadly – in turn, can lead to a situation where a limited causes or contributes to their social exclusion. number of individuals are ‘gate-keeping’ the On the contrary, it is barriers to accessing community. Little is done to encourage other mainstream services which generates social people to become involved in key networks and capital within the community. While this form consultative structures, causing networks to become of social capital may have developed out of highly vulnerable to fracture from staff turnover or necessity, the danger is that such a pattern ‘dropout’. More importantly, many respondents is reinforced across generations. As a result, felt that this process keeps the involvement of new mainstream networks remain difficult to access, people to a minimum. Many interviewees voiced and barriers are maintained or exacerbated by pursuit of an ‘ethnic rights’ discourse and 10 Putnam (1993; 2000) collective action on an ethnic basis. 11 Cf. Fennema and Tillie (1999); Tillie (2004) 12 Begum (2003)

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the concern that self-appointed and entrenched community. It used to be ours, the ‘community leaders’ were in many ways blocking Spanish used to have one room. We the development of new and younger community had the ground floor, the first floor and activists. the second floor. We used to gather ten The founder of one of the first Moroccan pence from members of the community associations in London explained how community to organise events and things […] If we involvement was in itself a proof of Moroccan kept on that level we would have had a integration into British society. much bigger institution for Moroccans, but there was a conflict between some […] there was a point where I said organisations and they ended up missing that the Moroccan community needs that opportunity […] Unfortunately professionals. There are two ways of there are no pressure groups within getting into the system; the first one is the community, and those who were through the professional way, while capable ended up giving up because the second one is through political of tensions between individuals etc. participation. In terms of the professional (Abdulali, Community Development way, I thought that was the most Worker). appropriate at the time, because we had to build and create the environment As with much voluntary and community and also to set up the system in place activity in North Kensington, many Moroccan (Muhcine). organisations operate in order to respond to social and welfare needs caused by poverty Interviewees conveyed a great number of and disadvantage endemic in the area; needs examples of successful collective action and that are often not met by mainstream service mobilisation over a common cause. One of the delivery. Rashid, a Youth Worker working for an success stories frequently mentioned was the organisation which tackles substance misuse in creation of the Muslim Cultural Heritage Centre, the area, explains the importance of their targeted which exemplifies the potential strength of approach. collective community action for a strong common cause. Despite all their differences, members of They’ve done a lot of work in this area the Moroccan community and all the different and they’ve changed people’s lives, parties collaborated in the planning, fundraising literally […] The approach that they use and building of the Centre. is by encouraging young people to go Nonetheless, interviewees were generally back to religion works […] To tackle this pessimistic about each other’s willingness to problem is not easy. The good thing also contribute to addressing collective problems. about this organisation is that they teach Many felt that their compatriots were young people how to behave properly individualistic, and concluded that they lack the and offer the youth an alternative youth capacity to organise, lobby and influence the centre that matches with their religious local authorities. Language barriers, low literacy and cultural background. levels, and a lack of confidence and self-esteem were mentioned as factors which impede people Effectiveness and Ability to from vocalising individual concerns or collective Influence Decision-making problems. The capacity to participate in formal decision- making structures is an important indicator More than one project has been of bridging and linking social capital in hi-jacked from the community, for communities, and allows individuals representing example the Spanish college was the community and voluntary sector to vet public offered to the community, because decisions taken by external agencies.13 local authorities wanted to help the 13 Begum (2003)

