Righteous Anger, Patriarchal Anxiety and the Swetnam Controversy
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View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8088-178-5.04 Natalia Brzozowska Kujawy and Pomorze University, Bydgoszcz REVISITING THE JACOBEAN WAR OF THE SEXES: RIGHTEOUS ANGER, PATRIARCHAL ANXIETY AND THE SWETNAM CONTROVERSY he essay seeks to explore the Early Modern English querelle des T femmes and how the role of women in Early Modern society was discussed through a new wave of pamphlets and plays during the reign of James I. It may be noticed that Jacobean patriarchy was a much less stable construct than is commonly thought, and that the overt misogyny of James I and his supporters was an anxious reaction to the possibility of women gaining more independence in the period of economic and political transition after Elizabeth I’s death, which could pose a potential threat to the patriarchal family, a unit on which the reign of James was modelled. The Jacobean period is also the first time women responded personally to misogynistic pamphlets— most notably, Swetnam’s Arraignment of Lewd, Idle, Froward and Inconstant Women—and responded with righteous anger, as evidenced by the pamphlets of Rachel Speght, Ester Sowernam and Constantia Munda. What is more, the debate entered the world of drama: Beaumont and Fletcher’s The Woman Hater (published in 1607, before the Swetnam controversy yet mirroring the gender issues of the time) and the anonymous Swetnam the Woman Hater Arraigned by Women (1620) seem to redraw the boundaries for “just” female anger, what is more, they make the misogynistic characters appear angry in a petty and hyster- ical way, a behaviour hitherto attributed to the “weaker” sex. 39 ~ Natalia Brzozowska ~ Sociologists working under the power-status theory of emotions (Kemper 1987, 2011) consider anger to be a passion of domination, an expression of power, disparaged if expressed by inferiors. By putting women in more powerful positions, and defending their righteous anger, it is likely that the playwrights supported the women and not the misogynistic men. It may be argued that economic and political changes, as well as the legacy of Elizabeth I, influenced the sharper tone of the debates regarding a woman’s place in society—and her emotions. The querelle des femmes or “the woman question”—the debate on whether women are more prone to sin than men—was hardly a new topic when the Englishwomen Rachel Speght (1617), Ester Sowernam (1617) and Constantia Munda (1617) wrote their answers to one of the most famous misogynistic tracts of the English Renaissance, Swetnam’s Arraingment of Lewd, Idle, Fro- ward, and Unconstant Women (1615). Indeed, Christine de Pizan, Marguerite de Navarre and Boccaccio published earlier defences of female virtue. Rebellious women and the war of the sexes were popular Elizabethan and Jacobean topics, to which titles like The Cruell Shrew, Hic Mulier, The Womens Sharpe Revenge or the popularity of Swetnam’s Arraingment (which went through ten editions) can attest. However, Early Modern English women pamphleteers are often embraced by modern feminist critics as the first who attempted to demonstrate that female anger could be of a virtuous nature, rather than proof of female weakness and proneness to sin, even if some state that aside from Speght, who gave her personal name and therefore could be identified, the “fe- male defenders” may have been men “ventriloquising” women’s voices.1 Though the topic itself was not new, the Early Modern querelle can be seen as unique due to the increase of the number of discussions regarding female authority and independence in the Jacobean period. James’s reign can be characterised by mi- sogyny but also by frequent renegotiations of a woman’s place in society, as well as by a certain masculine anxiety regarding female independence. The Swetnam controversy took place during a period “when the patriarchal system was trans- forming and reasserting its control within society […] there was indeed the blurred line between theory and practice” (McClymont 1994, 35), and periods 1 Scholars who maintain the pamphlet writers were women include Henderson and Mc Manus (1985), Beilin (1987), Travitsky (1989) and Purkiss (1992), while those who negate that claim include Woodbridge (1984), Clarke (2001), Romack (2002) and Bellows (2004). However, even those who claim the writers were men do not negate the validity and the proto-feminism of those responses. 