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Some organisations were apprehensive and between the local authority and larger organisations even cynical towards the Council’s motivations than with grassroots organisations. Partnership and commitment to creating and maintaining amongst the small organisations seemed to be often a partnership with the local community and uneven and patchy, and relied on concerted efforts voluntary sector. This scepticism was in many by key individuals from the organisations to facilitate cases borne out of past disappointments, such involvement of local groups with each other. The as insecure and erratic financial support, or smaller groups were comparatively isolated and inadequate response to issues deemed to be of unconnected to wider service provision. particular importance, such as community safety There were a number of initiatives in North in the neighbourhood. The local authorities Kensington to address the invisibility and were committed, at least rhetorically, to the voicelessness of smaller organisations. Most voluntary and community sectors. Nonetheless, notably, the National Neighbourhood Renewal many smaller organisations complained that the (NRF) programme, led by neighbourhood Council discriminated in their funding practices, facilitation teams, brought a dense network to favouring certain projects whilst blocking others’ the area and encouraged partnership-building. opportunities to develop. These perceptions reveal As a result of this initiative, contact between the dark side of social capital; some organisations local authorities and the community and and ‘community leaders’ are in the position voluntary sector has increased in both quality to encumber and exclude others that are less and quantity. The Community Empowerment connected to political structures. Fund (via NRF funding) – which has since been For some organisations, influencing decision- suspended – was a critical source of funding making was not particularly high on the list of for smaller groups. However, the majority of priorities; they simply had little or no time to think applications received14 from small community about anything but providing basic services to groups, including Moroccan groups, in Kensington their users. While some organisations engaged in and Chelsea were for small projects essentially some, albeit limited, lobbying activities, mostly at geared towards service delivery. A small grant local level, others found it difficult to justify time named ‘Networks and Partnerships’ was available, spent lobbying and campaigning. but few applications were submitted under that category. Most groups had a difficult time keeping Connections and Partnerships their heads above water, and prioritised keeping The organisations who took part in this study the activities of their organisations running. Thus, tended to have links with other local, regional they were reluctant to apply for the ‘Networks and as well as international institutions. The result Partnerships’ fund, in spite of being encouraged is a great heterogeneity of networks through to do so. Furthermore, the issue of trust also which organisations have developed various ties, discouraged small community organisations from varying in shape and strength according to the working in partnership. type of organisations involved. Some networks are narrowly conceived with relatively weak and In terms of partnership projects it’s circumscribed connections and networks with difficult for us to trust others, we can other agencies. Other networks, however, are hardly trust each other let alone other multi-spatial, dense and overlapping. communities, especially now after 9/11. Residents may have constructed a narrow But when we enter in partnership with territorial identity based on locality and place, other groups, we get involved with the and membership and volunteering may be idea of learning from others and getting connected to a strong sense of place and a desire a bigger picture about what is happening to get involved in the ‘local community’, but their around […] (Abldulali, Chair of a involvement with other local groups showed links grassroots organisation in West London). with external agencies such as statutory authorities and regional networks. Working relations tended to be stronger 14 The author was a member of the NRF grant panel at the time of research.

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An important, but largely invisible, source of identity. Members of the ‘elitist’ organisations social capital within the Moroccan community might be integrated within the mainstream is the informal networks of small self-help society, but are excluded by, and exclude groups. These networks provided invaluable themselves from, the majority of the Moroccan support and assistance unavailable elsewhere. community. In the absence of formally structured voluntary Comparing the ten associations and organisations, Moroccans in North Kensington organisations examined for this study, their rely on informal ties of sociability and mutual networks and capacities, reveals a great variety aid. Participation in community events, sports, in levels of bonding, bridging and linking and meeting people in community centres to social capital in relation to the Moroccan chat and interact were considered to be the community, the host society and the country of main benefits of involvement in voluntary origin. Amongst some community organisations organisations. These types of invisible and in West London which display strong bonding informal networks are of utmost importance to social capital, this is to a certain degree levels of social capital within neighbourhoods. divorced from both ‘bridging’ networks and At the same time, it is difficult to measure from ‘linking’ relationships to mainstream or even find a currency that demonstrates agencies and organisations. its value in terms of formal civic renewal Other organisations, however, exhibit strategies.15 strong levels of bonding as well as bridging Some organisations have succeeded in social capital, although the bridging is often developing dense and overlapping networks generated by outside pressures, especially with other ethnic organisations and statutory from funders. It is paramount that these types sector agencies. This has been partly due to of organisation and mainstream ones develop a natural process of organisational growth, more meaningful partnerships. Statutory and which encourages expansion of such networks mainstream agencies must acknowledge their and partnerships. However, these relationships contribution as planners and service-delivery tended to be dictated by a top-down approach, partners, rather than mere beneficiaries of a condition imposed by the funder. Thus, the funding that constantly need to justify their nature of the partnerships were often rather existence. stilted and ‘formalised’ through funding Finally, there are organisations which contracts. present high levels of bridging and linking, Not all Moroccan community organisations but weak levels of bonding in relation to the operate on a grass-roots level, and this study Moroccan community. In this context, the did include organisations which could be scaling-up process of social capital building described as elitist. These mostly operate needs to be reversed, whereby an exchange of on a transnational level and have very few expertise between the two extremes of migrant connections to other Moroccan organisations associations can strengthen reciprocal returns. in London. One such organisation, which Increased cooperation would be beneficial to has been in operation for more than 30 both categories of organisations. The Moroccan years, has had no difficulties in reaching a associations in North Kensington could benefit significant level of bridging and linking social by learning more about how to organise large- capital, both nationally and internationally. scale fundraising events that could help them Significantly, however, its level of bonding in achieving their objectives. At the same time, social capital is almost non-existent in relation the ‘elitist’ transnational organisations could to working-class Moroccan migrants. This become even more efficient in their charitable raises the question of class-based divisions and ventures in Morocco if they were involved its relationship with ethnicity, where bonding with Moroccan associations and the voluntary only happens amongst ‘like-minded’ people sector in general in London. which does not necessarily denote ethnic

15 Begum (2003)

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Conclusion functions is to connect different local groups and organisations and, most importantly, create a link The stories and narratives of British Moroccans between community organisations and official reveal a rich history of migration, settlement and decision-making agencies. In general, black adaptation to new and novel circumstances. and minority ethnic voluntary and community They tell of challenges and often adverse organisations are expected to serve as a ‘cultural circumstances; but at the same time, they tell of bridge’17 which has many functions, the first how individuals overcome challenges and battle of which is creating a safe space within which against adversity. The thrust of the argument migrant communities acquire the socio-cultural is that a collective response is often the most capital needed to link with mainstream-dominant effective way for marginalised members of society institutions. The ‘cultural bridge’ enables to deal with structural disadvantage. This is what marginalised members of society to rephrase this report has endeavoured to convey. Using the the unfamiliar codes of the culture of power. analytical tool of social capital, the analysis above It also serves as a means to deploy personal demonstrates that Moroccan efforts to collaborate and collective social capital in order to gain and help each other has not led to, or indeed access to the networks of targeted mainstream- been the result of, self-segregation. dominant institutions; and to integrate and The concept of social capital, of course, has affirm community cultural values, resources and entered policy discourses in often very simplistic rights. In the current political climate, public and unhelpful ways. For instance, within the institutions make enormous demands of minority current debate about funding to groups who cater ethnic groups to acquire the cultural cues and for single identity community organisation, such knowledge of the dominant culture. But in order as Moroccans, the government has taken the line for this to be accomplished, the cultural assets that ‘bridging’ activities should be encouraged, and contributions made by migrant and minority and that ‘bonding’ social capital should be ethnic communities must be recognised; without discouraged. In other words, community acknowledgement and acceptance of their organisations which are not able to prove that presence, the authorities will not be able to gain they are actively promoting community cohesion their trust and forge constructive alliances.18 and integration by encouraging bridging between While formalised community organisations ethnic communities should not be considered have gone a long way to fill in the gaps of service for funding. As the Moroccan community provision for the Moroccan community, of equal demonstrates, there are good reasons to question importance is the development of informal this line of thought. Indeed, it could be argued networks and self-help groups, which reflect the that bridging and bonding social capital in willingness of individuals to help and support ethnically homogenous groups is positively each other, especially in areas where mainstream related. This is certainly the case for British services have failed to respond to the needs Moroccans. There is therefore no foundation for of the community. For many migrant groups, policies that attempt to limit bonding (i.e. trying informal networks are vital for settling into life in to prevent people from setting up their own the UK. These often take the form of friendship cultural associations) on the grounds that this groups or family in the UK, or from friends or prevents them from reaching a level of bridging family of those they knew back in their country social capital to the majority or mainstream of origin. If formalised community organisations society. Instead, bonding social capital serves are absent or unable to fill all service provision as a precursor to bridging as well as occurring gaps, these networks enable migrants to pool their alongside it.16 resources and provide each other with mutual It is therefore clear that voluntary organisations help and support in order to become established are an important source of bridging and linking in the UK for things such as housing, national capital for migrant communities, not only insurance numbers, bank accounts, employment, bonding. One of the voluntary sector’s key 17 Saegert, Thompson and Warren (2001) 16 Begum (2003) 18 Ibid.