40 ~ Revisiting the Jacobean War of the Sexes: Righteous Anger, Patriarchal Anxiety... ~ of transition often offered women a chance to gain more independence. Certain historians (Underdown, Thomas, MacFarlane) identify various economic and political factors as strongly influencing the matter of the misogynistic backlash but also the will to fight back on behalf of the women and men who supported them. The way those Early Modern pamphlet writers, both the male accusers and the retaliating women, express and handle the emotion of anger is of special in- terest. Early Modern women were generally discouraged from openly showing they were angry, as anger was an emotion of the dominant side. However, the Swetnam retaliatory pamphlets and two ‘woman question’ plays see a departure from this approach, as the women often ridicule their opponents’ “choler” but justify their own strong emotions. As dominant emotions—like anger—are, according to the status and power theory, linked strongly to the idea of social hierarchy, the renegotiations of “the right to anger” can be seen as an attempt to imagine a different sort of status distribution in times of transition. The quest for finding the true social origins of emotions may have yet not been completed, and sociologists have different approaches to the passions.2 The power and status theory of emotions suggests that social structural relations— which determine the social hierarchy in a given society—are the basis of all emotion-evoking interactions. The concepts of power and status must, however, be clarified. Status is, in most general terms, the approval of reference groups (Kemper 2001: xi), freely given respect. Status may be ascribed or achieved. The definition of power used in this analysis will be the classical (and general) idea of Weber ([1922] 1965, 152), who claimed that power is “the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability exists”. Though this theory is often contrasted with social constructionism, which considers the origins of emotions to lie in culturally embedded social norms and standards, ingrained through socialisation, it can be merged with it to some extent, as sociologists are also concerned not only with how particular emotions arise but how they are managed and conveyed (Barbalet 2007, 1375). Anger may be subdued in order for the individual to conform to not only social stand- ards but also if the individual’s position in the social structure does not allow for an open expression of rage. 2 Other theories pertaining to the study of emotions include ritual theory, affect control theory, the dramaturgical approach and exchange theories. 41 ~ Natalia Brzozowska ~ Clearly, the cultural norms that develop in a cultural system mirror the standard role relation-ships within that social group. If students are supposed to display deference (or even anxiety) in interacting with teachers in one culture, while showing lively, even combative, engagement in another, these patterns say volumes about the relative status and power of the two roles in those cultures. (Wisecup et al. 2007, 115) Kemper (2011) considered the status/power theory to be universal, as pow- er and status are concepts identified in every society, regardless of the stage of development. Every community, no matter how primitive, establishes certain margins of permissible behaviours and has some method of castigating trans- gressors. It must be established, then, what influences power and status (what determines an individual’s position in the social structure of a particular society) as well as which norms apply to the expression of anger in the Early Modern period in England, and whether the two plays and the Swetnam controversy offer a new glimpse into those matters. According to the power-status theory, anger is an emotion “directed toward the other” (Kemper 1978, 121), born out of the “felt undeservingness of status deprivation” (Kemper 2011, 245). The foundation of the power-status concept is that anger is an emotion of dominance, as it is an emotion related to aggres- sion and the direct voicing of one’s displeasure or opposition. If expressed open- ly, it may be threatening. A dominant emotion may be most safely conveyed by actors in power, or those with high status.3 In general, in Early Modern Eng- land, powerful and influential people were encouraged to show anger albeit in a civilised way if it served a regulating purpose (e. g. scolding servants or break- ing an unruly child’s will), though rage was generally discouraged, especially in relation to princes, gentlemen and “magistrates”, who were to give an example of temperance. However, a low status and/or low-power actor, even potentially displeased, was culturally trained to suppress anger. The ideal of the “humble man” is also presented by religious pamphleteers: He loves rather to give than take honour; not in a fashion of complimental courtesy, but in simplicity of his judgment (…) his words are few and soft; never either peremp- tory or censorious (Hall [1608] 1837, 93) The humble man, therefore, is an ideal when he is silent and submissive. Anger management is given ample attention in conduct literature for the lower 3 The term “actors” is used here in its sociological sense, denoting individuals engaged in social interaction.