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as well as providing support in terms of social offering mutual support, a sense of community activities and childcare. However, the immense and belonging, as well as being a source of value of informal networks, and the role they protection against racism, Islamophobia and play in promoting community cohesion, are not hostility. The entrepreneurial capacity of British recognised in current debates about the ‘active Moroccans to organise themselves – by setting citizenship’ of migrants and minority ethnic up strong formal community organisations and groups. Indeed, the government’s understanding informal networks – should be commended. of ‘active citizenship’ – as it should be imposed Increasingly, however, this kind of intra-group on migrants – negates all the positive benefits of cooperation is deemed to be self-segregating, informal volunteering. It reduces the concept of ‘bonding’ as opposed to ‘bridging’, and ultimately ‘active citizenship’ to volunteering for officially detrimental to community cohesion. As social recognised organisations and ignores the many dynamics in and around Golborne Road are other forms of engagement and participation that testimony of, British Moroccans have by no make up real and meaningful active citizenship.19 means isolated themselves from the surrounding Moroccans draw strength from each other, by community. Quite the contrary, they have taken an active role in shaping the community for the 19 Runnymede Trust (2008) benefit of all.

16 BRITISH MOROCCANS – CITIZENSHIP IN ACTION

Bibliography

Begum, H. (2003) Social Capital in Action. Adding Pollitt, K. (1999) ‘Subject to debate. For whom the ball Up Local Connections and Networks: A Pilot Study in rolls’. Available under: www.thenation.com . London. London: NVCO/CCS. Portes, A. (1998) ‘Social Capital: Its Origins and Belmahi, M. (2006) The Other in the Making of Applications in Modern Sociology’, Annual Review of National Identity. The Case of Britain and Morocco. Sociology 24: 1–24. London: London Metropolitan University, paper presented at the Opening Lecture for the Launch of the Putnam, R. (1993) Making Democracy Work: Civic Centre for Transcultural Research, 2 March. Traditions in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Collins, L. (2006) The Sephardim of Manchester: Pedigrees and Pioneers. Manchester: Share Hayim, Putnam, R. (2000) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and The Sephardi Congregation of South Manchester. Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Fennema, M. and J. Tillie (1999) ‘Political Participation and Political Trust in Amsterdam. Civic Communities Rogers, P.G. (1990) A History of Anglo-Moroccan and Ethnic Networks’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Relations to 1900. London: Foreign and Studies 25(4): 703–726. Commonwealth Office.

Goulbourne, H. (2001) ‘General Introduction’. In H. Runnymede Trust (2008) Runnymede Trust Written Goulbourne (ed), Race and Ethnicity: Critical Concepts Response to: The Path to Citizenship: The Next in Sociology. London: Routledge. Steps in Reforming the Immigration System. London: Runnymede Trust. Halliday, F. (1992) ‘The Millet of Manchester. Arab Merchant and Cotton Trade’, British Journal of Middle Saegert, S., J.P. Thompson and M.R. Warren (eds) Eastern Studies 19(2): 159–176. (2001) Social Capital and Poor Communities. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Hayes, L.M. (1905) Reminiscences of Manchester and of its Local surroundings from the Year 1840. London: Skocpol, T. (1999) ‘Associations Without Members’, Sherrat & Hughes. The American Prospect 45 (July– August): 1–8.

London Authority Data Management and Analysis Tillie, J. (2004) ‘Social Capital of Organisations and Group (2005) London Country of Birth Profiles, the their Members: Explaining the Political Integration Arab League: An Analysis of Census Data. London: of Immigrants in Amsterdam’, Journal of Ethnic and Census report commissioned by the Greater London Migration Studies 30(3): 529–541. Authority, DMAG Briefing, 2005/19.

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Selected Runnymede Publications

Right to Divide? The Vietnamese Community in Great Britain Faith Schools and Community Cohesion - Thirty Years On A Runnymede Report by Rob Berkeley A Runnymede Community Study by Jessica Sims (2007) with research by Savita Vij (2008) Equal Respect - ASBOs and Race Equality Re(thinking) ‘Gangs’ A Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2006) Runnymede Perspectives by Claire Alexander (2008) Why Preferential Polices Can Be Fair - A Tale of Two Englands: Achieving Equality for Members ‘Race’ and Violent Crime in the Press of Disadvantaged Groups Runnymede Perspectives by Kjartan Páll Sveinsson (2008) Runnymede Perspectives by Omar Khan (2006)

Empowering Individuals and Creating Community: What’s New about New Immigrants Thai Perspectives on Life in Britain in Twenty-First Century Britain? A Runnymede Community Study by Jessica Mai Sims (2008) Rob Berkeley, Omar Khan and Mohan Ambikaipaker (2006, Joseph Rowntree Foundation) Living Transnationally – Romanian Migrants in London A Runnymede Community Study by Andreea R. Torre (2008) Preventing Racist Violence: Work with Actual and Potential Perpetrators - Faith Schools and Community Cohesion - Learning from Practice to Policy Change Observations on Community Consultations A Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2005) A Runnymede Interim Report by Audrey Osler (2007) The Space Between: From Rhetoric to Reality Failure by Any Other Name? - Educational Policy and on Race Equality in the Workplace the Continuing Struggle for Black Academic Success A Runnymede Trust Report by Sandra Sanglin-Grant (April 2005) Runnymede Perspectives by Nicola Rollock (2007) Civil Renewal, Diversity and Creating Connections - Regeneration and Social Capital in a Multi-Ethnic Britain Consultation on a Multi-Ethnic Council Estate Runnymede Perspectives by David Faulkner (2004) A Runnymede Community Study by Kjartan Páll Sveinsson (2007) Social Capital, Civil Renewal & Ethnic Diversity Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2004) The State of the Nation - Respect as a Justification for Policy Preventing Racist Violence: Interim Findings A Runnymede Thematic Review by Omar Khan (2007) Sarah Isal (Working Paper June 2004)

Realising the Vision: Progress and Further Challenges School Choice and Ethnic Segregation – The Report of the CFMEB (2000) revisited in 2004 Educational Decision-making among Black Runnymede Trust Briefing Paper (April 2004) and Minority Ethnic Parents A Runnymede Report by Debbie Weekes-Bernard (2007) Guardians of Race Equality Perspectives on Inspection and Regulation Rob Berkeley (ed.) (2003) Not Enough Understanding? - Student Experiences of Diversity in UK Universities Developing Community Cohesion: A Runnymede Community Study by Jessica Sims (2007) Understanding The Issues, Delivering Solutions Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2003) Bienvenue? - Narratives of Francophone Cameroonians Complementing Teachers: A Runnymede Community Study by Kjartan Páll Sveinsson (2007) A Practical Guide to Promoting Race Equality in Schools Distant Neighbours - Understanding How the French Granada Learning and Runnymede (2003) Deal with Ethnic and Religious Diversity Runnymede Perspectives by Christophe Bertossi (2007) Divided by the Same Language? Equal Opportunities and Diversity Translated A Runnymede Trust Briefing Paper (March 2003) Bolivians in London - Challenges and Achievements of a London Community Perpetrators of Racist Violence and Harassment A Runnymede Community Study by Kjartan Páll Sveinsson (2007) A Runnymede Research Report by Omar Khan (2002)

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18 About Runnymede The Runnymede Trust is an independent policy research organization focusing on equality and justice through the promotion of a successful multi-ethnic society. Founded as a Charitable Educational Trust, Runnymede has a long track record in policy research, working in close collaboration with eminent thinkers and policymakers in the public, private and voluntary sectors. We believe that the way ahead lies in building effective partnerships, and we are continually developing these with the voluntary sector, the government, local authorities and companies in the UK and Europe. We stimulate debate and suggest forward- looking strategies in areas of public policy such as education, the criminal justice system, employment and citizenship.

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